THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 4, 16G7.
SPIRIT OF THE TRESS.
SJDITOBUX 0PIK10K8 OF THK LEADING JOimjtAA8
OPOB CUBKKMT TOPICS COMPILED EVKKT
DAT FOB THB BTENINO TBLKQBAFH.
The rresltlent on tbe War Path.
Vom A iV. r. Tribune. - .
The President who evades the law tramples
upon it. For his refusal to execute the law
In its rlain intent thore can be no excuse;
even ignorance cannot be pleaded in his case,
for ignorance ia incapacity, and that is an
impeachable offense. Mr: Johnson may there
fore take his choice of explanations, with the
certainty
that he can maKe nono mat, me
rnnntrv will acCOPt
When we find in the
long course of his official action, year after
year, nothing but direct opposition to the
laws) the conclusion is inevitable that he is
criminal or incapable, and in very respect for
the Presidency, the people will not permit it
to be filled by a law-breaker or an imbecile.
We may think it wiser to wait and endure as
we have endured; but, wise or imprudent, no
man can doubt the great fact that the indig
nant spirit of the nation will not long tolerate
the monstrous anomaly of a President whose
sole business is to defeat their will. 1 he issue
between the President and the people is upon
the immediate execution of the laws, and can
not be postponed until 18G9. We want peace
now, not two years hence; and if the nation
cannot obtain it through the President, it is
unmistakably resolved to get it over him.
Unfortunately for the majority of the people,
who would much prefer to find him obedient,
the President prefers to resist, lie seems re
solved to force them to measures which they
are still desirous to avoid. His new organ, the
Boston Post, tells ns that "he ha3 determined
to be master of the situation; that he has ex
hausted every effort at harmony and concilia
tion, and is resolved to resist to the utmost.
Mr. Johnson declared to a party of friends to
day that, having exhausted every effort at con
ciliation, he should now unflinchingly enforce
ef ery constitutional power to save the country
from impending ruin; that the simple issue
was constitutional government or military
despotism, and he had fully resolved upon
the course he should adopt to fulfil
the plain requirements of his office." And
it actually assures us that "the President has
taken the war path in earnest." Is it any
wonder that these apmi-oflicial declarations of
papers which are known to have the confidence
of the President, and which enjoy a monopoly
of bis news, should have aroused the people to
a sense of new danger ? Without them the
removals of Stanton, and Sheridan, and Sickles
would be enough to prove that Mr. Johnson is
not yet ready to abandon his hopes of defeat
ing the will of the people. Politically, we may
be likened to a people stricken by a pestilence
or by some other great and general calamity,
of which the limits are undefined, and the end
whereof no man knoweth truly. We know to
what sore and bloody straits a bad Govern
ment, long continued and too tardily circum
vented, brought ns; and now, when we have a
President with all the political vices of Mr.
Buchanan, we have too much reason to fear
that 1867 will be at least as bad as 1SG1.
That vague, ill-begotten, and hybrid monster
baptized "My policy," to which no man, not
even its begetter, can attach a fixed form and
purpose, is the natural parent of a progeny of
minor doubts, of ugly and swift-running
rumors, of threatening portents, and of con
tinually shifting panics. This is the mischief
which one man in other lands and in other
times has been able to do, but from which
this republio during nearly the century of its
existence has been exempted; for Mr. John
Bon is our first thoroughly bad President. In
those "States lately in rebellion," in which
lusty hopes of a bloody coup d'clat are begin
ning to develope themselves in Maryland,
which, if not a Rebul State, at least swarms
with Rebel spirits we are told that the ene
mies of peace and order have taken heart of
grace. They anticipate nothing less than the de
claration of martial law throughout the United
States. Congress is to be prevented from
assembling next November by force of arms.
The President, in short, is to assume supreme
authority. These hopes and rumors may be
partly unfounded; but the bitter question is,
how they came to be entertained and promul
gated at all ? The Governor of a State might
give an impression that he intended to pardon
all the thieves; but could he do so without
some act or Bpeech unworthy of the dignity or
the equity of his oflice ? Whon the President
has arrayed himself with the full impressive
ness and power of his place against the loyal
masses, we do not blame the unregenerate,
political sinners of the Scuth for supposing,
vaguely enough, perhaps, that he has gone
over to their side. They would be less or
more than men if they were not instantly en
couraged and incited to fresh acts of persistent
disobedience. The grief of genuine and un
sullied loyalty must be the joy of treason.
In this emergency, we wish to hear nothing
of the purity of the President's intentions.
We must judge public nien by their acts, and
the quality of their acts is to be doterminnd
by results. The irresponsible and ill-tempered
exercise of power is a phase of politics to
which in this country we have never been ac
customed, and God forbid that we should ever
become so I The quarrel of the President is
with the people, through their representatives,
and in this struggle it is to be determined
whether Presidents Bhall be our servants or
whether we shall be theirs. Let the reader
turn to the Constitution, and then study the
Bimple and well-deliued duties of the Execu
tive. Let him then consider the extraordinary
assumptions of Presidential authority which
have convulsed the country, and ask himself,
whatever may be the motives of Mr. Johnson,
if official eccentricities (to use the mildest of
words) may not sometimes vise to the bad dig
nity of high crimes and misdemeanors.
TIi President's Forthcoming Amnesty
Proclamation.
JVom the N. Y. Herald.
Our despatches from Washington inform us
that the President contemphtes issuing a pro
clamation of amnesty to the South. It ap
pears, in fact, that a draft of such a proclama
tion has been submitted to the Cabinet. At
the same time both the President and Cabinet
are reticent as to the precise terms of this
document and the discussion upon it. Mr.
Johnson seems to have the impression that
this would be a good stroke of policy. Has
he the firmness to carry it out ? Are any of
his Cabinet timid about the consequences ? Do
they advise him to pursue a different course ?
Hesitation and secrecy appear to indicate a
want of nerve somewhere. We want, and the
pnblio wants, light upon this important matter.
may be on the part of his advisers, if such
there be, we advise the President to issue the
T,mat r nroulamalion forthwith. It is the
vv naia ver uuiumuuu vi .coi.vv w
4. in i.in lion.l 'Die came has been
going against him for some time past, but if
he plays this can! boldly and skilfully he may
turn it in his favor. At all events, ravn,
sound policy, humanity, and the Rood or ue
country call upon him to do so, whatever may
be the conseouonoes for the time to himself
personally. We venture to say that nine
tenths of the people of the loyal btates all, In
fact but few rabid radicals would approve
of a'broad and liberal declaration of amnesty,
embracing all Reikis, except an insignificant
number who have been guilty of other crimes
in addition to that of rebellion. He
lias nothing to fear except the hostility of
Congress, and we think he need not fear that.
A few ultra radicals might bluster about im
peachment, but the dominant party is already
divided on the question, and it would not dare
to defy publio sentiment. Several of the lead
ers of that party have been urging all along
universal amnesty. The principal organ of
the radicals in this city was, uutil lately, in
cessantly demanding it. Greeley had amnesty
on the brain, and went so far as to go bail for
Jeff. Davis, the greatest and worst Rebel of all.
He has turned round, it is true, since he sees
this would be a master stroke of policy on the
part of Mr. Johnson. He is for universal am
nesty, if the radical party would proolaim it,
but not if the President or any other party i
should give it, because he sees it would be a :
popular act.
Had the lamented Lincoln lived, he would J
have proclaimed an amnesty long ago. No j
one who knew his views and feelings can
doubt this. The unfortunate conflict between
Congress and Mr. Johnson has delayed this
wise measure. Instead of the Rebellion being
closed up, and the harmony of the country
restored, political and personal antagonism
between the members of dillereut branches of
the Government has drawn us into danger
and revolution. We are threatened with a
negro government. For the sake of political
ascendancy, and not out of regard for the
emancipated slaves, the negro is to be made
the balance f power. The whites of the
South are disfranchised, and everywhere
throughout that important and most valuable
section of the republio the negro is in the
ascendant. The consequences of such a
state of things are frightful to contem
plate. We are to have negro members of Con
gross, and, as some radicals say, a negro
Vice-President. Yes, it is possible that within
a few years we may have a negro in the seat
once filled by Washington. Lookiug at the
rate the political revolution has been going
on the last two years, we should not be sur
prised to see a negro elected Vice-President,
and, in the event of the President dying, he
would become President. What a spectacle
for the people of this great country to con
template ! This mighty republio to become
Africanized t Whether the negro should reach
that eminence or not at present, he will still
hold the balance of power, and, as a conse
quence, virtually govern the country. Who
can look at this mass of iguorance at the
millions of poor creatures who hardly know
their right hand from their left being placed
in a position to govern this proud republic,
without sL.uddering at the consequences f
Yet this is what we are fast approaching
under the reconstruction policy of Congress
and the military dictatorships at the South.
At such a crisis it is the duty of the Presi
dent to do all he can, constitutionally and
legally,to neutralize this growing negro power.
Let him give as much prower as he can to the
white people of the South to hold in check
the mass of negro ignorance which threatens
to involve the country in disgrace and trouble.
He has been deprived of some of his power,
but be can still bring up a numerous body
of intelligent white citizens, as a balance
against negro ignorance, by an amnesty pro
clamation, and by a liberal administration of
the Reconstruction acts of Congress. Amnesty
should have been declared long ago. There
has been nothing in the conduct of the South
erners to prevent it. On the whole, they have
been peaceable and submissive. But it may
not be too late now. There are, however,
higher reasons for an amnesty proclamatiou
than those relating to the people of the South.
Those we have noticed. The North, the whole
country, patriotism and the future of this
grand republic, demand that we shall not be
placed under a negro government. Let not
the President hesitate, but issue the amnesty
proclamation at once. It will be an important
flank movement upon the crazy and destructive
radicals, and the people will sustain him in the
act.
General Grant's Posltlou.
Fi onn the N. Y. Time.
Some of our Steuben county friends, after
putting their heads together, have arrived at
the conclusion that there is "something
queer" in General Grant's position and in the
views of the Times in regard to it. Their
opinion, and the reasons for it, could not be
more pithily stated than in the terms of their
request for explanation. Thus it readd:
. "In the flrKt place, you process to like tan
ton'u course, and in that you dltler with tbe
President and agree with us. Tlieu you like
Cieuei al (i rani's course, and bay that Utuut sus
tains Stanton; but yel there ujpoa,i'a to be such
a Uitf'crence between Grant and Mtnulon that
the I'reMtU'iil isupciciijiit s .Staui.o' wllu Utunt.
You, lu tL.e next plnce, seem to mink, thut
Kbei'idHU'H eourhH was right, and I'ii removal
of Wells was all right, a we no, and you sny
(jirxnl hauclioiu a it, etc. 'nw, vvu are unxtous
to k now how it coiots Unit Stanton's and Sheri
dan's couims are no netr identical, uud so
dillereut iroiu the FicsuIcih'm policy, aud
yet Hti'Uton Is removed mid rtheruLm also.
ami Oram Is ujt'inted to
place. Wb belong to the Kc
titke M union's
luiiilicuu party,
anil would like to n ml ert-! :i ml
its workings
us wen us we can. We voted lor Johnson lor
Vice-President,, and revrtel tli.il lie was ever
run. Now, we don't propose to vote for any
more (southern JieiiH.cnas lor any oillce, or for
General Grant, unless we Clud he is ml right,
which we can never believe until he c urn's "out
and shows his hand. As loin as he holds nil
appoiL tnieiil uuuvr Johnson, at the expense of
Stanton, and sanctions Sliei id irTK uour.-e, luere
in uk t be u iiluger in the Cence somewhere. Will
you please explain It, so thai, w will be the
belter able lo appreciate Grant us a statesman?
We do appreciate him as a soldier, but we
think we have stri'liihr, Republicans that would
make as tiood inulerial us he for President. If
we are wrong, please set us rtjMit.''
The fact that Grant temporarily fills Stan
ton's oflice does not imply that Grant was di
rectly or indirectly concerned in Stanton's
suspension, which is the hypothesis suggested
by our correspondents' query. On the con
trary, it is known that the General maintained
and still maintains the best understanding
with the suspended Seoretary, aud that he
resisted the suspension with so much point
and emphasis that the President withholds
the protest from the public. What Mr. John
son's expectations in reference to the General
may have been when tendering him the ad
interim appointment, we are not at liberty to
conjecture. It is enough to know that Grant
opposed the suspension of Stanton, that he
Shares btanton'a views on the subject of re
construction, and that, though less demon
strative than Stanton, he is equally decided in
his disapproval of the President's ceur.se.
Nor is the case altered by the other fact of
Sheridan's removal. Grant did what he could
to prevent it. He remonstrated against it on
the ground of principle as well as expediency.
He identified himself with Sheridan's course.
1 J t 1! .. . '
enaorsea urn proueeuiugs, amrmed the supre
macy of the popular will aa against Mr. Joku
son's oaprloe, and when finally overruled in- 1
Btructed Thomas to uphold the policy and to
abstain from all Interference with tbe acts of
his predecessor. What more could Grant
have done to indicate his hostility to the pur
poses of the President, to prove his fidelity as
a friend of Sheridan, or to establish sympathy
with the aims and principles of Congress f
Undoubtedly Grant's acceptance of a civil
office under Mr. Johnson, even temporarily,
exposes him to some misapprehension. He
has now done and said sufficient, however, to
show the injustice of the imputations that
have begn cast upon him. True, he might
have refused to serve the President civilly on
any terms; or he might have resigned when
he found the President resolved to assert the
power he accidentally wields. But how would
either of these steps have benefited the country f
Is it not probable that the only effect of either
would have been to make matters worse
instead of better ? Stanton's sunpension and
Sheridan's removal were consummated in
spite of Grant's protestations; but must it not
be confessed that his firmness and principle
have impeded, though they have failed to pre
vent, Mr. Johnson's action? At every stage
he has done all that the law enables him to do.
His latest order, prohibiting the reappointment
of any officer who has been heretofore re
moved by the District Commanders, is but
one of many illustrations of the promptitude
with which he seizes each succeeding opportu
nity of restraining the mischief which Mr.
Johnson contemplates. The Sickles affair
might be appealed to as another instance of
the same character. There, too, the President
is acting as unequivocally in disregard of
Grant's views as in defiance of the wishes and
interests of the country.
The position of Grant is peculiar aud most
difficult. The course expected of him by those
who hold the opinion of our Steuben county
correspondents transcends the authority vested
in him by the law. Mr. Johnson chooses to
disregard the law; he gives no heed to its pro
claimed intent, but insists upon his right to
circumvent it by any means, however foul.
Were Grant as unscrupulous a3 the President,
as reckless or ill-advised, he might call the
army to his aid and proclaim himself dictator.
But as a soldier,he confines himself within the
strict sphere of a soldier's duty. He respects
the letter of the law. He exerts only the
authority which Congress really conferred
upon him not what Congress intended to
confer, but did not. Even subject to this
limitation, there is a constant liability to a
rupture with the President. Sooner or later.
as we have more than once said, a conflict be
tween them would seem to be inevitable; John
son must submit to Grant's curbing, as in the
order published on Monday, or Grant must J
allow Johnson to invade the powers he really
holds. Judgment should be suspended until
this final issue be reached. There can be no
just censure of Grant until he surrenders some
portion of his lawful authority, and fails to
exert the influence he may yet exercise touch
ing the policy of reconstruction.
Meanwhile, no excuse exists for the attempt
to confound Grant as a soldier with the possi
bilities of the next Presidential election. The
soldier and the politician have no immediate
connection; and it were ungenerous in the ex
treme to estimate Grant's conduct as General-in-Chief
according to the ideas of the mere
politician. The time for discussing his states
manship is not come. For the present, let us
rest satisfied with the knowledge that he is
acting on the rigid line of duty, with no refer
ence whatever to the political contingencies of
next summer.
Mr. Seward's I'eal ICatate Operations.
From the N. V. World.
It would stiem that, after all the fuss and
flurry of the last two weeks, publio expecta
tion is to be balked, and Mr. Seward remain at
the head of the Cabinet. It is given out by
the rumor-mongers at Washington, as the rea
son of his retention, that important negotia
tions are in progress for the acquisition of
more foreign territory, and that, without Mr.
Seward's invaluable services, it is feared these
negotiations may not reach a happy issue. If
it is more important to acquire patches ot ter
ritory scattered all over the globe, than to
tranquillize our distracted country and restore
good government at home, Mr. Sewavd's re
tention for these reasons may be justifiable;
but it seems to us that President Johnson is
postponing a great and valuable object to
questionable advantages.
We do not know that anybody has been fur
nished with a full catalogue of Mr. Seward's
projected purchases; but they are understood
to include the Lay of Samana in the Island of
Dominica, in the West Indies, with a strip of
territory enclosing it live miles in breadth; a
port and perhaps an island in the Mediterra
nean; the Sandwich Islands in the Pacifio
Ocean: and British Columbia, on the North
west coast. The6e wild endeavors at distant
and dispersed acquisitions are an absurd cari
cature of the old Democratic policy of terri
torial expansion. Even granting them to be
desirable, no time could be less opportune
than the present for driving such bargains.
They will all cost heavy sums of money, and
this is no time for adding to our colossal
public debt. They will all require large out
lays in fortiflcatious, aud the constant expense
of garrisons and civil ollicers. They will foster
the centralization which is the worst tendency
of the times. Such distant, outlying posses
sions could not be self-governing; they could
not be erected into States; they would be
anomalies in our political system, consisting
of communities ruled by a Congress in which
they would not be represented, and accustom
ing our Government more and more to the
kind of domination it exercises over the South
ern States.
The pretense is that ports in every quarter
of the globo are needed as naval stations
where our ships of war fan put in for coal
and repairs. This may sound plausible, but
it will not bear a sober scrutiny. Iu time of
peace we need no such provision, for in time
of peace all the ports of the world are open to
our vessels. Wherever coal is to be found,
coal merchants are glad to sell it to our
steamers. In whatever port there are ship
carpenters, aud no considerable port is without
them, they are as ready to repair American
vessels for reasonable pay as to do any other
kind of work. We clearly do not need those
distant ports in time of peace, nor have we
felt the want of them in any of the wars in
which the country has yet been engaged.
They would involve a heavy outlay at the
beginning, and heavy and constant expenses
atterwards, for what would be of no use in
nenee. and next to nniin In time of war. The
Confederate privateers, without a single un
blockaded port of their own to which they could
return, never experienced any difficulty in
procuring supplies of coal and necessary
repairs.
In time of war such distant and scattered
possessions would be a greater drawback than
advantage. They would form so many addi
tional vulnerable points to be defended against
the enemy. If we were at war with a naval
power our war-shipo might be sealed up in
thoise very ports by a blockading squadron,
even if costly fortifications and garrisons pre
vented their being followed into the ports aud
taken. They would probably have to fight
their way in and fight their way out, at every
ingress and egress; -while their access to neu
tral ports for supplies and repairs would be
liable to no such obstructions.
But waiving1 all these solid and pertinent
considerations, and assuming, for the sake of
the argument, that these proposed acquisi
tions are desirable, how will it be made to ap
pear that there is any urgent necessity for
their immediate purchase? If we should have
a foreign war before our domestic difficulties
are settled, the enemy would take advantage
of the existing disaffection, and the necessity
of fighting external and internal armies at the
same time, would require a oonoentration
which would leave distant possessions feebly
defended, and expose them as an easy prey to
the enemy. We want those possessions, if at
all, only for the contingencies of a remote fu
ture; and in all likelihood we could acquire
them or their equivalents on better terms here
after than we can now. When, in the natural
progress of events, Mexico and Cuba come to
be ours, we need give ourselves no trouble
about the smaller West India islands. So
when Canada is annexed, as we all expect
it some day will be, British Columbia will ac
company or follow as a matter of course.
For these, and many other Rood reasons, We
look upon Mr. Seward's real estate operations
as a freak of expensive and ill-timed charla
tanism, and his retention in the Cabinent to
consummate such schemes as a new exhibition
of that halting unwisdom of whioh the Presi
dent has furnished too many specimens.
Tbe Purchases of Seven-thirties Stopped .
From the iV. I'. CVn. and Fin. Chronicle.
Recently, by orders from the Secretary of
the Treasury, the further purchases were
stopped of Seven-thirty notes of the issues
of June and July. The reasons for this
action are two. The work of depleting the
heavy balance of idle money in the Treasury
has been to a great extent accomplished; and,
secondly, the books have to be made up for
the monthly statement of the debt which is to
appear early next week. When that report
is out we shall know the precise amount of
the Treasury purchases of notes and that of
the sales of gold and bonds. That these trans
actions have been so conducted as to cause
large disbursements of currency, we know by
the effect produced on the money market,
which serves as a tolerably reliable index just
now of the outflow of currency from the Trea
sury. If we are . not misinformed, the pur
chases of Seven-thirties will, if necessary, be
renewed next month, and will go on to any
extent that may be expedient, or until the
balance of idle money in the colters of the Gov
ernment is brought down to a more ade
quate working average. Mr. McCul
loch's efforts to reduce his balance have
been generally regarded with much
satisfaction, inasmuch as it is obviously a bad
policy to keep any more idle money in the
Treasury than is absolutely needed, so long as
the Government has to pay 8 per cent, on all
the funds it raises on long bonds.
The publio anxiety on this point has been
illustrated in the active discussions which
have betn elicited by the publications a few
days ago of a semi-official statement of the
amount of the balance now in the Treasury, as
compared with that of the first of August.
The aggregates compare as follows:
Co'n
Curiency
, $U.'J.:i!l,0H fllU MI5.174 f:l.i(ili,174
Sl,iJ3;.HUO 72,47-1. 270 21,142 27cJ
Total 144,V71,UOO 175,879,451) $JO,4OS,4.)0
Deduct neltl certlli
cules 19,108.000 19 457,960 351,961)
fl2o.86i.0IK) 5l.M,OTl,4'Jil t3l.0jfi.490
These figures are very suggestive. They
show, in the first place, that in the past three or
four weeks the Government has disbursed 'SO
millions more than its receipts, although the
latter have been heavy, amounting, as i3 esti
mated, to 25 millions of dollars. On this view
of the case, 55 millions of currency have been
paid out of the Treasury, 21 millions of which
were previously locked up and effectually shut
out of the ordinary channels of circulating
money available for business.
To form a correct estimate of the policy
which directed these movements, we must look
at the figures more in detail. And turning
first to the gold balance, we find that it fell
from 10;5 millions on August 1st to !3 mil
lions on the 27th. Of these 10 millions, 2 mil
lions were probably paid for coin interest,
leaving 8 millions as the amount the Govern
ment has sold in addition to the cus
toms receipts during the period under
review. What those receipts were we
can only estimate. All we know is that
the customs from July 1 to August 27 were
$2i;,353,000. Hence the August receipts can
scarcely be less than thirteen millions. If this
coin has been sold, together with the eight
millions before mentioned, the Government
must have disposed of some twenty-one mil
lions in the gold room since the'end of July.
This sum is, however, considerably in excess
of the general belief, which sets down the
probable sales at twelve to fifteen millions.
The remaining six millions are supposed to be
accounted for by the method of keeping the
accounts of the Department, as gold certificates
which have been redeemed are allowed to ac
cumulate in the oflice here, and are counted as
cash until they reach a certain amount, when
they are charged to the Washington oflice and
finally destroyed. If we accept this hypothe
sis, and estimate the sales of gold at fifteen
millions, then at an average price of 140, the
value in currency will be twenty-one millions,
which have been received into the Treasury
and again disbursed.
Besides these twenty-one millions of
currency derived from gold sales, Mr.
McCulloch, as will be seen from the
foregoing table, has lessened his curreucy
balance twenty-one millions. He must, there
fore, have paid, out forty-two millions. Nor is
this all. The receipts from internal revenue
must have been about fourteen millions. As
this sum also has been paid out, the aggregate
disbursements of the Treasury, as we said
above, will amount since the 1st ult. to fifty
five millions.
Another point must be settled, however,
before we can accurately see what results in
the money market will probably follow this
disbursement of fifty-six millions, twenty-one
millions of which was previously inert, but is
now called into activity just at the season
when the movement of the crops begins to
call for it.
The question we refer to is, as to what has
been done with the money. A part of it
some 9 or 10 millions probably has been paid
out on requisitions lor the War Department,
which have recently been large. If thi sum
is paid out immediately by the disbursing offi
cers who have received it, it will very soon
return into the circulating current, and tend
to stimulate business. About 21 millions are
believed to have been paid out in purohases of
Seven-thirties, and in meeting the maturing
interest on them. The compound notes have
come in more freely, and about 25 millions of
currency are computed to have been expended
in paying them off.
Gathering together all these points, there
are two deductions which plainly sucest
themselves. 1'iist, the Government sales 0(
Qlilliye
THE
FINE
LARGEST AND BEST STOCK OF
old rye: V H I OK 1 E n
m THE LAND IS NOW POSSESSED BY
I1EN11Y S. HANNIS & CO.,
Nos. 218 and 220 SOUTH FRONT STREET,
WHO AFFEB TIIF. IAME TO TIIK TRADE IW tOT ON VEST ADTAWTAdEOIja
TERMS.
Thslr Bteck of Ky Whliklo, IW BOND, Mmprlttt nil th ftvorlU
extant, and rum t It rough tr various monlbi of 105,'00, and ofthla yaar. an tZ
Lltxral contract mnda f lot to arrtva at Pennsylvania IlallroaC Dana.
-rr lesson Una ttiarf.or at bonded W arsbonscs, as parties may elect.
gold, however large, have not been on so ex
tensive a scale as to derange business or per
turb our foreign exchanges. This is indicated
by the price of gold aud of bills on Europe,
which have not receded as they would do if
gold was crowded on the market. How far
the sales in question have defeated the plans
of certain gambling speculators in gold and
Five-twenties, we will not in this place
discuss.
Secondly, an important effect of the disburse
ments is already seen in the money market,
which has been kept steady and easy, notwith
standing the very large withdrawal of com
pound interest notes from the banks, where
they have done duty as part of the 15 or 25
per cent, reserve required by law. The can
celling of these notes could scarcely be ex
pected to be accomplished without a ripple on
the smooth surface of the loan market. The
precautions Mr. McCulloch has adopted to
prevent trouble have been sucoessful, and now
no further danger is to be apprehended from
this source, as the next compounds fall due in
October, and in their place the new certificates
may be issued, which are available for bank
reserves. Consequently, the payment of these
compounds will not be at all likely to work
stringency in money. How far that result may
be brought about by other causes which wiil
come into operation during the fall months, we
must hereafter inquire. It is sufficient for our
present purpose to show what Mr. MoCulloch's
precautions have been to prevent the strin
gency and monetary trouble which have so
long been predicted in some quarters as certain
to result from the fact that "a large amount of
compound interest legal-tender notes fell due
at a very critical time, when the remainder of
the three hundred millions of Seven-thirties
were maturing, which would, In case of pres
sure, require to be paid in cash; and might ne
cessitate a ruinous issue of greenbacks to save
the Treasury from a dead-lock."
Fo mlly Servants
Prom the N. Y. World.
While the case of the murderess, Bridget
Durgan, is yet fresh in the publio mind, the
warning it had for masters, mistresses, and
servants generally ought not to be mistaken.
The statements of the Irishwoman who was
hanged at New Brunswick last Friday are to
be accepted with a good many grains of allow
ance. But, putting them and the explana
tions of her counsel, Mr. Adrain, and of the
District Attorney, Mr. Herbert (both of whom
conversed with her towards the last, upon the
subject) together, we are inclined to think
that her declaration of the motive which
induced her to kill Mrs. Coriell is true. She
had in some way received an impression that
the man and wife by wham she was employed
did not live happily ; that the wife was irk
some and unsatisfactory to the man ; that the
latter had conceived a kindness towards her,
Bridget Durgan ; and that if Mrs. Coriell was
got rid of, she would attain a position which
she could not attain while Mrs. Coriell lived.
It is understood that Dr. Coriell denies that
there was any sufficient ground for such an
impression ; but this denial renders the whole
cas-e more suggestive, in the first place, of how
absolutely people are at the mercy of their
household servants who may get the idea of
doing mischief into their heads ; and in the
stcond place of how natural and easy it is for
servants of an evil or deficient temperament
to get such an idea into their heads, under the
nhiial present system, or, rather, lack of sys
tem, ot household management.
The position of a family servant is nearer
to the most sacred interests of a man and his
wife than that of any other person who may
serve either. Both heads of the household
are subject, daily, to the voluntary or invol
untary criticisms of the domestics they em
ploy. Their demeanor; snatches of their con
vention together or with their guests; some
inklings of their confidences; their little out
bursts of temper, during which they may drop
incautious and unintentional expressions, are
witnessed and listened to. Many private
arrangements, many secrets are intrusted as
matters of course to hired man or hired
maid, w hich it w ould be unpleasant perhaps
extremely mortifying to have known outside
the family circle. This is all partially inevi
table and necessary. The associate evils
which are not necessary are the hap-hazard
engagement of servants whose characters are
unknown, and the injudicious familiarity with
them which is always apt to mislead a com
paratively ignorant person as to his or her
duty aud position, and breed, as in this very
case at Newmarket, absurd and evil aspira
tions. It is continually in proof that persons
acting as servants are prone to take advan
tage of a slight encouragnuient to their vanity,
their untrained passiuns, their indiscreet
ambition.
Charles Reade, in the work which, of all his
fictions, is most painful to read, has shown
that such a mistake may have even a more
repulsive sequel than it had in the Newmarket
murder 1 It has had frequent evil results all
over the United States. Numerous elope
ments of young girls with footmeu, coachmen,
and gardeners; discoveries of illicit connec
tions between married men and their wives'
trusted female attendants, and between mar
ried women and their husbands' male at
tendants; and, more numerous than all else,
the stories or inuendoes of low-minded do
mestics in regard to the concerns of the
family with which they are or have been con
nected, have produced, if not in every in
stance crimes and tragadies, at least a deal
of disgraceful private and publio scandal.
Such warnings are too pertinent not to be
heeded at last. The democratic principle, cor
rect as a political one, cannot be carried too
far into social relations without danger.
There is a gulf between intelligence and cul
ture, and incapacity and ignorance, which ren
ders it impossible that any relation except sub
servience by the latter to the authority of the
former can safely subsist between them. A
person who engages as servant to another per
son is piesuiiihbly (although this is not
always really so) the intellectual inferior. At
any rate he or the occupies the inferior posi
tion. Aud it is perfectly right and proper that
fUizs&ies.
the servant should be so treated as that there
may be no misapprehension . whatever
of his or her functions. Courtesy and
a due regard for the self-respect of the domes
tic are compatible with such treatment. Ita
modification, according to the ascertained
character and good sense and attachment of
the servant, is also just, and will naturally
occur in any well-regulated household. The
standard of household intercourse, in familiea
where the master and mistress are as one, aud
the servants perfectly experienced and trusted,
is pliable, and will regulate itself. But in
small families particularly, and most espe
cially in the smaller towns, the intercourse
between serving-girls and their employers is
apt to be so near and constant that house
wives will do well to guard both themselves
and their husbands against it, or be infiuitelr
careful whom they employ.
LOOKING-GLASSES
OP TUB
EST FBENCH PLATE,
In Every Style of Frames,
ON HAND OR MADE TO ORDER.
NEW ART GALLERST,
F. BO LAND & CO..
8 2 lni2p JVo. li ARCH Street.
FUBN.SHINU GOODS, SH1RTS,&C.
p, HOFFMANN, JR..
ho. sits Alien STKEET,
FUENISEIHG GOODS,
(Lt tea. A. HoHmau, lormerly W. W. Knight,
FIJNE 8I1IKTS AND WKAPPERA.
llOMEBT AMD (J LOVES
SILK, LAMBS' WOOL AN 1 MERINO
8 8fuwm VNDEUCLOTIIIUre,
J W. SCOTT Jic CO.,
SUIBT MANUFACTCBEKS,
AND DKALEKS IK
MEN'S FITKN1NUINC1 (IOODI
NO. 814 CIIEMNUT MTBEET.
FOUR DOOiUj BtLOW IHJS "COiSTINKNTAV
fc 27rP PHILADELPHIA.
PATENT SHOULDER -SEAM
SIIIttT BIANtTFACTOBT,
ANli GEN TLDM E M 'S FVBM IMJ1INU STOBB
PKRFKCT FIT'l'J HO SHIRTS AND DRAWERS
madetrom meusurtiucDt at very short notice.
All other artio.ea ot UKNTl.Mf.M'n DREH3
WINCHESTER fc ro,
1 12! No. 706 CliEeN UT Street,
WANTS.
ANTED,
AGENTS IN EVEBY CITT ANX TOWN
' I1
renrsjhania ard Southern New Jersej
FOB TUB
BROOKLYN
IITE INSUEAKClCOMPANTs
OF NEW YORK
Alio, n lew good ."-OJLKTroRS for Philadelphia.
Call or kddrrxN
E. Ji. COLTON,
GttK.BRAL AGENT
il 2,-i NO. : t'UENNI'T MTBEET.
jgOOK AGENTS IN LUCK AT LA3T.
The crlHlB is puiiHt d. Tub hour baa ootiie to lift th
Vi il of bt-i:rry which hag hllhertoeu veloi.ed ibn i !
hi...ry of the great civil war, and thii taXne & oJeU
lug to th public General L. (J. Raker's
"HISTORY OF THE SECRET SERVICE."
Forlhrlllliig lnieieat thlB book lrai,s!euds all the
rotuance ol a thOUhu,.dyear. and "moTmMfpUwJi
that "truth la Htruner than Uoiion " """TDI t"Y"
Agents are clearing Iroin -uu to :SOO per moutn.
which we can prove lo anj doubling apiiilciat A
p'iedAddreL.0 lktIlule8 lu territory Vet unocci:
. GAB It KI T COH
NO. ? JHEsNTT KTHKKT,
72l '' PHILADELPHIA.
WANTED FOK THE U. B. MARINE
.ii-i, ..cr,1" aWt-bodied MKN, Recrnlta nuixt be
aoie-oodled, young, unmarried men. They will be
employed i lu the Government Navy-yarda ana lu
ni8 of W ar ou luielgu status, lor further Infor
mation apply to
JAMEH LEWT8,
Captalu and Ke tinting Oilirnr,
19 trow U Iu.llilB.iito.a iaeefc
WANTED BY A BESPECTABf.K YOVSii
murrli'il tnan.a poniliou aa t iii-c:ir, tialemuan,
or to make himneii ut tm lu any lixhl uuniiu .it. Hani
rcterenct- at lo ulmrai'tei and capacity, AUdreQAj. 11..
oUiceotlht; hvn.MNo 1'b.i.k.i.KAl'll. It lit