SPIRIT OF THE PRESS.
EDITORIAL OPI5ION8 OF TH1 LKADIJrO JOURNALS
FPt)K CCKKSM TOPICS COMPILED KVEBT
PAT FOB THK EVENING TBLKOBaPH.
Situation In Europ -
Napoleon's
From the JV. Y. Ilrmtd.
By a special telegram through the Atlantic
cable, dated iu Lle, ''". FrldV ftr
&oun, we were informed that the U.nperor Na
poleon, who met with a temporary delay on
his journey from Arras towards Paris, appeared
on the Bourse of the first named city and
addressed the assembled financiers and dealers
n the present aspect of political affairs. His
Majesty said that 'business would progress
letter If certain journals did not exaggerate
the situation. I hoi,'' added the Kmperor,
that commeroe will improve with the cer
tainty of peace, and I shall do everything in
my power to reestablish confidence."
The city of Lille is perhaps the most im
portant manufacturing centre In France. Its
artisans have to work hard for small wages.
They are rather poorly housed In crowded
tenements, and not overfed at any time.
They are, however. Intelligent and of Inde
pendent minds, and grumble ominously when
the country is about to be disturbed and trade
depressed by war, for the men of Lille have
come of late to prefer the shuttle to the rifle
or sabre. To such a population it must be
very agreeable to have from the imperial lips
an assurance of the "certainty of peaoe,"
accompanied by a promise that their ruler
would do everything in bis power to "re
establish, confidence."
The use of the words "reestablish, confi
dence" leads to the inference that the situa
tion, as tending to war, had impaired it, and
perhaps the knowledge of this highly import
ant fact imposed on Napoleon what we may
term a necessity for the delivery of the very
Significant words which our special corres
pondent transmitted by the cable.
t We learn, indeed, from other sourceB, under
date of Friday, that a more secure feeling
has been oreated in the mind of the publio at
large by the news reports from Paris. We are
told that Napoleon has given pacific assu
rances to Prussia, and that it is expected that
an imperial note will immediately be issued
from the French Foreign office declaring a like
Dolicr for the empire to the world. Identical
with, this, the Stuttgart Gazette, the organ of
the Kin of Wurtemburg. denies that tlieplan
of a South German Bund was even mentioned
dnriner the Balzbure conference, and it is to be
presumed that the King is accurately informed
on the subject.
What does this mean? Has Napoleon
Sounded the feeling of France, and read it
mere accurately since his visit to the camp at
Chalons and the Salzburg conference. Has he
measured the strength of North Germany
with more care, and estimated the value of a
South German allianee more truly ? Perhaps
be has; and, if so, bis present professions are
likely to be sincere.
We must not, however, trust too much to
appearances, or place unlimited faith in the
words of the French monarch. We recollect
that on the 1st of January, 1859, the Emperor
Napoleon suddenly and openly delivered his
war inBult to Baron Huebner, the Austrian
Minister in Paris, at a levee at the Tuileries.
A war panic immediately followed, and pre
vailed with ereat intensity on the Paris Bourse
on the days of the 3d and 4th of the month.
On the 7th of January, thirty thousand Aus
trian soldiers had marched for Italy ; yet on
the very same day the Paris Moniteur pub
lished an artiole written to "soothe the panic."
A month later, on the 7th of February, 1859,
Napoleon opened the session of the French
Legislature with a speech, in which he said :
'Far be from us, then, these false alarms,
these unjust suspicions, these interested ap
prehensions, as peace, I hope, will nat be dis
turbed. Resume, then, calmly the usual
course of your labors. I have explained to
you the state of our foreign relations, and this
zplanation corresponds with all that I have
tnade known during the last two months, both
at home and abroad. You will, I flatter my
self, find that my policy has never ceased to
be otherwise than firm, but conciliatory."
On the 19th of April the Moniteur had a
"paciflo" article; and yet on the 24th of the
game month the commands of the French
army were assigned to the marshals, and the
Sardinian frontier was crossed the next day.
Peaoe may now be maintained in Europe;
but our readers may not be surprised should
they hear of war. C
Wben Sball We Hav Peace 1
n-om the iV". Y. Tribune.
The first Merest of the American people is
justice; but the second hardly less important,
and more palpably urgent is peace. We need
to build, and repair, and restore, and replant.
Vast regions, lately doyastated by civil war,
6till lie waste; multitudes of widows and
orphans 'i the war, in spite of returning
abundam Vare thin-clad and famishing. There
is much capital at the North which should be
transferred to the South, and there invested
In draining swamps, civilizing wilds, erecting
factories, and making all manner of useful
wares and fabrics. Something is being done
in the right direction; but immensely more
awaits the advent of assured peace.
How long must that be still awaited ?
Had President Johnson called the late Con
gress directly on his accession to power, and
eaid to it : "The Rebellion is ended; the work
of reconstruction should begin at once. I
propose such and such base; consider and
modify them as you shall see fit" all would
have been ended ere this. Those who had
been Rebels were then ready and anxious for
reconstruction, and prepared to accept any
terms that did not threaten their property or
their lives.
Mr. Johnson did not call Congress: he de
vised and promulgated a programme of his
own. It had all the faults which are attributed
to the plan of Congress, differing from that
only in putting the Southern blacks, who were
mainly loyal, under the feet of the whites,
who had nearly all been Rebels.
Congress at length met, and dissented from
the President's programme; but was quite too
tardy in perfecting and submitting one of its
iwn. The Southern whites, believing they
were at liberty to choose, adhered to the Pre
oiliit'a xilau: the blacks, with nearly all whites
hn lmd ln loval throughout, sided with
Congress. Hence reconstruction halted while
n mal was taken to the people of the loyal
States, whioh resulted in an overwhelming
majority for Congress; which thereupon re
tuA Ua terms of reconstruction, making them
' less favorable to the ex-Rebels than they had
been. Its new terms differ radically from the
old in this: they are not a proiler to be consi
dered; they are laws to be obeyed. And the
Indioationa have been favorable to general
obedience. . ,
Mi. Johnson interposes again,' and
opens a new fight with Congress, by suspeud
1b the Bacretary of War, and ordering a re-
THE DAILY jKVKNING,- -TEl.KGIlAPII rillLADiq.rmA, MONDAY, ,
moval of the ftore radical district commanders.
He thus inaugurates a new atruggle, whio?
threatens to be a long and bitter one.
Hut why should it f Who is to gain by it T
If the Southern .States shall promptly com
ply with the renuirenients of Congress, the
work of reconstruction may be soon completed.
The machinery is in motion; the registrations
are nearly completed; every State may be
organized as Congress prescribes before this
year closes. But if, on the contrary, the South
shall reject the terms of Congress, we are all
at sea for no one knows how long. Meantime,
military rule must be maintained at the South
at heavy cost, while peace, security and thrift
cannot return. The present Congress holds
till March 3, 18G11; and no one imagines
that it will meantime abandon the course
which it has already marked out. The South
may have reconstruction and peace by accept
ing the terms dictated by Congress; it may
reject these, and cling to Johnson if it will;
but, if it should, all must await in doubt
and fend the issue of the next Presidential
contest.
Who wishes thus to protract a fruitless
strife, a pernicious uncertainty f What i3 to
be gained thereby ? and who will gain it ?
If the South should now refuse to recon
struct her States as Congress has prescribed,
she cannot think so badly as she has talked of
military despotism. She will virtually say that
her position is quite tolerable when contrasted
with a form of self-government which recog
nizes and treats blacks as men. To reject the
terms of Congress would be to defy that body
to do its worst.
Let us have peace ! not seme time nor per
haps, but surely and soon 1 Industry and
business are weary of waiting while politicians
play out their little game. Let us have none
other than a real peace; but let us have this
surely and soon 1
TBI
Fate of the Republic Despotism or
Amarcny
From the If. Y. Herald.
For two years the party which has held the
power has been trying to restore harmony to
the country. For six months the work went
bravely on, and we had hope. The President,
however, backed by a Cabinet created only for
evil, and urged on by a rabid rebel faction
which appreciates nothing but force, threw in
the first element of discord, and the political
duel between the Executive and Congress then,
had its birth. The radical faction were
apparently only too happy to pick up the
gauntlet which Mr. Johnson threw to them.
The contest continued lor many mouths; the
President almost reached out his hand tor the
purple. Congress,defeatiug the elfort.has struck
in its turn for a military dictatorship. Still
the fight goes on, and the end is not yet. Now,
the struggle is narrowed down, and argument
almost ceases to be one of its elements. Now
it i3 force 1 Who is to reconstruct the coun
try, the Congressional or the Executive
power i If the former alone, then we have a
usurpation and a dictatorial government; if
the latter alone, then here, too, we have a dic
tator. Congress undoubtedly intended, in its
late laws, to make General Grant the focus of
force, who thus, as "Mayor of the Palace,"
was to hold Mr. Johnson a nonentity a
mythical power. The contest between the
rivals trembles in the brink of open war. In
the mean time they have forgotten every in
terest of the country; wrecked our finances
and internal improvements; swept the ocean
of our commerce; marched on in such a mad
party race that nothing save the youthful vigor
oi me nation stands the staggering blows
dealt against it. It is evident that the pro
blem of reconstruction has not been well dealt
with. It was not commenced in a proper
manner, and the mending process has been
going on from bad to worse until the sword
alone threatens to cut the knot so stupidly
entangiea. ;
What are the remedies proposed in this
crisis ? On the part of Congress it is advo- I
cated that the President be impeached, aud j
that the President of the Senate, Mr. Wade, I
on the moment and before trial, proceed to !
the White House and eject Mr. Johnson by
force if necessary. If General Grant refuses
to lend himself to the seizing of the Govern- I
ment by one of its branches, he must give i
place to some general who will not so refuse, j
The executive plan is not inferior in boldness, .
and leans for support upon the Bonaparte
method the overthrow of Congress aud the '
absorption of its powers within the Executive
in tact, a dictatorship. In all this turmoil
the radical organs published throughout the j
country, and especially in this city, know not j
where they stand. They and the radical j
leaders have, like Phaeton, tried to drive the
chariot of the 6un for a day, and, finding the
task beyond their skill, now require
a Jupiter to restore harmony. They have not
yet the boldness to take extreme measures,
but are tremulously trying to push each other
up to the point. One of their great leaders,
Mr. Stevens, bolder and more honest than his
fellows, frankly avows that Congress has at
tempted a usurpation of all power an over
throw of the Constitution and the establish
ment of a revolutionary government. The
political weapon, the negro franchise, with
which they struck for power in the South,
has such a dread recoil that it makes the
North tremble; and society, as reconstructed
there, threatens, by its proconsular system, to
contaminate the whole nation; threatens to
pour its wave of ignorance northward; threat
ens the stability, of the republic; for this is a
representative government, and intelligence is
now in the minority.
If the country is allowed in this way to be
made a political football, kicked aud torn by
the narrow ideas of party rule, then we are
to have naught but anarchy ; Its attendant
internal dissensions ; the splitting into lrag
ments ; the overturning of all social progress
and material development; and, after long
labor and pains that will destroy all that we
prize, then must come the birth of despotism;
lor despotism reaches ana culminates in power,
side by side with ruin. To this we march
with such rapid strides that few among those
who now contend for power dare face the
results which they have challenged. There
s but one exit from the maelstrom, ana that
lies in the intelligence, the common sense of
our people, both North and South. They
must rise in the coming elections, overturn
the contending factions, aud, basing the Gov
ernment on intelligence, not ignorance, re
store the republic.
The Uucitlon of Relative Authority A
1'ltlful PUpuce.
from the JV. Y. Times.
The dispute raised by the President touch
ing the powers of the General-in-Chief under
the Reconstruction acts is characteristic, and
in the least degree discreditable. It is another
illustration of the disingenuous spirit that
prevails at the White House in regard to the
Interpretation of Congressional enactments.
Aud it exemplifies the dishonesty of Mr. John
son in all that he has done or proposes to do
on the Bubjwt of reconstruction under the
existing laws. " '
With the help of pettifoggers, it Beetns, Mr.
Johnson has dixoovered that the Supplemen
tary act of thespeclal session is in certain
respects susceptible of an interpretation favor
able to his pretensions. By some looseness of
languoge, a pretext is alleged to be afforded
for the opinion that the act does not confer on
General Grant the plenary powers with which
publio opinion has endowed him. The pre
vailing idea is that, vinder the law, the General
has absolute authority over the work of re
construction that he is, in fact, its adminis
trator, clothed with all the powers and attri
butes essential to its efficiency. The Presi
dent, however, with Mr. Buchanan's Attorney
j General at his back, iusists that an exact ren
dering of the terms of the law limits Grant's
power to the single question of removals, and
does not authorize him to instruct the district
commanders; that this, one of the vital points
of reconstruction, remains subject to the order
! of the President alone.
! Evidently the difficulty thus raised by Mr.
! 'Johnson is a mere device to defeat the pur
pose of the law, and for the time to gain a
j factious advantage over Congress. Mr. John
' son does not pretend, nor can any man pre
l tend, that the version he gives to the law har-
monizes with the intentions of Congress.
There is no room for difference of opinion as
to what these intentions were. It is not de-
nied in any quarter that Congress designed to
comer absolute autnonty on uenerai urant to
invest him with suspensory power over the
whole matter to make him the responsible
administrator and the final judge in all affairs
pertaining to the reconstruction plan. These
being the admitted purposes of Congress
these the admitted ideas conveyed by a broad
and general consideration of the statute Mr.
Johnson lias no right to go beyond or behind
them, and to profit by slight verbal omissions
or vagueness which Congress, in its haste,
may have committed. A Five Points lawyer
would be expected to resort to tricks of this
kind. The professional knave who studies
law only that he may frustrate its provisions
would be at liberty to profit by the most
trivial blunder in the wording of an aot. But
Mr. Johnson, as the President, is not privi
leged to govern the country according to the
notions of the Tombs' lawyers, or to fight
Congress with weapons lurnished by petti
foggers. His duty is to accept the law ac
cording to its manifest purpose to aooept
the declared and well-understood objects of
Congress as the key to the interpretation of
its enactments and to disregard alt flaws that
are at variance with their general scope and
aim.
The fact that Mr. Johnson refuses to recog
nize tins conception of ins duty, and prefers
instead to obey the promptings of mercenary
adherents and unscrupulous pettifoireers. is
proof that he can no longer be entrusted with J
ii a; - e . i i mi. e i; '
ine aumimsirauoii oi tuu law. me luncuon
ary who examines the law simply that he may
bring it to naught, by that circumstance de
monstrates his unfitness for his office. And
the Executive who assails authority which
Congress intended to make independent of
him, and employs the accidental advantages of
a constitutional position to pick holes in mea
sures formed to provide for the safety and
unity of the republic, provokes the exercise
of harsher means of restraint than have yet
been employed against him.
The President and Oeueral Craut.
From the N. Y. Tribune.
An act of Congress is not a riddle to which
ingenious minds may furnish a dozen answers.
It is the law of the land, aud is as binding
tipon the President as upon the humblest citi
zen more binding upon him because he is
sworn to execute it. In the private citizen
evasion may be but a fault; in the public
officer it is a crime. In the highest officer it is
the highest crime, and ignorance of the law
will not avail to shield the President from the
consequences of disobedience. The past is
irrecoverable, but Mr. Johnson may possibly
atone for it in the future. We would simply
ask if it is probable that the people will en
dure for one year and seven months that fatal
and unnecessary war upon the laws which he
vindictively forces upon them ? They ask him
for peace. Are they to forever beg what it is
in their power to command ?
The President understands tho Reconstruc
tion law. Of that there is no doubt, for he has
explained it. We shall see what that explana
tion is. The present issue, no longer upon
general principle, is narrowed down to a plain
question of fact whether the paramount
authority over the Rebel States is given by
Congress to the District Commanders and the
General of the Army, or to the President. Mr.
Johnson now claims that the law gives him
the authority; let us see what he declared
little more than a month ago, in his veto mes
sage of July 19. "In conclusion," said the
President, "I must respectfully ask the atten
tion of Congress to the consideration of one
more question arising under this bill. It vests
in the Military Commanders, subject only to
the approval of the General of the Army of the
United States, an unlimited power to remove
from office any civil or military officer in each
ot these ten Hates; and the further power,
subject to the same approval, to detail or ap
point any military officer or soldier ofjthe
tnited btates to rertorm the duties of the
officer so removed, and to fill all vacancies oc
curring in those States by death, resignation,
or otherwise." Unlimited power, it will be
observed, and not subject to the approval of
the President, but only to the approval of the
General. Mr. Johnson continues his inter
pretation of the law : "Within a period less
than a year the legislation of Congress has at
tempted to strip the executive department of
the Government of some of its essential pow
ers. The Constitution, and the oath provided
in it, devolve upon the President the power
and duty to see that the laws are faithfully
executed. The Constitution, in order to carry
out this rower, gives him the choice of the
agents, and makes them subject to his con
trol und supervision : but in the execu
tion of these laws the constitutional obligation
upon the President remains, but the power to
exerciBe that constitutional duty is euec
tually taken away. The mili ary commander
is, as to the power of appointment, made to
take the place of the President, and the Gene
ral of the Army the place of the Senate, and
any attempt on the Bart of the President to
assert his own constitutional powers may,
under pretense of law. bo met by official in
subordination. It is to be feared that these
military officers, lookincto the authority given
by these laws, rather than to the letter of the
Constitution, will recognize no authority but
the Commander of the District and the Gene
ral of the Army." The power of the Presi
dent is effectually taken away; the Military
Commander takes the place of the President,
This was Mr. Johnson's official construction of
the law, and be declared expressly that if the
Executive trnst. which ha sunnosed to oe oou
stitutionally vested in the President, "is to be
taken from bim and rested in a subordinate
officer, the responsibility will be with C Jn
gress in clothing the subordinates with uncfm
tit f ii H a 1 -k r u; i a Ttrl uri
assumes its exercise." It was understood jy
Congress, when this message was receivj a,
that Mr. Johnson declared in it that he would
yield to the law under protest; it is not forgot- ;
ten that tue suspicion that he would resist
nearly resulted in his immediate impeachment.
Ins construction of the Constitution is not an
element of the dispute; he has held nearly all
the laws paused by the. Thirty-ninth Congress
unconstitutional. The question is solely one
of understanding of the law, and obedience.
"The remedy," he then said, "must oome
fiom the people themsolves."
Bnt now where does Andrew Johnson seek
his remedy f In his own arbitrary power. He
Jorces his interpretation of the law upon Gene
ral Grant, and compels Grant to submit to it.
Grant has the law behind him, Congress to
lean npou, the President's own intrepretalion
as an argument, the people to sustain him,
yet he is overruled by ' Presidential tyranny.
Johnson has admitted that he is not to be the
judge between himself aud Congress, admits
that the laws are binding till repealed, whether
constitutional or not, yet makes himself the
judge, and repeals at his pleasure. He ap
points and directs, though he has announced
that the law gives to the General the ultimate
control of appointments. He tears from Grant's
reluctant hands the weapons with which Con
gress armed him, and usurps all the authority
of which he solemnly proclaimed he had been
absolutely deprived.
But was Mr. Johnson's July interpretation
of the law right, so far as he declared that
Congress gave the supreme executive power
to the General ? Unquestionably. There may
be verbal looseness in some of the sections,
but the law itself is plain. Everywhere the
General of the Army, not the President, is
named as the officer to whom all appeals shall
be made, by whom alone any order may be
disapproved. And to secure by double security
the meaning which stood self-revealed aud
clear as the sun, Congress added the eleventh
section, which declares. "That all the provi
sions of this act, and the acts to which this is
supplementary, shall be construed liberally to
the end that all the intents thereof may be
fully and perfectly carried out." Audrew
Johnson knows these intents, but he construes
every word with an intellect whioh, to gain its
end, is not ashamed to affect the most abject
aud grovelling imbecility. We regret that
General Grant did not maintain the rights
given to him by Congress, but he may yet
more clearly understand the law of which he
is the executive. He has only to assert the
constitutional powers given him by Congress,
by the law maker, to conquer for the people,
The President cannot remove or suspend him,
Congress, in imposing upon him the responsi
bility of executing its laws, placed its invin
cible spear in his hand, and its impenetrable
ii buokler on his arm.
Powers of the General of the Army
Under the lleconstructlon L.aw.
From the N. Y. World.
It has been currently, and we suppose truly,
reported for the last two days that a difference
has arisen between President Johnson and
General Grant, aud that the General had de
clined to issue a particular order of the Presi
dent. General Grant seems to have become
convinced that he was wrong, and that his
authority had no suoh scope as he had hastily
been led to suppose. We have printed the
order issued by him Thursday, under the Presi
dent's direction, wHch virtually rescinds cer
tain sections of the curious and presumptuous
order by which ne promulgated the removal
of Sheridan. General Grant forbade Sheridan's
successor to alter or revoke any of his orders:
the President causes General Hancock to be
informed by General Grant himself that he is
at full liberty to exercise all the powers con
ferred by law on any of the District Com
manders. General Grant ordered Sheridan to
report to him in person at Washington before
going West; he now orders Sheridan, by the
command of the President, to proceed forth
with to Fort Leavenworth, without making
any such detour.
As General Grant undoubtedly acted from a
sense of duty in hesitating to obey the com
mand of the President, and from a more de
liberate and better informed sense of duty in
finally complying, it is of some interest to
trace the grounds both of the hesitation and
the compliance. We insert the second sup
plementary Reconstruction bill entire, the dif
ference of opinion being simply a question as
to its proper interpretation:
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Ke-
prerientatives ol the United Stuies oi America,
iu Congress assembled. That it is hereby de
clared to have been the true Intent and meaning
oi the act of the -d day ot March, 1807, entitled,
"An act to provide for the more elllcieut, govern
ment ol theUt-bol States," ano of the act supple-
in. l. tar y thereto, passed on the2od day ot March,
JSiiT, tliut the governments then existing iu the
Rebel States oi Virginia, North Carolina, Houtli
Carolina. Georgia, Mississippi, Alabama, Loui
siana, Florida, lexas, and Arkanas were not
legtil State governments, aud that thereafter
tald governments, if continued, were continued
fcubject In all respects to me miliary coiuuiau
deiH of t be respective districts, and to paramount
authority of Congress.
Section 2. And be it further enacted, That the
commander of any district named In said act
shall have power, subject to the disapproval of
the General of the Army of the United States,
and to have effect until disapproved, whenever
in the opinion of such commander the proper
ndiuinlbt ration of suld act bhall require it, to
suspend or lemove from olHce, or from the per
fomance ofoflicial duties, and the exercise of
ollicial powers, any orlicer or person holding or
exercibing, or proiessiug to noiu or exercise, any
civil or military olllce or duty in such district
under any power, election, appointment, or
authority derived from, or granted by, or
claimeu under, any to-caiiea state, or ine Gov
ernment thereof, or uny municipal or other
division thereof; aud upon such suspension or
removal, such coinmauder, subject to the dis
approval of tue General Hforesaid, shall have
power to provide from time to time for the per
formance of the said duties of such olliceror
person so suspenued or removed, by the detail
of touie competent officer or soldier of tue
tumy.or by the appointment of some other
person to perforin t he same, and to ttll vacan
cies occasioned by death, regualion, or other
wise. Section 3. And be It further enacted. That
the General of the Armies of the United States
shall be invested with all the powers of suspen
sion, removu), appointment, and detail granted
In the preeeding section to District Command
ers. Section!. And be it further enacted. That the
acts ot the olllcers of the army already done iu
removing lu said districts persons exercising
the functions of civil olllcers, and appointing
rthers in their stead, are bereoy continued.
Provided, That any person heretofore or here
after appointed by any District Commander to
exercise the lunctious of any civil orlioe, may
be removed either bv the military olllcers iu
command of the district or by the General of
the Army.
Section 5. And be It further enacted. That tho
Boards of Registration provided for in the aot
entitled "An act supplementary to an act enti
tled 'An act to provide for the more efficient
government of the Hebel Stales,' passed March
2, lhoT, and to facilitate restoration," passed
March 23, lHffl, shall have power, and It Bhall be
their duty, before allowing the registration of
any person, to ascertain upon such facts or In
formation as they can obtain, whether such
person is entitled to be reitisiered under said
aot, and the oath required by suld aot shall not
be conclusive on such question, and no person
shall be registered unless such Board shall de
oldo that he is entitled thereto; and such Board
shall also have power to examlue under oath
Mr. h administered by any member of suoh
Board) any one touching the qualification of
any person claiming registration; but In every
case of refusal by the Board to register an appli
cant, and in every cose of striking his name
fr.n t.h list as hereinafter provided, the Board
AtllHll III u ke a note or memorandum, which shall
be returned with the rotislrallou to the Com-
SKITKMBEU 2; 1807.
t i i
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IN THE L.AJSD IS' NOW TOSfcESSED 13Y
II E N 1 Y S. II ANN I S & CO..
Kos. 218 and 220 SOUTH TOOK! STREET,
Wn Ol ITH THK BME TO THK TRADK IN LOTS ON V1UT AOVANTiMEttVI
Their Utock
of Hje Whiskies, IK
as through the various
extent, audi rusts
ieiii date. . - -
Liberal contracts made for lots to arrive at Pennsylvania Railroad Depot
rrlrsson Line VI h erf, or at Konded Warehouses, aa parties may elect.
mending General of the district, settim? forth
the ground of such refusal or striking from the
list: Provided, that no person shall be disquali
fied as a member of any board of registration
by reHt-on ol race or color.
Section 6. And be It further enacted, That the
true intent and meaning of the oath prescribed
in raid supplementary act is famous oilier
things) that no person who has been a member
of the Legislature of any Biate, or who nas
held any executive or Judicial office lu any
State, whether he bas taken an oatu to supoort
I he Constitution of the United States or "not,
and whether be was holding such olllce at the
commencement of the Rebellion, or had held
it before, and who has afterwards engaged In
insurrection or rebellion against the Uuited
Slates, or given aid and comfort to the enemies
thereof, Is entitled to be registered or to vote,
und the words "executive and judicial officers
in any State" In said oath mentioned, shall be
construed to Include all civil offloers created by
law for the administration of any general law
of a State, or for the administration of Justice.,
or for the keeping of the public peace.
Section 7. And be it further enacted, That the
time for completing the original registration
provided for In said act may, In the alsoretion
oftbecommanderotanydlRt.net, be extended
to the first day of October, IHG7; and the boards
of registration shall have power, and It shall be
t heir doty, commencing fourteen days prior to
any election under said act, and upon reasona
ble publio notice of the time and place thereof,
to revise, for a period of five days, the registra
tion lists; aud, upon being satisfied that any
person not entitled thereto nas been registered,
to strike the name of such person from the list,
and Buch person sball not be allowed to vote.
And such Board shall also, during the same
person, add to such registry the names of all
persons who at that time possess the qualifica
tions required by said aot who have not been
already registered. And no person shall at any
time be entitled to be registered or to vote by
reason of any Executive pardon or amnesty for
any act or thing which, without such pardon or
amnesty, would disqualify him from registra
tion or voting.
Section 8. And be it further enacted, That sec
tion four of said lout named act shall be con
strued to authorize the commanding general
named therein, whenever he shall deem it
needful, to remove any member of a board of
registration, and to appoint another In his
stead, and to fill any vacancy In such botrd.
Section 9. And be It further enacted. That all
members of said boards of registration, and all
persons hereafter elected or appointed to office
In 8iiid military districts, under any so-called
Slate or municipal authority, or by detail or
armolntment or the district commanders, sball
be required to take and subscribe the oath of
office prescriDeu Dy law lor omcers or ine united
States.
Section 10. And be it further enacted. That no
district commander or member of the board of
registration, or any of the officers or appointees
acting under tnem, snail De bound in nis action
by any opinion of any civil officer of the United
States.
Section 11. And be It ftither enacted, That all
tne provisions of this act, and the acts to which
this is supplementary, shall be construed libe
rally to the end that all the intents thereof
may be fully and perfectly carried out.
A close reading of the context will show
that the powers conferred on the General of
the Army relate solely to the removal and ap
pointment of civil officers in the State Govern
ments, and to no other subject whatever. This
is so evident, on a careful reading of the aot,
as to preclude elucidation. Still, questions
might arise as to the completeness of General
Grant's authority within this narrow sphere.
The third section would seem 'to make it
plenary, but a more careful examination will
show that it is limited. There are two kinds
of interference permitted to the General; one
supervisory over the action of the Distriot
Commanders, the other a direct intervention
without their agency. The first is very
carefully limited. It consists solely in the
power to annul orders made by the
District Commanders. These commanders
have full power to remove any State
officers they please, to appoint whomso
ever they please for their successors, and
orders take eilect immediately without the
approval of the General of the Army. The
authority conferred on him is not that of ap
proval but of "disapproval;" that is to say,
the order goes into effect without his ap
proval, but he can annnl it afterwards if he
chooses to intervene for that purpose. lie
cannot intervene to keep the orders of a Dis
trict Commander in force, but only to revoke
them. His direction, therefore, to General
Sheridan's successor not to modify any of
Sheridan's orders was in excess of his au
thority. The law authorizes General llancock
(see proviso to section 4) to remove any of
General Sheridan's appointees he thinks fit,
and to appoint whom be thinks fit in their
place. General Grant can, to be sure, after
wards revoke his action if so inclined; but the
law gives him no authority to interfere before
hand to prevent it. llis forbidding the re
vocation of Sheridan's orders was clearly
illegal, as he Eeems to be himself now con
vinced. With regard to the powers which General
Grant may exercise directly and de novo iu
the Military Districts, they are confined solely
to the removal of civil officers and filling the
vacancies. lie can displace whom he will;
appoint whom he will; and neither the Dis
trict Commanders below him" nor the Presi
dent above him can interfere. The reason
why the President cannot interfere is that
General Grant possesses this authority by law,
and the President is as much bound to obey
the law as the lowest subordinate in the
army. And, for precisely the same reason,
General Grant cannot forbid a District Com
mander to exercise any authority which the
law declares he may exercise. This is why
his prohibition to modify Sheridan's orders is
illegal.
The release of the District Commanders, by
the tenth section of the act, from cbligation to
pay any regard to any civil officer of the
United States as to the extent of their powers,
goes for nothing as against the President,
who, besides being a civil officer, is the Commander-in-Chief
of the 'Army. The District
Commanders would bo obliged to defer to the
opinion of the President respecting the extent
of their powers, though not to that of the
Judges of the Supreme Court, who are merely
civil officers. No law can be passed abridging
the military authority of the President as
Commander-in-Chief of the Army; or if passed,
it would be null and bind nobody.
"Whether the second section of the Army
Appropriation bill is constitutional, is a point
we will not now discuss; but even conceding
it to come within the authority of Congress to
"make rules for the government of the land
and naval forces," it is perfectly nugatory a?
a restraint upon the military authority of tho
President. It requires all military orders of
BOND, comprises all tlie fa-rorlte breads
mouths of l&06,'Co, aud of tula year, p te
the President to be issued through the head
quarters of the General of the Army, made
stationary in Washington. The question is,
can the General refuse to issue any order
which he is directed to issue by the Presi
dent r No such authority is conferred on him
in the law by express words; but the Consti
tution does by express words make the Presi
dent Commander-in-Chief, an authority which
would be nullified if the only officer through
whom he can issue orders had any choice as to
whether he would obey.
FURNISHING GOODS, SHIRTS,&C
F, HOFFMANN, JR..
o. sas ARcn street,
FUBlttSHIHG GOODS,
(Li tG. A. Hoffman, formerly W. W. Knight j
FINE 8UIRTS AND WRAPPER.
HOSIERY AND (j LOVES
KILK, LAMBS' WOOL AND MERINO
8 8fmw8m PNPBRCLOTHINQ,
J. W. SCOTT Sc CO.,
SUIKT MANUFACTURERS,
AND SK4LKBS IN
HEN'S FURNISUINO GOODS
NO. 814 I'UEsNVT STREET.
FOUR DOOBH BliXOW THK "CONTINENTAL,1
bgjrp PHILADELPHIA.
PATENT SHOULDER-SHAM
SIIIBT MANUFACTORY,
AND HENTLEM EN'S FURNIMUINO STORH
PKRFJtCT FITTING SHIRTS AND DRAWERS
made from measurement at very abort notice.
All other articles ot HhJSTijKiUuN'ti DRH3SJ
GUOCb in lull yarlf ty.
WINCHESTER CO.,
1 11 No. 706 CHE&NUT Street
INSTRUCTION.
GREAT NATIONAL TELEGRAPHIC
AND
COMMERCIAL INSTITUTE.
NOS. 80S AND 811 CIIESNUT STREET
PHILADELPHIA.
REMOVAL.
To tbe Finest College Rooms In the Cttyt
Pert of tbe Second, and the whole of the Third aa4
Fourth Floors et
BANK OF REPUBLIC BUILDINGS,
Nearly Opposite the Continental Hotel.
Tbe best organized and conducted Business College
in the city.
Tbe Corps ol Teachers has no superior.
Education lor tbe Counting-room In the shortest
possible time consistent with the Interests of the
student,
Send lor circular.
JACOB H. TAYLOR, President.
PAP.K SPRING. Vice-President. 6 28 6m
HAMILTON INSTITUTE DAY AN
HOARDING SCHOOL for YoiiDg Ladles, No.
j Mli) C11JSNUT Street, Went Pblladelpbla, com.
niences its next session on MONDAY, September
For circulars containing particulars apply at the
. Scfaooi.
f 8 16 lit P. K. CRKGAit, A. M.. Principal.
T3UGBY ACADEMY, FOR YOUNG MEN
I IV and Boys, No. 1414 LOCUST Street, EDWARD
CLAfi-KNCK S311TH, A. M.. Principal. Re-opens
Hepiemtier 18. Pupils prepared tor business or pro
I fesslonal lile, or lor high standing In college.
I A tirst'Cluss Primary Department In separate
' rooms. Circulars, with full Information, at No. lH
CH.feNUr Street. ; g 13 tax
HE CLASSICAL, FRENCH, AND ENGLI8H
pcliool, S. K. corner ot TH1 KTKKNTK and
' LOCUST Streets, will reopen SKPTKMBMR nth. For
. reduced terms in English studies, etc., see Circulars.
or inquire ol the Principal,
i g ai B. KENDALL, A. M.
FRENCH. LATIN, AND GERMAN TAUGHf
In schools and families,
i Professor M. BADEN.
Applications will be received at xars. J. Hamilton'!
Bookstore, No. 1844 CHKwXPT street. 8811m
C' LAfcSlCAL INSTITUTE, DEAN STREET
uuove spruce.
Tbe classical ISTITUTK will be reopened
' SEPlLaiBLll lid.
J. W. JfALKBM. D. D.,
S41m Principal.
THE SCHOOL OF DESIGN FOR WOMEN,
corner of FH.Bh.RT Street and N. W. FENii
bouare, will reopen ou Monday, September 2.
W. J. HufM MANN, Vice President,
8 17 3w P. P. ORRIS, Secretary aud Treas u rer.
EXCURSIONS.
rjfnrrj TE SPLENDID NEW IRON
n!uau 8leainer KD WIN FORRUsr, Captain
i.muMitow, leaves tor IVwnv, Bever.y. Burlington,
Bristol, Florence. Bobbins' Wbarf, Fleldsboro', aud
weaves south Trenton.
Fare to Trenton. 40 ct-nte each way. Intermediate
places, a cents each way. Excursion. 4Ucenta. 8 21 lm
nrj FAI" X W ILMINGTON, 15
EH fir" - v-iinnri ur UOOK, IU Cents,
on ami alter MONDAY, July g.tbe steamer ARIEL
will leave CUFNUT Street wharf ail 9'46 A. M. and
U-4& P. M BeinnjiUK, leaves Wiltniiijitou at S 45 A. U,
t.nd 1245 P. M.
Fare to Wiimlnt-ton. IS cents: excursion tickets, 26
cenla. Fare to CTmter or Hook, 10 ceuta. 8 27 St
rFZlS DAILY EXCURSIONS TO WIL
a4& rV--irir-Ttjt mniKton, Del. Tbe steamer ELIZA
uaoi-uX will leave DOCK (street Wharr dally at
i'iAk..,UJ M- hemming, leave MARKET
Mrf et W barf. Wl.miugtou, at 7 A. M. and 1 P. M.
I aie for tbe rounu trip. sn mnta
Mnt!l IKKt-t HQ oente
Cbi ster and Manns Hook ...."....i.'!.-20 cents
....... "w ParucuiarB, apply ou board.
7 2.I r. W U I 1 V U rknlnln.
TAMES E. EVANS, GUN-MAKER, SOUTH
tJ (street, above Second, would call the attention of
h2'Hlt1l ib-? chb"J selection of BORUKS' TROUT
Ar.D BASts ROt'S (a new assortment), Files, and all
the usual selection of FIsHiNU TACKLE In all Its
various branches.
i11.'. Wtl'-ZIK-IOADINO GUNS altered to
BREKCU-LOADERS iu the best manner, at the
loweet rates. , 1 1 tf j
WILLIAM a OKA Nl"
COMMISSION MERCHANT,
No. U &. DELAWARE Averuu, Pbliadelpfci.
mint irtia
, Pupont's Gnnpowder, Refined Nitre, Ctiarooal. E
VJ. Baker A Co.'s Clioool te, Ooooa, and Broma.
Crocker Bros. A Co.'S Yellow Metal tUioihl
01 u, and N alia.
Leaves 2d pier at). Area, Leaves south Trenton.
Saturday. An .24, 7 A. M. 'Saturday, Aug. 24, 11 A. M,
Monaay, lis, 9 " iMouday, " lit), 1 P. M
Tuesday, ' 27, 10 Tuesday, " 27, t "
Wedn'sd'y," 2, lu " Weduesd'y," 28, 2 M
Thursday, " 2a, 11 ' Thursday, " 2D, s "
Frulav, " HI', 12 " Friday, " 3U. 4
41 Ol ,..-rt t W .. ... 1 .