SrilUT OF THE PRESS.
EDITORIAL 0PIMI05B OF THB LKADIBO JOURNALS
prON OrRRINT TOPICS COMPILRD It V BUT
DAT FOR THK BVKNINO TRLRORAFR.
Itepudlatlon'a Doulil Kdg.
pyont the IV. Y. Tribune.
The Albany Argus smacks Its lips over Mr.
Pendleton's recent demonstration against the
national creditors, saying:
"The subject attracts great Attention In the
wHirn WiHles. end Hie policy in apparently
taking the nhupe (i a
popular cry. NliiKiilarly
euouKit, 11 is a viy
taken up from the vocabu
lary of the olU euennm ol Hie Democracy, wuo
resisted tlie Independent Treasury policy of
Van Hureu's adiiiliilHtrttlloii, and the reoognl-
Void
v ....... nroii ihn name
cry bcalns to be heard
No more gold for the creditor, and greenbacks
i..r .nm i.foolo!' 'One currency for the oredilorl
ie for the people! 'Greenbacks for the oredl
inr! Greenbacks for the people!' Or, as It In else
wiiAia phrased, 'Let t he debt oontracteU by In
flation by paid by 1.. nation!' The loglo of suoU
nopular cries goes straight to the hearts of the
people, for It is addrehsed not to their reason,
but to their interests and prejudices."
It Is utterly false that the national debt
was "contracted by inllation." It was con
tracted by war by a war waged by slavery
and sham democracy against the Integrity of
the republic That war cost our people half a
million of lives and five billions of money; and
every life, every dime, is righteously scored
up against the authors and abettors of the
slaveholders' Kebellion. Had they submitted
to the result ot a fair election, as all beaten
parties had previously done, there weuld have
been no bloodshed and no debt. Not till the
last dime is paid the last mourner consoled,
can the plotters of the Rebellion and their
abettors be forgotten or forgiven.
The one righteous way to reestablish a com
mon currency for people and Government ia
to resume specie payments. Bat this is just
what they who clamor against " rags for the
people" will not have. If they will unite
with us in calling and working for resump
tion, it can be had directly. But, while they
pretend to deprecate inflation and non-redemption,
they are laying plans to perpetuate and
even aggravate them.
The Argus calls lor a forced withdrawal from
circulation of our National Bank currency,
and for the Federal taxation of the public debt.
The income from that debt is taxed already,
and is subject to Federal taxation like other
income. The right to tax is not "an unlimited
right," as the Argus terms it; but we see not
why it is not identical with the right to tax
other income.
But Mr. Pendleton's plan of paying off the
whole debt by further issues of greenbacks to
the extent of two billions rather staggers
some of the weaker brethren, and thus
demurs the Argus:
"The proposition of Mr. Pendleton goes
further than the substitution of a Uoverninenc
currency for the present bank circulation. It
proposes to lbsue for the whole body of the
debt, as it falls due, an equivalent amount of
paper money. The process is to be graduated
in ionie way; but in what way? Toe ttve
tweuties are due in large amounts a large
part of the debt ia convertible Into this form.
Can we afford to flood the country witn the
thousands ot millions of greenbacks requisite
for this process of debt-extinction? We can
see how easy it may be thus to swamp ttiedetit,
hut would 11 not swamp all debts aud flood ail
property ? Would not the deluge of paper
sweep away the whole iabrio of credit and ex
isting valuations? We must learn how this
process is to be made gradual, before we can
realize Us value as a measure of statesman
ship." The Argus is evidently not up to the
Western standard of Democracy. To "swamp
all debts," by making money so abundant that
a creditor will instinctively run at the sight of
his debtor, fearing that the latter will insist
on paying him oil', is the hoped-for Millennium
of the embarrassed and the thriftless. Most
men could easily pay their debts or suppose
they could if we only had ten times the cur
rency we now have; so that $1000 worth (at
present valuation) of corner-lots or wild lands
would readily pay 810,000 of debt. Only pass
the word that the Pendleton policy will
"swamp all debts," and its champions will be
rapidly multiplied, especially at the West.
' The Treasury Department ill Danger.
From the If. Y. Jleratd.
. It is necessary that President Johnson should
turn his attention at once to the condition of
he Treasury Department. The recent letter
of McCulloch does not meet the case. The
enormous frauds that have been committed
upon the revenue in whisky, tobacco,
petroleum, and other things amount, as
far as they have been discovered, to
little less than a hundred millions of
dollars. What the undiscovered frauds
amount to we cannot say; but judging from
the gross mismanagement of the Treasury in
all its branches, the losses of the Government
are much greater, probably, than those that
have been brought to light. Then there are
the startling revelations of deficiencies and
Irregularities, involving stupendous sums,
which we have referred to before, and which
the extracts of secret and suppressed investi
gations in our hands seem to confirm. The
aggregate amount is said to be hundreds of
millions; so enormous, indeed, that we have
been afraid to publish the evidence. This
was brought out by a committee of the
House, not yet published. The specific
amounts named, about which there appears
little doubt, Is in one case over fifty millions,
in another twenty millions, and so on of other
sums. Some of these deficiencies and irregu
larities date back to the time when Mr. Chase
left the Treasury Department. But although
the extracts we hold, taken from the invetti
gations secretly made in the committee, show
a fearful state of things, the evidence has
been so carefully withheld from the public, or
' J A i . . .. .
suppressed, that there is reason to believe the
whole truth has not yet been obtained. We
want more light upon the subject. The bond
holders and the people generally will feel un
easy until the Treasury Department be
thoroughly overhauled. It devolves upon the
President to see that this be done without delay.
- ' lie must not be satisfied with what this or that
official may tell him; but he must know, and
must let the public know, the true condition
of the Treasury as investigated by a Com
mittee of the House.
Mr. Chase, when Secretary, organized the
T)enartment in all its details; but he was not
much of an organizer, as we have seen from
the looseness of the whole system, from the
TnrtnnitiM afforded for frauds, and from the
.n,,mnlation of a stupendous debt for which
there was no necessity. Had the Treasury
yn nrnnerlv managed by him, and the
amount of revenue raised at that time which
we now raise, instead of borrowing and issuing
bonds at a ruinous rate, the debt would not
i.... mnn than half or a third as large.
' He was utterly incompetent for the position he
held. He had but one idea, and that was to
. lxmdholdiner class, a moneyed on
earthy, and the powerful national bank system,
of reaching the Presidency
through their influence. He left tho Treasury
THE DATJLV
in such a condition that President Llnoolnhad
great difficulty In finding a man to take his
place. Finally Mr. Feseenden accepted the po
sition; but he was so disgusted that he soon re
signed. Then acreature and financial duoinle or
Mr. Chase, a small country banker from Indiana
and the Comptroller of the Currency, was
made Secretary. Through the Chase influ
ence, and because no statesman oould be found
Willing tO take Cliarge Ul m urjrai luirrui. iu m
oonditiou at that time, Mr. McCullooh was,
unfortunately, elevated to the position. Since j
he became Secretary, our financial affairs have !
been going from a bad to a worse condition.
He has been floundering about in ignorance !
of where lie was or what to do. At one
time he raised the cry of on to specie pay-
ments, in chorus with the same radical
organs which nearly ruined the country
with their "on to Kichmond" cries, and at
another time he stops the contraction of the
currency becanse be sees the revenue going
and ruin staring him iu the face. Had it
not been for the wonderful resources of
this great country, the Treasury would have
been bankrupt before now, under his misman
agement. Should he remain Secretary v or
three years longer, there will be reason to fear
a bankrupt Treasury, notwithstanding all our
national resources and the surprising industry
of the people. No people or government can
stand long such incapacity as he exhibits, and
the stupendous frauds and losses that are the
consequences. To save the Treasury from
bankruptcy, the republic from great financial
disasters, and himself from blame, the Presi
dent should suspend Mr. McCulloch at once,
and appoint some experienced financier and
able statesman as Secretary of the Treasury.
This only can save the Department from im
pending danger.
Italy Home.
From the iV. I'. 2ribune.
General Rufus King, our late Minister to
Rome, has closed the shop and returned to his
own country. In this he has done exactly
right. Congress refused to make an appro
priation for his salary after the 30th of June
last; and he took the hint, as became a gentle
man by birth and breeding. From no dislike
or distrust of General King, but because it
believed the mission no longer required, Con
gress stopped the salary; so the General con
sidered his mission at an end.
Rome is a part of Italy. Her people are
Italians; the walls of her capitol should echo
the debates of the Italian Parliament; they
would do so if her people were not awed into
servility by foreign policy and foreign bayo
nets. France, Austria, aud Spain say that
Italy shall not have her ancient capitol, and
Italy is forced to wait. But it was a scandal
and an amazement to the republicans of Eu
rope that this country should seem to be a
silent partner in the conspiracy against
Italian unity. Let us take care that she be
so nevermore.
The Law of Impeachment.
From the Washington Chronicle.
The remedy of impeachment is not a novel
one, although its application to the President
would be novel, and we presume it is because
of such novelty of application in the contem
plated impeachment of Andrew Johnson, that
it is magnified into something terrible and
startling. We do not see any justification for
the impressions which have been studiously
cultivated regarding it. Everything has been
done to make it appear that Congress in im
peaching the President would be exceeding its
powers would be perpetrating some dreadful
act full of evil portent, and fraught with trou
ble to the country. There is no reason for
this. Impeachment is a constitutional remedy,
especially provided to meet just such cases of
ollicial malpractice as President Johnson has
been guilty of, and we do not see why his re
moval and disfranchisement need create any
greater disturbance than the removal of any
other President by operation of law. Every
President, except two, who died, has been re
tired by operation of the law, and Andrew
Johnson will be retired also, whether before
or at the end of his term remains to be seen.
A serious error has been adopted by many
people in supposing that an ollicial must be
guilty of an indictable offense to be subjeot to
impeachment. This is not the case. Every
publio officer is as responsible as any private
citizen to the ordinary process of the penal
law, and consequently the constitutional orga
nization of the departments of the Government
only requires that the power of impeachment
should apply to public officers for official
offenses, by an immediate removal aud per
petual disqualification. The subjects of im
peachment are "treason, bribery, or other high
crimes or misdemeanors." Treason is consti
tutionally defined; bribery is determinable by
the rules of law, "other high crimes or misde
meanors" are an indefinite classification of
official delinquencies intended to subserve the
public good by leaving it to the determination
of the high court of impeachment, whether the
offense charged shall be so classed,and the party
on trial convicted. These embrace equally
those cases of official misconduct which may
also be prosecuted by indictment or informa
tion, as those cases which are only cognizable
in a course of impeachment. For instance,
every species of direct corruption committed
by a judge, whether off or on the bench,
would furnish occasion for an indictment to
punish the offense, as well as for impeachment
to remove the offender. Jiut for the arbitrary
deportment, the oppressive conduct of a jus
tice in court, the ordinary tribunals can afford
no redress. The judicial history exhibits a
great variety of both these descriptions of
offenses. Lord Bacon is a memorable example of
the corruption of money, yet he could not
thereby produce as much oppression and wrong,
as the judicial aberrations of Jeffries, bcroggs,
or Tresilian, from party hatred and passion.
At a period of great party oontest, when
popish plots were the bug-bear of religious
factions, the non-conformity of the Duke of
York, the presumptive heir to the crown, and
a great body ot tne catnoiio noDiuty, nau
raised a hue and cry throughout the kingdom,
Lord C. J. Croggs heard that the grand jury
intended to present the illustrious offenders,
and be dismissed the grand jury before they
had completed the business of the sessions.
nobody doubts the right or the court, in tlie
exeroise of a wise discretion, to disoharge a
grand jury, yet the circumstances surround
ing this case caused an impeachment of the
chief justice. The act was charged as illegal
and arbitrary; a high misdemeanor, a violation
of his oath, and the means to subvert the
fundamental laws of the land.
Hon. Alexander Addison, chief justice of
the western circuit In Pennsylvania, was im
peached, tried, and removed from offloe for a
similar offense by the Legislature of Penn
sylvania in 1 802. H Interrupted an associate
judge, who was not a lawyer, in instructing
the Grand Jury as to the law, and adjourned
the court so as to prevent their hearing his
associate's opinion. But a C. J. Soroggi and
Judge Addison both actd in,L In
court, the ordinary tribunal ooni.i rrvn
or pnnibh their misconduct, andUe process of
EVENING TELEGRAPII PHILADELPHIA, FRIDAY,
Impeachment was Indispensable to the pur
poses of justice. Neither of these Judges had
been guilty, of an indictable offense, or a
technical ' misdemeanor under common or
statute law, but of arbitrary conduct in office,
which numerous settled parliamentary cases,
as well as American ones, make- an impeach
able misdemeanor.
The difference of time and place makes often,
in law and reason, an essential difference in
the delinquency and punishment of an offen
sive act, even by a private citizen. The giving
the lie, in a street or a tavern, is a breach of
good manners, and generally terminates in a
personal rencontre; yet it. is not an offense in
the law, but if the same indecorous expression
is pronounced in a court of justice it Is highly
penal. If a man swears in the presence of a
justice of the peace, he may be fined and com
mitted. A blow given in the highway is a
niero misdemeanor, but if given in West
minster Hall it has been regarded as a species
of treason. If a citizen were to threaten a judge
on the street or in a private roam for his con
duct in court, it would only be subject to the
operation of the laws regulating individual
intercourse, but suoh a threat in court would
be a contempt for which immediate commit
ment to jail would be the penalty. Such
being the case with-private citizens, it is also
the case that certain officials may not be at
liberty to act as base men without impairing
the dignity and authority of their offices, and
thereby undermining and bringing into con
tempt the institutions of their country. Judges
have been impeached and removed from the
bench in this country for getting drunk off the
bench as well as on. Unfitness for duty on
the bench because of drunkenness 13 an im
peachable, but not an indictable, offense.
Drunkenness off the bench is an impeachable
misdemeanor because of the degradation into
which it drags an important office, destroying
us respectability and usemtness.
The same reasons will apply to the Presl
dent. The Executive office, like that of the
king, never dies. The President cannot shift
it from his shoulders, aud we have never
doubted the present inoumbent's liability to
impeaohment for numerous offenses against
the law and publio morals. An Attorney
General has been impeached in England for
giving a "wrong opinion." This would be
harsh if it were merely an error of judg
ment; but it was not an error of judgment.
Like btanbery's opinion on the Keconstruc
tion laws, it was intentionally perverse, and
the intent was a question of fact, to be de
termined by the jury, just as malice is in a
case of murder. Sensible men know what
an Exeoutive means by his course, iust as
they can trace the purpose of a criminal.
Who can doubt that the assaults made by
the President upon the Civil Rights law and
Freedmen's Bureau law, after they had been
passed by constitutional majorities over hi3
vetoes, were impeachable offenses 1 He was
bound by his oath to execute the law3 in
good faith, instead of which he endeavored to
excite the passions of the multitude against
them by denouncing them as unconstitutional
and otherwise obnoxious.
In Wooddeson's "Essay on the Law of
Parliamentary Impeachments," page 596, he
says: "It is certain that magistrates and
officers intrusted with the administration of
publio affairs, may abuse their delegated
powers to the extensive detriment of the
community, and at the same time in manner
not properly cognizable before the ordinary
tribunals;" and further on, at page G01-2, he
continues, "Such kinds of misdeeds as pecu
liarly injure the commonwealth by the abuse
of high offices of trust are the most proper,
and have been the most usual, grounds for
this kind of prosecution. Thus, if a lord
chancellor be guilty of bribery, or of
acting grossly contrary to the duty of
his office; if the judges mislead their
sovereign by unconstitutional opinions;
if any other magistrate attempt to subvert
the fundamental laws, or introduce arbitrary
power these have been deemed cases adapted
to parliamentary inquiry and decision. So,
where a lord chancellor has been thought to
have put the seal to an ignominious treaty; a
lord admiral to neglect the safeguard of the
sea; an ambassador to betray his trust; a
privy counsellor to propound or support per
nicious or dishonorable measures, or a confi
dential adviser of his sovereign to obtain ex
orbitant grants or incompatible employments.
These imputations have properly occasioned
impeachments, because it is apparent how
little the ordinary tribunals are calculated to
take cognizance of sucli offenses, or to investi
gate and reform the general policy of the
State."
Instead of the law favoring the doctrine that
a public officer can only be impeached for an
indictable offense, it distinctly sustains the
opposite ground, that impeachment is the re
medy for official offenses which are not reme
diable by ordinary course of law. The Duke
of Buckingham was impeached for the pur
chase and sale of offices. Have we any Buck
inghams in this country f Lord Finch was
impeached for unlawful methods of enlarging
the forest when assistant to the iustices in
Eyre, for delivering opinions which he knew
to be contrary to law, and for drawing the
business of the court to his chamber. How
moderate and venial these offenses seem com
pared to the stupendous outrages to which
the American people have been subjected by
the President I We confess we have never
seen the necessity for the extended examina
tion into his personal habits and delinquen
cies which the Congressional Committee has
undertaken. His public record convicts him
of impeachable offenses enough under the
law to remove a score of Presidents.
General Grant' Position.
From the Chicago Republican.
It is useless to deny that the acceptance
by General Grant of the office of Secretary of
War, even though it be temporary, has dis
appointed many of his most cordial friends
and ardent admirers. Here in Illinois we
have not been in the habit of questioning the
propriety of Ids conduct, our admiration for
the achievements of the man having been so
great as to almoBt preclude the idea that it
was possible for him to make a mistake. He
"swung around the circle" with Andrew John
son, and his friends were satisfied with the ex
planation "that he was obeying the orders
of his Commander-in-Chief. "He made few or
no speeches, but his remarks, in publio and
private, were of such a negative character as
to please both friends and foes. Even then
his admirers never wavered in their support,
but upheld him as the high-toned gentleman
and thorough soldier. It is true, Mr. Wash
burn and others who claim to know in
formed us that Grant was "all right, and
these repeated assurances tended to relieve
the publio mind of all anxiety with regard to
his real position. '
1W tV.lo 1a 41, it trv to fiatisfy
the American people with the asseverations of
friends. . Andrew Johnson's assurances were
never once doubted by the Republican party
till after the assasination of the lamented Lin
coln; and, although we would not insult Gene
ral Grant by making such a comparison, still
the treachery of Mr. Johnson will mV tha
people more cautious in the future as to whom
they wm support for the offinm of Prnui.innt
and Vice-President. i
It may, however, be at,l ;m. ia; 'nt
General Grant that he W nu;n,i
done anything which can lead any one to sup-
.uv.uiara iue acta and nolinr or
the l resident; but it is this very reticence of
which his friends and admirers complain.
True, they have heard his Chief of Staff
sneak, and several prominent politicians have
claimed to bo the exponents of hiJ opinions;
pui au mis is unsatislactory, and, if persisted
in, cannot fail to damage his chances for the
highest office in the gilt of the people. The
time has passed when that man who
was never known to utter a single
opinion or sentiment was the most
available candidate for office. We must
have men for office who are of positive
character who have identified themselves
with the party to which they propose to be
long, and with which they claim to act in sym
pathy. General Grant is a great man. He
has demonstrated this on many a bloody field:
and to him may fairly be ascribed the honor of
having been mainly instrumental in subduing
the Rebellion. But he i3 not greater than the
people; and much as his character and genius
may be admired, he will have to demonstrate
to a certainty that he is thoroughly sound on
all the great questions of the day, before he
will receive the cordial support of those who,
during our darkest days, proved their loyalty
both by word and deed.
General Grant, Mr. Stanton, and the
i President.
From the N. Y. Timet.
The removal of General Sheridan affords the
Tribune a pretext for again misrepresenting
and assailing the position of General Grant.
Our contemporary divides its attention be
tween Mr. Johnson and the General, charging
them with equal responsibility, and repre
senting the latter as voluntarily and faith
lessly instrumental in carrying out the Presi
dent's design. Here is an exemplification of
the tone kln which the Tribune renews its
assault:
"That) instrument which Edwin M. Stanton
refused to become, which no power of the Pre
sident could make him, Grant is. We Judge by
the facts. For one year Andrew Johnson con
templated the insult to the nation of removing
tne soldier who of all our soldiers best repre
sents its principles, but dared not, could not,
while Mr. 8 tan ion was in the Cabinet. Un
August 12 Mr. Hi an ton is removed; ou August
12 General Grant aocepts his place: ou August
19 General Sheridan Is removed. Why, this Is
logic I une utile ween arter Uenoral urant be
; comes Secretary of War, Uherldan is disgraced.
How is the conclusion to be avoided that the
President sought aud lound iu General Urant
the means by which he might break down
Bheridan, and with him the spirit of the peo
pie? Bitterly, indeed, have tlie loyal been de
eelved who thought that General Grant might
have said to an apostate President: 'If I beoome
a part of an administration wnlch every patriot
despises, and tuke at your hands this civil
office, which I have as much right to refuse as
that ot Postmaster-Ueneral or Postmaster, I do
so on this condition: you shall respect the loyal
principle of the nation you shall not remove
Bberldun.' But as General Grant did not say
this, the President took him Into bis Cabinet,
aud dictated to him the order by which Sheri
dan Is dishonored and the people threatened
and defied."
According to the Tribune, then, General
Grant is the "instrument" in Mr. Johnson's
hands for waging war on the reconstruction
policy of Congress. Grant is "the means"
"sought and found" by the President "by
which he might break down Sheridan, and
with him the spirit of the people." What Mr.
Stanton doggedly refused to do, General Graut
has cheerfully and readily done he has be
come a party to "the order by which Sheridan
is dishonored, and the people threatened and
defied." Such are the Tribune's alienations.
What are the facts ?
The first point that challenges remark is the
new-found fondness for Mr. Stanton which the
tribune displays. We are asked to eelieve
that "for one year" he alone prevented the
removal of Sheridan. Now we are not un
mindful of Mr. Stanton's firmness in opposi
tion to the ill-advised course of the President,
and on that ground have regretted and con
demned his suspension. IIow happens it, how
ever, that "for one year" and more the 1'ribune
uttered not a word in Mr. Stanton's praise,
but on the contrary uniformly did what it
could to break him down ? How happens it
that when Mr. Stanton was suspended the
Tribune looked on complacently forgetting
public interests and party necessities in the
gratification of a long-cherished personal
grudge 1 The Tribune then said nothing about
Mr. Stanton's support of Sheridan nothing
about his fidelity to the Republican policy
nothing about the outrage to the party implied
in the President's act. What is now printed
in Mr. Stanton's praise is a mere after-thought,
a piece of shallow hypocrisy, dictated by no
regard for him, personally or politically, nor
by any other consideration than a desire to
tarnish the reputation of General Grant.
In the pursuit of this object, the Tribune's
only chance li-'t in the falsification of unques
tioned facts. As the basis of its attack, it as
sumes that but for Mr. Stanton's suspension
and General Grant's temporary acceptance of
the War Department, Sheridan would not
have been removed. The hypothesis is too
absurd to deceive anybody. Mr. Johnson re
moves Sheridan now in defianoe of General
Grant's remonstrances; as easily might he
have done so six months ago, whether Mr.
Stanton concurred or not. It is an assertion
of Executive authority which the War De
partment could nowise hinder. Save in the
form of protest, both Mr. Stanton and Gene
ral Grant were powerless in the premises.
All that is needed for the justification of
either is proof that he did exert his influ
ence, honestly and energetically, in support
of Sheridan. So far as Mr. Stanton is con
cerned, this is admitted. How is it with re
gard to General Grant f
We are not required to go beyond the
columns of the Tribune for an answer. From
its editorials, brimful of malice and perver
sion, we turn to its Washington despatches.
These afford conclusive evidence that General
Grant was not the passive "instrument" he is
alleged to have been that he was not the
willing "means" in the perpetration of a
blunder and a wrong. And on this subject
our contemporary's correspondent is in har
mony with the correspondents of all the daily
iournals. Without an exception, so far as we
lave observed, the Washington despatches,
from whatever source, bear testimony to the
fact that before and since his acceptance of the
Secretaryship General Grant steadily and
earnestly opposed the removal of Sheridan.
To this extent Grant stands completely justified.
He has not accepted the President's polioy.
He has not identified himself with the Presi
dent's insane conduct, lie has not made him
self a party to the responsibility of the Presi
dent in this deliberate onslaught on the polioy
of Congress.
But does not Grant's issue of the order im
plicate him ? Most assuredly not. We can
Imagine the form of an order whioh General
Grant oould not have signed without self
stultification and dishonor. An order, for in
stance, embodying censure of Sheridan for the
manner in which he has executed the Recon-
AUGUST 23, 18G7.
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Krrlrsson Line barf, or at Bonded Warehouses, a parties may elect.
Btruction law. Nothing, however, could more i
plainly reveal the attitude of General Grant
inan ine terms of the document which he has
iSSUed. The fifth Rertinn la in 11 ntitnta And
purposes an indorsement of Sheridan's orders
and acts, and so it is everywhere interpreted,
llie lnbune's Washington correspondent shall
be our witness. His despatch opens thus:
-l,m,?0jt?nt artny orlfir which has bean
contemplated tor some days past. maklnK radi
cal change lu three military department, was
made publio this aliernoon by General Grant.
Ihe way It was worded oioated some comment,
and the oplulon whs very freely expressed that
the President and Grant had had an open rup.
Jure, and that the latter had Issued the Instruc
tions to Thomns in the fifth section solely be
cause the President would not heed his advice
not to remove Sheridan."
Does this look like collusion with Mr. John
son f Does this indicate that wicked and
wanton compliance with Mr. Johnson's will,
for which the 1 rib une would have General
Grant arraigned at the bar of loyal opinion?
uoes it not ratner snow mat, while in the per
formance of a mere routine aot General Grant
carries out the order of the President, he does
it in a manner which most effectually asserts
his own authority to control the administra
tion of the law 1 In effect, this fifth section
declares: "Mr. Johnson may remove district
commanders, but appoint whom he may, their
administration of the law shall be subject only
to tne orders of ueneral Grant."
We shall not be accused of piling up proofs
unnecessarily, if we add to the Jribune's state
ments those of the careful correspondent of
the isoston Advertiser. The despatoh of the
latter is as follows:-
"The style in which General Grant Issued the
President's order relieving General HUendan
is very distasteful to Mr. Johnson's friends,
and particularly so to the ring who have beeu
clamoring for General Sheridan's removal.
"1'be President has made no allusion to
General Grant's written protest against it. and
the evident intention is to suppress General
Grant's letter on the subject. At any rate, the
President went so far last night as to Intimate
that no suoh document existed. It is, however,
known positively tbat when the .President an
nounced bis intention to suspend Heoreiary
Stanton, General Grant sent in writing an
earnest remonstrance to the President agalust
the proposed action.
"This paper is now burled at theWhite House,
In the same manner General Graut, on receiv
ing the President's order yesterday, atouce
called upon him and protested against it, and
afterwards sent a written proiest couched la
very strong and pointed language, whiuU will,
in an probability, De wituneiu."
Beyond doub), the style of General Grant's
order "is very distasteful to Mr. Johnson's
friends." It shows that he will not yield to
Mr. Johnson's dictation in matters which Con
gress has confided to the General of the Army
of the United States. It shows that his action
is only in the line of his .duty, and that his
real influence will be-exerted in. support of.
the intentions of Congress touching the ad
ministration of the law.
In confirmation of what the Boston Adver
tise! 's correspondent affirms as to the written
communications of General Grant to the Presi
dent, we are enabled to state that these docu
ments were couched in the most emphatic
language, and that they leave no room for a
repetition of the misrepresentations indulged
in by the Tribune. These letters should be
published, and published they will be when
Congress assembles, if not sooner. Were
General Grant a mere partisan, a popularity
hunter, their publication would not be con
tingent on the selfish caprice of Mr. Johnson.
The same reserve, the same disinterested
devotion to duty, the same consciousness of
strength and assurance of final success which
have characterized the soldier, now characterize
the Acting Secretary of War. He can patiently
await the time when the publication of his
views will vindicate him from aspersions
cast by those who, like the Tribune, disguise
the trickery of partisanship under a shallow
pretense of patriotic) zeal. In the meantime,
the order to which General Grant's signature
is attached sufficiently indicates the principles
and purposes by which he will be actuated in
his present sphere of duty. It is enough to
know that these are as far removed from the
principles and purposes of Mr. Johnson as
from the aims of the Southern malcontents to
whom the Tribune would extend amnesty and
power.
Mr. Carlyle In the Hapld of Niagara,
PVom the JV, Y. Independent.
Bewilderment, when not too stunning, is a
pleasing sensation. It prioks the mind into
a delightful activity; it wraps one's facul
ties with a cool and bracing sea-mist of agree
able doubts; it is, in fact, a genuine refresh
ment for a languid summerday.
For instance, on such a sultry forenoon
as the one that now finds us driving our
accustomed editorial pen an occupation
which, at this season, men in more favored
professions can exchange for blue fish we
find ourselves under obligation to our old
friend, Mr. Thomas Carlyle, for a variety of
cool, refreshing, bewildering, exquisite sensa
tions, consequent upon reading his last lucu
bration, entitled "Shooting Niagara; and
After ?" No bluefish at Fire Island is so full
of game as our stiff and stubborn old friend,
Mr. Carlyle. A perusal of his last paper has
made our very nerves tingle with merriment,
indignation, pride, and grief. The venerable
philosopher is still full of grandeur, conceit,
tolly, wisdom, nobility, and meanness. There
is no man like him. When he dies and is
buried, let his name not be forgotten; for
nature will never reproduce his like; and if
he is lost from remembrance, he is lost to the
world forever.
Apparently the object of Mr. Carlyle's latest
lucubration is to protest against Democraoy.
He begins with America, and ends with Eng
land, ridiouling whatever ia noblest in the
democratio tendencies of both. He is, perhaps,
the only distinguished literary man now living
who spells negro with two gs. We have not
counted, but we make a rough estimate that
he says "nigger" about a hundred times. For
instance, he wants to know whether a
"Quashee Nigger" is equal to "Socrates or
Shakespeare." Of course not; for a Quashee
nigger, like Mr. Carlyle himself, cannot justly
be called equal to Socrates or Shake
WMslcie,
KJ to
speare. Ue says that "tne nigger is evi
dently a poor blockhead, with good dis
positions, atltctions, attachments witu a
turn for nigger melodies and the like." Juy
which it does not seem to have occurred to the
angry old gentleman that "nigger melodies"
are written and sung exclusively by white
men, who blacken their faces with burnt cork
in order to attain by art a status in humanity
which they were denied by nature. "Ser-
vantship," says our grumbler, "ought to be
a contract for life;" to which ha adds, "aui
this was already the nigger's essential posi
tion." What a pity it is, therefore, that
American slavery has been abolished I "The
American case," he says, is "begirt with
frantic abolitionists, fire-breathing like the
old chimera." Accordingly, he throws oold
water on the abolitionists, in order to put
out the incendiary flames. "The nigger's
case," he adds, "was not the most pressing in
the world, but among the least so." And the
wrinkle-faced, shaggy-browed cynic Is aotually
in a pet because the good-natured nigger has
had the luck to get his unimportant case so
early attended to. The grim critio describes
the British colonies in general as "all ungor
erned, and . nine-tenths of them full of boa
constrictors, rattlesnakes, parliamentary elo
quences, and emancipated niggers, ripening
towards nothing but destruction.". He then,
in particular, describes Dominica, and says
that it is governed by a "piebald Parliament
of Eleven," and that "the head Demosthenes
there is a nigger tinman."
Well, these extracts are enough for spool
mens. Now in what state of mind must a man be
who can sit down, in good health, in comfort
able circumstances, and in the year 18l7, and
write such a diatribe f What can be tha
fibre of his brain f What are the compo
nent juices of his blood ? Is this the same
man who once taught us to revere Oliver
Cromwell ? But certainly, if Oliver Cromwell
were alive to-day, there is no man in England
whom he would so roughly rebuke as Thomas
Carlyle. In former days Mr. Carlyle rendered
great service to progress. Ha helped to eman
cipate the intellect both of England and Ame
rica. Thousands of yonng men, in both coun
tries taking up his books, and reading them
with unwonted eagerness grew strong with
the strength of this sturdy master. But tha
palmy days of the old hero are past. He has
outlived his better self. He is in his dotage.
He is . fallen into a peevish garrulity, lie
insists on making himself an enemy of liberty.
Once, when his hands were strong, he sought
to push the world ahead; now that they are
weak, he is trying to hold it back.
What business has Thomas Carlyle to be
. taking the side of the American slaveholder
against the American negro and his emancipa
tion ? What business has Thomas Carlyle to
be taking the side of the British aristocracy
against the British people ?
"How are the niijjhty fallen !"
The Martyrs.
From the N. Y. Evening Fjpress.
We really do not see what the radical breth
ren are going to do. The "Martyrs" are mul
tiplying so rapidly on their hands that they
cannot tell what to do with them, or where to
put them. When the President ejected Mr.
Stanton from the Cabinet, the other day, the
sympathies' of the brethren were aoutely
touched, and in a moment of gushing benevo
lence some of them resolved to make him a
candidate for the Presidency-if only to spite
President Johnson and the Copperheads.
But now that General Sheridan has also
been shown the back door, the "moral idea"
party find another martyr upon their hands,
lie, too, must be provided for. But how, is the
thing that perplexes them. As there is only
one President to elect, it is perfectly clear that
the nomination cannot be distributed among
several. In this dilemma, we trust it will not .
be deemed an impertinence on the part of the
Express to suggest to our radical friends a ready
mode of freeing them from their embarrass
ment. We propose when the Rump Con
gress reassembles next winter, that the Con
stitution be so amended as to provide for the
election of several Presidents and Vice-Presidents.
The power to accomplish some such
change in the fundamental law is undoubted.
As the same power has been exercised in vari
ous other cases, why not in this f To make
assurance doubly sure, the majority have only
to turn out of their seats the few Democrats
that are still permitted to sit there. They
have the "power" to do that too, and as they
have not scrupled to exercise it time and again
heretofore, when some "moral idea" was to be
realized, it is not to be presumed they will
hesitate to avail themselves of it now, when
"martyrs" are to be provided for. All the fat
offices of right lelong to the radicals, and if
President Johnson expel the one, or remove
another for cause, ways and means will neoes
earily be found to repair the loss. Hence the
necessity, under existing circumstances, of
the Constitutional amendment.
MILLINERY, TRIMMINGS. ETC.
eMHS. R. DILLON,
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