SPIRIT OF THE PRESS.
EDITORIAL OPINIONS OF TTIK I.KAPtNO JOURNALS
CPOS CCKHFNT TOPICS COMPILED EVKBT
PAT FOB THH BVKNWO TKLEORAPH.
Ttis Trial of Surratt,
rom IM Timr. ' ' " ' '
The srcontl of the gn-at trials occasioned by
Ihe assassination of rresidont Lincoln has been
JjrougM to a close, and the wearisome discua
tion of its intricate details has resulted in a
flisagreement of the jury. This virtual ver
dict of "not proven" reflects the judgment of
the community, expressing! its divided voice
the douUs in most cool mi uds which nothing
in the trial has cleared up-first, the doubt
Sit crime Surratt an ao'onM1.oe in,
mid next the doubt as to what extent he was
an accomplice in any crime.
Neither this trial nor that of which it was
the sequel deserves to be called a pohtica one.
A 1 rarties demanded them, and probably all
fut partisans are satisfied with the results of
Ijoth The greatness of the crime shocked iu
Miutts common to mankind, and the con
science of the civilized world called for its
punishment. The fatal blow fell on President
Lincoln, not as the leader of a party, nor even
as the chief of a divided empire, but as the
Jiead of a great nation, wringing a cry of horror
from Republicans and Demorats alike at the
JN'ortu, which was echoed with despair deepen
ing its tone from the Beat of the Rebellion.
It was a crime no enormous that history
jnarks its few parallels as wonders of blended
fanaticism and depravity. All mankind called
,Wrii snr and sDeedv doom on the heads of
its perpetrators. When, therefore, the Gov- I
ernment, availing linen ui iue BAiauug ttiaiH ui
war, cited the criminals before a Military
Commission, which, while respecting their
rights, refused all delays and brushed aside
the fictions and technicalities usual and useful
ju common cases, letting in every ray of light
from any quarter upon motives and persons,
and scanning the widest range of oiroum
fctauces, most candid persons agreed that a
ca?e transcending all experience was rightly
tried in modes as extraordinary. Nor did
Sympathy lor the sex of one of the actors de
generate into sentiment except in morbid
jniuds. Guilty souls are of no sex, and im
partial justice knows no tenderness for a
J'reak of nature that embodies wickedness in
a woman's form. The sentence and its execu
tion, therefore, were generally approved, lor
it was felt that Government, had acted other
wise, would have been guilty of Ma emajesW
against itself, and deserved contempt for its
powerlessness to protect its existence from
Jieinous outrage.
John II. Surratt was called to his account in
a calmer state of the public mind, after time
Lad appeased its righteous anger and the pas
sion for retribution had been allayed. lie has
leen tried by the regular and indulgent forms
of a civil tribunal, prosecuted without vin
dictiveness, and skilfully and tenaciously de
fended before a jury chosen with strict impar
tiality. The uncertain result of his trial can
Scarcely surprise any one who has followed its
singular course.
Singular in many respects first, as to its
connection with political interests. For
though, as we have said, the mere offense had
So political character, the energy of the pro
secution was directed to revive the terrible
national excitement that hung about the
former trial, and borrow the grand scenery of
that tragedy to decorate their smaller stage.
Charged with a crime against life, Surratt
was held to answer by implication for treason
and revolt. The plain question of his guilt
was complicated with the imputed wicked
cess of the Rebellion. This galvanizing of
generous but dead emotion was unfair for the
accused, though for that very reason it proba
bly served his cause with the jury. Candor
compels us to add -that the presiding Judge
peems to have adopted this theory of the
prosecution, reinforcing itself by hatred of a
tad cause, on one or two occasions to which
we shall revert. Closely connected with this
Was another peculiarity of the trial; we mean
the extreme personal bitterness with which it
Was conducted, although Judge Fisher, in
noticing this bitterness as unusual, proved
that he was unaccustomed to that fencing
Without the button so common in New York
Courts, and to those cool insolenoes with
which a noted radical leader delighted to
disgust the Boston Bar; yet it is true of both
Bides, and notably of the defense, that their
insulting disregard of the feelings of wit
nesses, and their irritated uanaying 01 taunts i
were quite beneath the gravity of the occa- 1
8ion. Another special feature which aided
to perplex the case and lengthen it inordi
nately, was the controversy over the charac
ter of witnesses. At one time, indeed, it
teemed as if a whole county would become
ranged on the side" of attack or defense over
the body of some writhing occupant of
the stand. This building up one day
of a stainless character, to be dashed
n the next into the ruins of profligate disre
putethis ever-widening sweep of impeach
ment and rehabilitation weakened the
Strength of both bides, and threw grave
doubts upon the genuineness of most of the
1 mieht the ancient ordeal
hy compurgators be revived, when twelve
reckless friends, solemnly and vaguely swear
ing to the innocence of the accused, were met
hy as dauntless a dozen upholding with equal
oaths and obstinacy his guilt. There can be
little doubt that this bewildering uncertainty
was a chief element in the jury's indecision.
Another peculiarity of the case, adding to
their embarrassment, was this that Surratt
was here, in fact, on trial for the second time.
Intimately involved as he was with the former
criminals, if the searching scrutiny of their
trial into persons, places, and incidents did
not inferentially clearly bring out his guilt,
the jury could hardly have supposed him to
he an active accomplice. And if this special
re-examination of the circumstances as they
affected him, with the addition of new ones,
failed to enlighten their mtnds as to the dark
places of the former trial, their conscientious
doubts would be increased. For the proseou
tion had the advantage of using circumstan
tial evidence on record, which the new evi
dence should have bo pieced out and aocu
T,tAw dovetailed with as to exclude any other
ui.ii.l conclusion than that of the prisoner's
cuilt; and discrepancy here, after double scru
tiny would double the force of doubt.
iLfrtsnmeof the details of the case, the
lea of an alibi set up by the defense aoarcely
..... octftl.tUhed amid the conflict of evi
dence though not bo lamely supported but
IV - V Ma7.tabla character of the witnesses
from Klmira in its favor must have had great
weight On the other hand, the drooped
T A.'v.iof wMnh is the chief link of cir-
eSanUaT 'proof as to Surratt's flight
cumBianuai J very well, on the
C or by th7d7tecUv who chose that line of
jiim or vy v.j.,,- in life zeal to second
VJ?r:rZ cuUen. seems to us to
u.e tueurr v. r the doubtful testi
fcave erreu t0 Union soldiers
THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, TUESDAY,
nient. Had the state of war, and the savagery
of war, nothing to do with this f So also we
think he was wrong in excluding evidence
tending to show that Surratt was employed
bythe Rebel Government before the assassi
nation, at Richmond, upon business which he
was carrying out after its date, at Montreal.
But there is no question that he was right in
excluding two pieces of evidence vital to the
oVftnse the entry in the hotel register at
Cabaudalgna, and the copy of an agreement
between Booth and tho three remaining con
spirators. The latter document, however, is
l.ur,, il.a Tinlilin. and will material! v JifTVti't
their view as to whether there was an original j
conspiracy to abduct, afterwards abandoned,
and a new, original conspiracy concocted for ,
the darker crime.
It is not dillioult to follow in imagination thfl 1
dubitations through which tho jury probably
wavered towards a settlement upon the foi-
lowing conclusions: First, that there was a I
plot to abduct the President by force, in j
which tho accused probably took a'u active ,
part; but that, notwithstanding the broad
views pressed by tho prosecution, a state of '
war deprived this plot of its most heinous ,
features, and reduced it to a coup l, main, !
ambitious to become a coup tl'tlat. Next, that
this plan was utterly abandoned, and a new
and more violent project of assassination con- j
ceived, the proof of Surratt's complicity in
which is inconclusive, while the proof of his
pi esenco at Washington during its execution
is at least disputable. And, . lastly, even ad- :
ruitting the legal doctrines of the prosecution, j
nevertheless, since his part in the murder,
unproved n a fact, only results as a doduc- j
tion from an artificial rule of law, imputing to
him an intent not shown, the application of
these doctrines to his case would be too stem j
for real justice.
Much cannot be said in praise of Judge
Fisher's charge to the jury. Though labori
ously put together, it is at once diffuse and
turgid. The attention of the lawyer, won by
the lucid eloquence of Mansfield and the weight
and pith of Marshall's pregnant sentences, or
held by the vigorous sense of Oakley and the
polished erudition of Duer would that later
models could be oftener cited! turns wearily
away from platitudes enlivened by a Suuday
Sc hool recitation, or a barbecue tirade. There
are serious faults, too, in its substance. The
defense, deprecating political anger, main
tained that the killing of the President was no
more heinous than the murder of a common
citizen. The Judge elaborately perverts this
into the statement, which he combats with
much fustian, that the killing of an elected
ruler is less enormous than the assassination
of an anointed oue. Again, the defense urged
that as the indictment charged only the kill
ing of an individual, there was no war
rant for deepening the horror of the jury
by dwelling on the crime of treason in killing
a ruler. In commenting upon this the Judge
drags in judicial coguizauce of the fact that
the victim was a President, and strangely
jumbles together the legal rules with regard
to accessories in treason aud those with regard
to agents in ordinary crimes. On the other
hand, his remarks on the character of alibi
proof are just and applicable; and his censure
of the disrepect offered to the Court by the de
fense in assuring the jury that they were to
judge of the law, is richly deserved.
This disagreement, and the comparatively
tame interest with which the community has
followed the course of the trial, are signs of
the quiet into which the popular temper has
subsided from the passionate agitations of two
years ago. Or, rather, they indicate the re
stored calmness of the gi eat majority of the
nation, as contrasted with the fury still burn
ing in the bosoms of a few extreme men, and
which inspired one of the most reckless among
them with evil courage to utter, ou the floor
of Congress, such dark insinuations against
the Chief Magistrate as tilled all honorable
minds with shuddering disgust.
The Reform Bill lu tho House of Lords.
From the Tribune,
A cable despatch dated London, August 9,
states that on that night the House of Com
mons had a long and exciting debate on the
amendments which had been made to the
Reform bill in the House of Lords. These
amendments modified the lodger, copyhold,
and leasehold franchises, allowed the use
of voting papers, conferred the franchise
upon the undergraduates of the Universities,
and provided for the representation of
minorities. The House of Commons made
short work of the amendments adopted by
the Upper House, promptly rejecting every
one of them save the one which provides for
the representation of minorities. The cable
has not given us any further information
on the character of these amendments except
that, according to a despatch of July 30, the
lodger franchise was raised from 10 to 15
per annum, and the copyhold franchise from
X'5 to i-'lO, while, according to a subsequent
despatch, dated August G, the increase of
the lodger franchise from i.10 to 15 was
reconsidered and rejected. The cable has
never informed us of any other amendment
respecting the lodger franchise having been
adopted by the Lords and submitted to the
Commons.
Our steamer despatches give an account of
the discussion which took place in the House
of Lords on the 2'Jth of July on the first six
clauses of the bill. The amendment increasing
the lodger franchise from 10 per annum to
15 was proposed by Lord Cairns, adopted by
the Government, aud passed by a vote of 121
to 80. An amendment to clause 5, raising the
copyhold and leasehold qualification from 5
to 10, was proposed by the Karl of Harrowby,
likewise agreed to by the Government, and
carried by 119 to 56. The Marquis of Salis
bury had given notice of his intention "to
insert a clause after Clause 27, having for its
object to enable all persons duly registered as
voters for any county or borough, in lieu of
attending in person, to vote under proper
regulations by a voting paper." ima amend
ment, as indicated by the cable despatch, was
agreed to by the Lords, but not concurred in
by the Commons.
Of the two other amendments mentioned in
the cable despatch, conferring the franchise
upon the undergraduates of the universities,
and providing for the representation of minori
ties, no notice had been given up to the date
of our latest advices.
With regard to copyhold franchise, a term
which is entirely unknown in our politics, it
may be remarked that copyhold tenants or
copyholders are the representatives of the old
class of villeins or Bert's in feudal times, who
hold their land on condition of taking annually
an oath of fealty to the lord of the manor, in
his court, and of rendering to him a certain
fixed portion of the products of the farm. The
money rent into which this feudal service Is
now universally commuted cannot be changed
or lncreaaeu vy me iora, and with this excep
tion the copyholder is practically a freeholder,
though not tne owner of the fee simple. The
evidence of his title is the registry of his name
in the 'copy" of the rolls of the manor court.
i . . . i
ana nence me name copyuoiuer.
Representation lu Legislatures.
From fit livening l'ott.
One of the matters under consideration in
the Constitutional Convention is the number
of members which shall be authorized in each
branch of the Legislature. We have urged
that the number should .be considerably in
creased. Below we give a statement of the
number of the senators and representatives in
every State Legislature in the Union, by way
of showing the practice in these different
States.
Congress, under the Articles of Confedera
tion, was compoFed of delegates chosen from
each Stale, not less than two nor mon? than
fipven in number, every State having, however,
but one vote.
The Congress of the Constitution is com
posed of a Senate consisting of two senators
chosen by the Legislature of each State, and of
a House of Representatives, to consist of such
a number as may be fixed by statute. The re
presentative number was fixed at first at
thiity thousand, but was enlarged as the
population increased, until 1850, when the
law was passed to fix the number of represen
tatives at two hundred and thirty-three, with
tho addition of representatives from States
newly admitted.
In New York the Constitution of 1777 pro
vided for a Legislature, to consist of an Assem
bly of at least seventy members, to be chosen
by freeholders worth twenty pounds each, and
tax-paying householders; and of a Senate of
twenty-four freeholders, to be elected by free
holders owning freeholds, of one hundred pounds
each. It was further provided that an enume
ration should be made once in every seven
years, after which there should be a new ap
pointment, adding to or diminishing the num
ber of senators or members of Assembly when
ever the number of inhabitants would warrant
it; and the number of senators was restricted to
one hundred and of members of Assembly to
three hundred. The Convention of 1801 fixed
the number of senators at thirty-two, and
made the Assembly to consist of one hundred,
which might be increased, as the population
would warrant, to one hundred and fifty.
The Constitutions of 1821 aud 184b' fixed the
number of senators at thirty-two aud of mem
bers of-Assembly at one hundred aud twenty
eight. Thus it will be seen that we have
cone backwards from early times.
In Alabama the General Assembly consisted
of a House of Representatives, chosen bien
nially, one hundred in number, apportioned
on the basis of white population, aud of a
Senate comprising not less than one-fourth
nor more tlian one-third tue number ot repre-
sentatives, holding office four years, half to go
out every second year.
In Arkansas the General Assembly consisted
of a House of Representatives, elected every
year, and to number not less than twenty-five
nor more than one hundred, as determined by
apportionment of white population; and of a
Senate composed of members to be chosen
every four years, to consist of not less than
seventeen nor more than thirty-three mem
bers, as determined by apportionment of white
population, half to go out of office every
second year.
In California the Constitution provides that
members of Assembly shall not number loss
than twenty-four nor more than thirty-six
until the number of inhabitants amouuts to
one hundred thousand, when they are to be
apportioned so that tho whole number shall
never be less than thirty nor more than
eighty. The number of Senators must not be
less than one-third nor more than one-half
that of members of Assembly.
In Connecticut the Senate has not less than
eighteen nor more than twenty-four members,
chosen annually; and the House of Represen
tatives has two hundred and thirty-seven
nu mbers, chosen by towns, every town having
one, and the larger towns two or more.
In Delaware the Senate is chosen for four
years, three from each county, and the House
of Representatives is elected biennially, and
has seven members for each county, regard
less of population. There are three counties,
and Newcastle has as large a population as
both the others.
In Florida the Senate numbers twenty-nine
and the House fifty-nine members.
Georgia has lorty-l'our Senators and oue
hundred and sixty-nine members in the House,
elected biennially.
In Illinois the Senate has twenty-five mem
bers, and the House seventy-five, elected bien
nially, by districts.
In Indiana the Senate is not to exceed fifty,
and the House one hundred, elected and meet
ing biennially.
In Iowa the Senate must not exceed fifty,
nor the House one hundred, apportioned
among the counties; no representative district
to contain more than four counties; and every
county or district having more than half the
number required for a representative to be
entitled to one additional.
In Kansas the House has seventy-five mem
bers, chosen for one year, and the Senate fifty
five, elected biennially.
In Kentucky the House is chosen biennially,
and has one hundred members, and the Senate
has thirty-eight members, holding for four
years.
In Louisiana the House has one hundred
and eighteen members, chosen biennially, aud
the Senate thirty-six. holding for four years.
In Maine the House has one hundred aud
fifty-one members, chosen annually; aud the
Senate not less than twenty nor more than
thirty-one.
In Maryland the House has at present eighty
members, and the Senate lias oue member for
each county, aud three for Baltimore, twenty
four in all.
In Massachusetts the Senate is composed of
forty members, and the House two hundred
and forty, chosen annually.
In Michigan the Senate has thirty-two mem
bers, chosen biennially, and the House has not
less than sixty-four nor more than one hun
dred, chosen biennially bv KinirlH districts
Minnesota has one senator for five thousand
inhabitants and one representative for every
two thousand. The present number is thirty
seven senators and eighty representatives.
In Mississippi each county has a representa
tive, aiso every i
cient population
whole number must not be less than thirty-
six nor over one hundred. The Senate must
not be less than one-quarter nor more than
one-inira me number of representatives.
In Missouri th snnta i.hj f liirtv-four mem
bers, elected by districts for four years, aud
uie nouse one hundred, elected biennially.
In Nebraska the Senate has thirteen Uiem
beis and the House thirty-nine, chosen every
two years.
In Nevada the nrretrjit number of both
Houses is limited tn MMVntv-five. and the
Senate must not have less than one-third nor
more than half the number of members of
Assembly. At present it has eighteen Sena
tors and thirty-six Assemblymen.
In New Hampshire the Senate has twelve
members, and every town, parish, or rlaoe
having oue hundred and fifty ratable male
polls is entitled to one representative, and one
for every additional three hundred. V
la New Jersey the Senate has a member from
every county in the State. Senators hold for
three years. The House is not to exceed Bixty
memliers.
In North Carolina the SenaU has fifty mem
bers, and the House of Commons oue hundred
and twenty. .
In Ohio the Senate has thirty-five and the
House about one hundred members.
In Oregon the Senate has thirty aud the
House sixty members.
' In Pennsylvania the House has ninety-nino
members, and the Senate thirty-three.
In Rhode Island the Senate has a member
from every town or city of the State; and
the House one member from every town
and city, and one additional from every por
tion of population exceeding half the ratio
the whole number being limited to seventy
two. In South Caroliua the Senato was composed
of a member from each election district, and
nn additional one for Charleston; and tho
House had one hundred and twenty-four
numbers.
lu Tennessee the House has seventy-five
members, and the Senate twenty-five.
In Texas the Senators must not be less than
nineteen nor more than thirty-three; the Re
presentatives not less than forty-five nor more
than ninety.
In Vermont the Senate has thirty members,
chosen annually; the House, one member for
each town.
In Virginia the Senato lias thirty-four mem
bers, elected for four years; the Houe one
imiirfred anil one.
In West Virginia the Senate has eighteen
members; and the House lorty-seven.
in Wisconsin the Assembly has not less
than fifty-four, nor more than one hundred;
the Senate not more than one-third nor less
than one-fourth of members of Assembly.
In eleven of the States the number is either
fixed at one hundred, or limited not to exceed
that number. In fifteen States the number is
fixed below one hundred. In seven States the
number is fixed, ranging from one hundred
and twenty to two hundred and forty. In
four States the representation is by towns, and
increases with the growth of population, with
additions also by the creation ot new towns.
Negro Supremacy aud a Counter ItevO'
llou-riit Prtsldeut'a Position.
From the Herald.
The President hesitates. No practical step
seems to have been taken in the attempt to
relieve the Cabinet of Mr. Stanton, sinoe the
receipt of his defiance. Reporters assure us
that Mr. Johnson has fortified himself with the
opinion of his Cabinet as to his right to purge
that body of obnoxious elements the body
, deciding that he has the power. Others tell
us that the President's resolution to eject Mr.
Stanton has undergone no change, but that
he will have a little "calm deliberation" be
fore he acts. lie will take counsel of his fears.
'Councils of war never fight," and for a good
reason: tney are only called when the case
is desperate, and judgment takes no account
of the only things that can give success in
desperate emergencies. Unimagined Inspira
tions that defy calculation bold strokes
startling acts these achieve success in cases
where councils of war always surrender; and
these, in a moral sense, are now the elements
of the 1'iesident's position. He has gone too
far to deliberate. Retreat would be ignominy
and degradation; standing still would be no
better. There is but one thing to do: he must
go forward; and calmness is not the quality
that is wanted now, but courage. tSome
modicum of such resolute energy of purpose
as guided the acts of Andrew Jackson would
be worth to him all the "cal deliberation"
that even ended in milk and water. He has
of his own will come to open ssue with a
Secretary; the Secretary has thrown in his face
a sneering defiance, and he "deliberates." If
the becietary triumphs the President will
stand before the nation the veriest pieniv that
ever held so proud a place. But if the Presi
dent go to the limit ot possible action in the
premises if he show the will to rule the
occasion opens to him the promise of a better
future than it seemed possible could ever fall
to his share.
The radicals have blundered into a position
that gives the President a golden opportunity
a chance to redeem his administration to
obliterate the memory of his great errors in
taking advantage of the greater errors of his
enemies. He can yet convince the radicals
that, in giving up impeachment, on the ground
that they could have no man more suitable to
their purposes in his place, they oounted with
only a one-sided view of the possibilities. The
country is justly alarmed at what has already
become evident in the realization of the radical
paity programme. It is clear that this pro
gramme means no less than nigger supremacy
in ten States, and the consequent division of
the country on a worse basis than that which
led te the Rebellion. We fought to free the
nation from party domination guided by slave
holders, and we fall under a party domina
tion based on the votes of the slaves we made
free. We have set them free to make them our
masters. We exchange a white tyranny for a
black tyranny. This was not what the people
meant when they gave lives without limit aud
money without stint to prosecute the war.
F.ven those who desired to free the slaves would
not have made them masters of the political
destinies of any part of the nation; yet some
thing very near to this must be the result of the
policy of the radical leaders. Political domina
tion in ten States is given to the nigger; aud
what did he do to deserve it ? From fifty to a
hundred thousand enlisted on our side, out of
four millions, and the remainder stayed at
home and did what they could against us and
our cause in growing the corn that fed the
Rebel armies. Not a single insurrection not
one organized blow for freedom came from
these slaves and sons of slaves during four
years of a war that taxed the utmost energies
of their masters. They were held in bonds by
men at war with the nation, aud they never
added the weight of one little effort from their
own side to aid the cause whose success was to
make them free. They tamely ploughed and
sowed, and meanwhile half a million white
men were maimed in the struggle that was
theirs as well as ours. And Of such material
we make voters 1 Into the hands of creatures
who continued slaves while there was any one
left to hold a whip over them, we put such
power that they may become the arbiters of
great political questions, and even balance
votes with Northern as well as Southern white
men 1 We degrade and adulterate the national
life by introducing into it half a million ser
vile, semi-brutal voters all that the supre
macy of an arrogant and dangerous faction
may be secured and made permanent. And
this, Indeed this making of nigger voters aud
driving the white men of the South from the
polls is the whole result of the war as radical
leaders see it.
But the people are awakening to the true
perception of this great matter, and it needs
no extreme provision to know that the nation
will eventually trample under its feet every
vestige of the party that holds such ideas
and has led it into this false position.
The plain question for Mr. Johnson is
whether he has the courage to take the
UGUST 13, 18G7.
Old Bye
SHE
FINE
LA KG EST
OLD
IN THE LAND IS NOW TOSSESSED BY
HENRY S. HANNIS & CO..
Nob. 218 and 220 SOUTH TROUT STREET,
WHO orFEBTHE SAME TO TIIITHAIE IW LOTS OH TEKT ADVANTAGEOUS
TEBHS.
V'brlr Ptock of Hy Whiskies, 1W DO HI), comprises all th fnvorlta braads
xtit, runs through tl various months of 1K65,'06, and of this year, up to
rt elate.
l.ll.rral rnntrarts mail for lots to arrlva at Pennsylvania Ilallroad Depot.
Krrlcitvs I.lna Wharf, or at Bonded Warehouses, as parties majrelect.
current of this national tendency and make
a bold fight with Congress and the radicals,
now that they are in the wrong to light when
he may have th people on his side, with the
same spirit with which he assailed Congress
when its acts were in harmony with the
national will. If he has, the case is plain be-
ore him. lie must make a cleau sweep of all
the present personnel of reconstruction, lie
must brush away all the commanders, and if
there are no generals to take their places,
make Eome. Taking thus a new de-
arture, pursuing an honest policy of recon
struction, never losing sight of the real objeots
i f the war, but breaking up utterly this mis-
hievous attempt to secure nigger supremacy,
he will merely go before the wishes of the
people, and though an attempt at impeach
ment would come as sure as sunrise with the
assembling of Congress, the attitude of the
nation would awe it into silence. Rut the
indications are that Mr. Johnson has not the
mettle for this business. lie limps far behind
it, the political driveller and show of our his
tory, who neither knows when to dare nor
w hen to leave it alone; and the result will be
that the people must bear patiently until the
next Presidential election, when they can take
the case in their own hands, and by the election
of Grant put the national safety on sure ground
against all the factions.
Tbe Indian Peace Commissioners.
From the World.
The Commissioners appointed by the Gov
ernment to treat with the Indians, who met in
St. Louis last week, reassemble at Omaha to
proceed thence into the Indian country.
They are to meet the Northern Indians at Fort
Laramie at the time of the September full
moon, and the Southern Indians at Fort
Lamed at the time of the October full moon;
this fixing the dates by moons being easily in
telligible to unlettered tribes who have no
other almanac. General Sherman, early last
week, sent forward orders to the commanders
of posts to provide necessary subsistence in
both places for the assembled chiefs; to send
runners inviting them to the conferences; and
to refrain meanwhile from all hostilities which
are not defensive. If the Indians can be in
duced to treat with the Commissioners, we
trust that the result may be not only peace
with the tribes and the removal of terror from
the frontiers, but a permanent settlement of
all Indian difficulties.
The hour has evidently struck for the final
dissolution of the old method, inherited from
our colonial infancy, and so incongruous to
our political system, of dealing with the In
dians by treaties as we do with independent
foreign nations. It was a wise method in its
day. Its former necessity is fully vindicated
by the difficulties that attend its termination;
for if the Indians are unmanagable as citizens
subject to our laws when their numbers and
area are so much reduced and their accessi
bility so much increased, what could have
been done with them when they occupied the
gi eater part of the continent, and were pro
tected by interminable forests 1 The early set
tlers of the country were compelled to treat
them as independent nations, because no other
method was possible. If an Indian committed
a murder or a trespass, a colonial government
could not have sent a constable to arrest him
and bring him to justice, for in trying to find
the culprit the constable would have exposed
himself, at every step, to a hundred Hying
tomahawks and arrows. Wrongs committed
by Indians could be avenged only by war, the
wrong-doer being punishable only by punish
ing his tribe, who protected and defended him.
here war is the only means of redress, a
1 reaty is necessarily the only foundation of
tianquillity. It has accordingly been found
cheaper to purchase the lands of this con
tinent from the Indians, than it would have
been to take them by force and defend the
settlers.
I3ut the great progress of our settlements
has made the independent nation theory obso
lete, except so far as it can be made the instru
ment of its own explosion. The carrying of a
railroad through the heart of the continent,
and the impetus thus given to the inpouriug
of our people, make it certain that unless the
Indians will consent to change their location
and mode of life, nothing remains for them but
a bloody extermination. It is fortunate that
the recent troubles have occurred, if they lead
to the collection and voluntary settlement of
all Indians within a moderate space. We hope
the liberality of the inducements offered by
the Government will be sufficient to accomplish
this object. The time has come for asserting
our authority over them and claiming their
allegiance. The idea that they have any origi
nal rights on this continent superior to ours
is fanciful and sentimental. People sometimes
talk about the Indians as if all who had ever
lived were yet alive. But the truth is that the
grandfathers of the Indians are as dead as our
own, and the earth belongs not to the dead
but to the living. We have been as long on
this continent as the Indians. If birth here is
a foundation for any claims, our olaims on that
ground are precisely as good as theirs. It is
no greater a hardship for an Indian to be born
subject to the authority of the Federal Gov
ernment than it is for a pale face. We have
no sympathy with unreflecting sentlmentalism
founded on a dead antiquity. The time has
come when we must govern the Indians; gov
ern them generously and paternally, we hope;
but it is reoorded in the book of destiny that
we must either govern them or exterminate
them. We are not hereafter to make treaties
with them, but laws for them; or if treaties,
only as the easiest method of bringing them
under the dominion of laws.
CHARLES RUM PP.
yOBTE-BIONBTAIE, POrKBTBOOK, AND
BATt'UEL JIANUfACTUBKB,
NO. 47 MOBT1I WIXTH KTKEET,
Below Arcb. riillailelpbla.
Pcrt(vMon imle,
Pocket-Books,
HaU-hHlii,
ruruuiioB,
ItrMtluinu 1'a.w.
1'lnar C iuitta. ' Baukcm' (Jtutas,
wnn tiozm.
l'l)HH, rumMi,
Mini.. TIi.II KtUlMI. etc.
WHOLESALE AND RETAIL. 17WU
Wliisldes.
AND BEST STOCK OF
R Y C 7 H I G K I C 3
FURNISHING GOODS, SHIRTS,&0.
MERINO GAUZE UNDERWEAR.
OF C'A RTWRIOIIT AND WABNEB'S
I'lXKURATKU 91AK fJFAt'TfJBE.
MEKINO OATJZE UNDERWEAR In every vnr.etr
of size and style, for Ladies', Gents', and Chlldreu's
Wear.
noNicnr.
A large assortment of HOSIERY ot English and
German luuuulttclure, In sucks, tlirce quarter socks
and long hose,
tiLOVES.
In White, Bun, aud Mode Color. For sale at
HOFMANN'S Hosiery Store,
8 5tuth NO. WORTH EIGHTH HTKtlCT.
J. W. SCOTT &z CO.,
S1IIBT JIANCrAlTCBEKS,
AND DK4LKHS 1W
MEN'S rUKNIHllINU ttOODSj
NO. 814 ClIKftNUT MTBKKT.
FOUB DOORS BELOW THE "COtfTlNENTAIV
kZTJrp '. PH1LADKLPHIA.
p AT EN T SHOULDER-SEAM
NIMBI 9IANfJt'ACTOBT,
ANDUENTAjKIMEA'S t'lTBMIsiIlf NO STOBS
I'KHFJlCT FIT'lJNM BHIH18 AND DKAWER8
nikdeiroiu weiisurtumnt at very short notice.
All other ante es ot GENTLEMEN'S DBE33
UOoLb in lull vaxlvly.
WINCIIEMTEB A CO.,
1 1I Ho. 7u CHEbNDT Street.
STOVEfr, RANGES, ETC.
CULVER'S NEW PATENT
DEEP BAND-JOINT
HOT-AItt FUBNAOB.
BAHUEI . OF ALL SIXES.
Also, Phllegar's New Low Pressure Bteam Heating
Apparatus, hot saie by
CHARLES WILUAJU, ,
No, 1181 MA1ULET Street,
610
THOMPSON'S LONDON KITCHENER!
OR EUROPEAN RANOE, for Families, Ho
tels, or Public Institutions, In TWENTY DIF
FERENT B1ZKH. Also. Philadelphia Ranees.
Hot-Air Furnaces, Portable Heaters, Lowdown Urates,
Fireboard Stoves, Ratb Boilers. Stewbole Plates.
Boilers, Cooking Stoves, etc., wholesale and retall.br
the manufacturers. SHARPE fc THOMSON,
627stuthim No. 3ti N. SECOND Street.
COAL.
BWIDDLETON A CO., DEALERS IN
. BARLEIOU LEHIOH and KAOLK VEIN
COAL. Kept dry under cover. Prepared exnrwHly
for family use. Yard, No. 1225 WABHXNUTON
Avenue. Ofllce. No. 614 WALNUT Street. 7ij
GOVERNMENT SALES.
TJA11TERM ASTER STORES AT AUCTION.
DEroT Quartermaster's Office, 1
Washington, D. O., August 6, 18G7. J
will be sold at publlo auction, uudor tb.8
(supervision of Brevet Lleuleuaut-Coion
James M. Moore. Q. M. V. 8. A., at Llnool
Depot, on MONDAY, August 19, atl0A.M.,(
large lot of quartermaster stores rated as u
serviceable, among whien are tbe following:
3U 2-ta. ambulances,
55 lanterns.
ui i-u. wayouH,
1U 2-b. wagons,
10 2-h. spring do.,
Sn,(KH) lbs. bcrap Iron,
b.COO lbs. old borse-
sboes,
1,500 lbs. lion wire,
1D.UJ2 carriage bolu,
SIjO lbs. old rope.
600 j'tls. cocou mul
ling. 28 yds. carpet,
1 bone reel,
20 band trucks,
2.CUU leet assorted bose,
large and small,
259 oliite cbairs,
101 McC. saddlex,
23 vcales, plallorm
and counter,
106 shovels, L. and S.
2.GS3 borse aud tnul
collars,
1,094 trace chains,
3.010 baiter chains,
1,124 breast chains,
421 asst. bridles, .
240 saddle bags,
lid saddle blankets,
237 borse covers,
(HU wagon covers,
2,457 H. and M. hainea
2,075 bead bailers,
408 sets asst. hum ess,
100 wagou ana ainb.
wheels,
50 anvils,
64 H. 8. wagon whips,
50 vises, assorted,
20 tool chests,
402 planes, assorted,
1U5 saws, assorted,
baudle,
with tools ol all kinds, bridles, bits, borse medi
cines, wocon tongues, chisels, axes; saddlers,
blackt-mllhs', and carpenters' tools, etc. eta eto
Terms Cash, in Government funds.
. CHARLES II. TOMPKINS-,'
8.7 10t1Bvt.Brig.-Uen., Depot Quartermaster.
OVEKNMENT HALE. TO BE BOLD AT
Publlo Auction, by order of the Treasury
Department, on FRIDAY, tbe 23d day ol
August, lbb7, at 11 o'clock A. M., at Hanovel
Htreet Warehouse, loot of HANOVER Street
Kensington, Philadelphia, the following da
scribed property, seized by order of tbe Unite
fctates Government, on board the schooner
Litchfield, at this port, August 10. 1K87:
TWO LOCOMOTIVES AND TENDERS,
built by Norrls & Hon, of Philadelphia; boiler,
18 feet long, 3 feet 6inches in diameter; fire box,
8 feet by 4; cylinder, 18 Inches In diameter, 22
lnch stroke; driving wheel, i feet 6 Inches ia
diameter; spread of wheels, 4 feet guage.
Tbe above property can be seen and In.
spected at said warehouse any day previous to
sale.
Terms cash, In Government funds.
J. W. CAKE,
Collector of Customs.
Rami,. C. Cook. Auctioneer.
Phila., July 23, 1807. 7 23tu4t
g ALE OF GOVERNMENT VESSEL
Deputy Qtjartermaster-Gen.'s Office, I
BALTiMORK,Md., July 27, 18o7.f
Proposals are Invited, and will be received bf
tbe nndersigned.at this office, until 12 o'olool
noon, August 15, 1867, for tbe purchase at pr
vat sale of the side-wheel steamer COSM.
I'OLITAN, belonging to the United States al
now lying at Fardy's Wharf. Honth liallluioi
7 81 131 J STEWART VAN VLIEP,
Deputy Quartermaster General U. 8. A
CI O K N E X C H A N O 1
AO MANUFACTORY.
JOHN T. BAILK Y O a.
BKMOVKO TO
N. E. Coiner of MARKET and WATER Streets.
Philadelphia.
DEALERS IN BAUtt AInD BAGQINO
. ' everv Description, lor
Oraln, Flour, bait, Bnper-Phosphate of Lime, Boat
Sf i'nd OraNT'BAOS constantly on band.
ll A1o. WOOL HACKS.
Jo T Bailic Y. Jam its Caboadm.
too on stones,
L L 1 A M 8. GRANT.
O. M 8. DJLLAW ARE Aveuus, Philadelphia,
rmponfs Gunpowder. Refined Nitre, Charcoal, KtO.
w. Baker A Co.'s Chocolate, Coooa, and Rrouia.
n;.iCiliH,i'r;;"' ' Yellow Meud Hheaihlnt;,
Bolls, and Nails. im
Pltl VY WELLSOWNERS OF PROPERTY
, ,Tbepnly P'ce i Privy Webs oltwued aa d
viulnrecled al very low prices.
A. PKYSOHf,
Manufacturer of Pondreil,
QOLDSMITU'H AiALL. LXJULAJUY btreai