2
SMUT OF TUE PRESS.
SPITOBIAL OPINIONS Of TH LRADISO JOVRHAX8
UPOK C0BBKKT TOPIC OOMPILKD CVIBT
PAT FOB THE KVBNINO TBLKOBAPH.
. Kxp.rlin.ot in St" Rennbllcan
"ovemroent-Tha New Constitution of
Ilaytt.
from the Time:
There are few recent political papers or
rreater Interest than the newly promulgated
Constitution of the negro Republic of IJayti.
The document Is neither a copy nor a travesty
of any other national charter w hich takes a
written form. It dot-3 not compare, In an
way with the Imperial burlesque decreed by
Boulouque. It contrast3 rather than admits
of comparison with the narrow, exclusive, sec
tarian system which prevailed, more or less,
for nine years under Geffrard's administraj
tion. That administration, if not tho actua
gystem of government itself, our Government
went quite as far oy of its Way us was neces
earyto sustain in 18G5. But for the moral
support which Geflrard then received from usi
tia Government w ould unquestionably have
been overthrown eighteen months sooner than,
it was.
After the close of our own civil war in the
summer of 18G5 a deputation fioiu the island
was sent to this country expressly to repre
sent what was then the ' rebel interests of the
TTatrKovi rannlilin rtnnt..nmiifT
against the
usurpations 'of the President. One member o I
that deputation wa3 an American missionary
of the highest character a member of one of
the oldest Virginia families, who had volun
teered thirty-five years ago as an evangelist
among the Haytiens, and as a pastor to tho
American and English residents in one settle
ment. During the whole of that period the
gentleman we refer to had stood steadily at his
post; had mixed in none of the local party
conflicts of Imperialists and Republicans; and
had acquired no other interest than that of a
philanthropic laborer in the field of enterprise
upon which he had entered a3 a youth. His
representations of the character of the Geflrard
administration have proved to be perfectly
truthful. His predictions of the fate which
awaited the President himself have been
realized.
The political crime which most directly
caused the discomfiture of Geflrard was his in
difference to the success of the Dominicans
against Spain in the brief struggle of 1864.
His readiness to enter into a Concordat with
Home was an evil omen for the supporters of
religious toleration and freedom. His system
of nuance, adopted without any due regard to
national obligations, was strougly opposed by
every one belonging to what may be called the
Liberal party. His approval of the disabilities
Imposed upon foreigners by his predecessor,
ana his desire to establish as nearly as might
he negro ascendancy, pure and simple, in op
position to the mixed population, and to natu
ralized foreigners his whole policy of late
years, indeed, was such as to alienate from
him the sympathy of liberal-minded men of
all classes and creeds. Those who fought so
Btoutly for Dominican independence three
years ago naturally distrusted him; and the
effectual undermining of his Government was,
in fact, his own particular work. He failed
to comprehend the responsibilities of his posi
tion. His conduct was guided by no well
defined constitutional rule, and he was thrown
aside for good.
It would be premature to augur for his suc
cessor a better and worthier career, or a more
enviable repute. But the newlyproclaimed
Constitution of Hayti certainly indicates an
aspiration among a considerable class, and
that the most intelligent in the republic, for
a stable Government, which, by its Constitu
tion, at least, shall appeal to the respect and
the confidence of liberal States generally.
The guarantee of the freedom of worship,
and the freedom of the press; the provision
for a system of free schools; the recognition of
the right of public discussion; the assurance
of protection to foreigners; the abolition of the
a
death penalty forpolitical offenses; the declared
Supremacy of the ordinary civil tribunals, over
extraordinary commissions of whatever sort
are all the natural dictates of a liberal policy,
and are more or less a guarantee for the esta
blishment of a permanently free Government,
The more conservative features of the new
Constitution serve rather to enhance than to
detract from its strength and its real value as
a fundamental national law. Where nine
tenths or more of the people are of one religion,
there cannot be said to be religious intolerance
in providing a State stipend lor the ministers
of that religion any more than there is in
tolerance in Belgium, or in the new kingdom
of Italy, or in France, or England, or Scotland,
where religious endowments are a part of tho
national system. Even the limit set to the
exercises' of the franchise under the new
Haytien Constitution ought to receive the
thoughtful consideration of those who are
struggling as we are doing here, and as they
are doing in England to find some golden
mean between a restricted ana an unqualified
suffrage. Under the provisos in the new fran
chise law, the citizen of Hayti, claiming the
right to vote, must show that, besides being of
legal age, he ii either the owner of real estate,
has been engaged in the cultivation of a farm,
has a profession, is employed in the publio
service, or follows some industrial calling.
Such limits to the exercise of the franchise
here in New York would reduoe the registered
voters' list by ten odd thousand easily all
taken from that class of our population who
cannot show that they follow any industrial
calling whatever.
The liberal-conservative character of this
Haytian instrument may be looked at in view
of our own political position. We are about
to introduce half a million of negro votes at
a single sweep. We are about to iutroduce
them, not as a distributed political force, but
as a compact sectional power. The logio of
their emancipation has forced the issue upon
ns, and it cannot be met by evasion or delay.
The raw material will have to be used, and it
is not improbable that we may gather ex
perience of some value from these negro
islanders. They have tried something ap
proaching to universal suffrage, under condi
tions where they were entirely relieved from
hn restraints or uie luteriereuue 01 a - bu
perior race. iuey mm k"o imuugu a
sufficient amount of domestic trouble for the
last sixty years to have gathered some politi
cal knowledge; and their conclusions on the
oueetion of civil government must interest, if
they do not instruct us. They have shown at
least that they are not the inferiors of the
mixed Castilian, Indian, and negro race in
Mexico; and their constitutional project of
free schools, freedom of worship, a qualified
1 4l.il was Arm fflnn of the wronertv
sunrace, uu hid vv...b , ,
rights of foreigners, if it indicates anything
indicates national progress, from the study of
which communities ol greater proveuu iuy
usefully take lessons.
THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, MONDAY,
Men'a Grandfathers. '
from the TYibune.
Is there any such thing as pure narration in
history f Does the world want it f or, wanting
it, does it get it r There are many histories of
England, hut ia there one Whig, Tory, Pro
testant, or Catholio whioh ia not colored by
the views of its writers f Hume, Macintosh,
Fox, Maoaulay brilliant, learned, and enter
taining as they are are also respectively the
advocates of parties and opinions. Gibbon
cared less for the decline of Rome than for the
downfall of Christianity. Annals and memoirs
are no better, and are sometimes tainted by
prejudice, or spoiled by errors of observation,
or full of personal griefs. The infirmities of
human action are complicated by the obliqui
ties of human vision. It is a remarkable
feature of modern letters that few great
historical works have appeared In our day
which have sot been made the sub
ject of fierce and prolonged contro
versy. Now it is the iiufative which is
brought to bar, aud now the philosophy. As
the historian approaches his own time, he is
ambuscaded by the grandchildren of defunot
heroes, watching lest their progenitors be de
posed from their demi-divinity, aud proved to
have had their share of erroneous mortality.
Mr. lSuncroft is the last victim of this absurd
and childish method of criticism. We have so
long taken it for granted that all the men who
figure in our Revolutionary period were utterly
without fault, and incapable of being iullu
enced by other than public and patriotio mo
tives, that it seems like sacrilege to disturb
such well-settled and orthodox notions. The
answer is mat Human nature is always tue
Tl .
selfish, or prejudiced, or to have the usual
assortment of laults, in 177b as at the present
time. If celebrated personages are to be
taken upon trust or tradition, and canonized
as soon as they are in their ooffins, then what
need have we of history at all f If it be worth
while to make up any estimate of character,
of what value, we may ask, is a false and per
verted one ? On the contrary, is not the value
of all virtuous actions enhanced by the con
sciousness that those to whom they were
attributed sometimes struggled with tempta
tion and sometimes succumbed t Hamilton
was by no means irreproachably moral, and
himself confessed his fault in a pamphlet de
fending his publio at the expense of his private
character. Franklin, in his autobiography,
admits his many lapses from the path of virtue
with all the candor of Rousseau. These two
men were among the greatest and most shining
supporters of the Revolution. Does anybody
think the worse of them for their candor f Of
course, there is, for certain purposes, a well
defined line between History and Biography,
but as l'aley justly asks: "What is publio
history but a register of the sucoesses aud dis
appointments, the vices, the follies, and the
quarrels, of those who engage in contentions
for power?" So far as great men
may well appear to have been truly
unselfish and devoted, so far this somewhat
cynical definition may be modified, but no fur
ther. Moreover, events are continually oc
curring which it is impossible to elucidate
without the illustration of personal character,
llow is the history of the Federal and Demo
cratic parties to be truthfully written without
any reiereuce to the quarrels of Adams and
Jefferson? of Adams and Hamilton? of Adams
and almost everybody else? The temper of the
second President was generous; but his
warmest admirer never claimed that he could
keep it under control. In this respect he was
the very opposite of Franklin, whose cool,
half-cynical method of managing upon his
own side a conversational controversy, often
drove Mr. Adams into a passion which placed
him at a disadvantage. We remember to have
heard this infirmity of a great man candidly
admitted by one of his descendants with
a freedom which showed that he at least
did not fear that a statement of such faults
would substantially damage the fame of his
illustrious ancestor. ; Other grandsons, ' it
would seem, are more sensitive. Is this
because other great men of the Revolution
were purer, greater, more single-minded than
the ardent orator, the profound statesman,
and the accomplished scholar of Quincy?
Indeed, we do not know how these touches of
nature can fail to bring him nearer to his
kind, aud to strengthen their gratitude with
out materially diminishing their reverence.
But while we may forgive, if there be any
thing to be forgiven, it is a virtual abdication
of his office for the historian to forget. White
washing is no part of his business, and yet
lately most historians seem to consider either
that or its opposite to be the sole purpose of
recording the past. There are perpetual mo
tions for the Betting aside of verdicts, ana for
the reversal of time-honored decisions. Peter
the Great and Catharine have with much ado
been cleaned and rendered presentable. That
old beast, the father of Frederick the Great,
under Mr. Carlyle's manipulations, turns out
a virtuous and venerable character. Henry
VIII got married exceedingly against his will,
and cut off' heads merely lor the sake of the
Protestant succession. Richard III was rather
benevolent and soft hearted than otherwise.
Elizabeth had none of the vices of har family,
and in fact no vices at all. Mary, the Uueen
of Scots, was a matron of immaculate fame.
and somewhat averse to the society of hand
some men and melodious singers. Napoleon
I was the kind, truth-telling gentleman ex
hibited in Mr. Abbott's "history" not merely
good, but a goody. At this rate, historical
reading will have no more interest than the
little biographies of the juvenile deceased
which are compiled for the Sunday Schools.
Wo have no desire to engage iu the contro
versies which Mr. Bancroft's volume has
awakened, even if we had the requisite space,
ability, and leisure. One thing, however, is
judicially true. If the descendants of Joseph
Reed, or of General Greene, or of any other
Revolutionary character, are to claim any
credit for the services of their ancestors, they
must take whatever discredit may go along
with it. We think none the worse of a man
because his great-grandfather was hanged for
horse-stealing ; we think none the better of a
man because his great-grandfather was a
general in the Revolutionary army. We have
never been informed that the laws which
govern human nature were entirely suspended
during the American Revolution, and that
every man upon our side engaged in it was a
perfect character except General Arneld. How
its history is to be written without some
faint allusion to the characters of the actors
in it, we really do not know.
Stanton ana Grant The Radical Game.
From the Herald.
It is for "his virtues" that it is sought to
drive Mr. Stanton out of the Cabinet, Says a
high radical authority; and it is for his virtues,
of course, that the radicals desire he should
hold on. It weuld be safe to go more Into do
tail, and say that it is for one particular virtue
that he is supposed to ppssess that the radicals
desire that he should retain his place the
virtue, namely, of having that kind of left-
handed wisdom find tact that by any and every
nieans disposes of obnoxious candidates to
publio favor. StantoU is, in his present posi
tion, relied upon by his radical associates for
the great duty of killing off General Graht, as
in other days he killed off Gt neral MoClellan.
As the head of the War Departoieat, it is sup
posed lie may do great servioe iu tliat direc
tion. He may involve Grant in all sorts of
politico-military complications, and put him in
Mich false positions as to sadly compromise the
great Bohlier in the eyes of the masses, and
thus give the radical orators and writers some
mateiial to work on agninst that hitherto un
assailable name. Grant's record is so clear, so
plain, so direct a story of unselfish patriotism,
that radicalism feels it has no chance against
such a candidate; aud it assigns to Stanton the
eFpec ial duty to change all this, and involve the
man of the people in the toils of intrigue. In
the Cabinet, associated so directly witli Grant
in the work of reconstruction, Stanton, it is
held, may iccomplish this. Outside the Cabi
net he, of course, could not. Hence it is a
vital part of the radical programme that he
should hold his place; hence even bittar personal
hates are for the time laid aside, and radicals
who love Stanton as little as they love Grant
are willing to risk the Secretary's gaining
great position in his party, for the mere hope
that he will oiipple the man who otherwise is
beyond their reach.
This is no new business to Stanton. Corrupt
intrigue, covered always by skilful simulation
of bold und honest purpose, has been the com
mon vein of his political life. Before he was
iu the Cabinet, Chase and his associates, de
siring to manage matters in their own peouliar
style, found Cameron in their way a mau
who did not believe that to make Chase Presi
dent should be the final object of all human
endeavor. Cameron's place was important, as
it had all the contracts; and the combination
was made to drive Cameron out and put Stan
ton in, not forgetting to heap at the same time
all possible odium on the retiring Secretary.
Stanton once in, the vast patronage of the War
Department was in the hands of the combina
tion, and the case seemed clear. . But a new
danger arose. Generals began to fill a large
place in the popular thought; successful sol
diers attracted to themselves what was thought
to be an undue proportion of attention; and
Secretaries were in danger of dwindling out of
sight. The problem for the oonspirators then
was how to carry on the war without letting
any one general achieve such splendid tri
umphs as would make him the especial glory
and favoiite of the nation. The soldier who
then loomed up with greatest promise was
General McClellan. For the right kind of
action in West Virginia he had been promoted
to the command ol the nation's best army, he
had organiztd it with great success, and had
taken it skilfully aud with little loss to the
immediate neighborhood of the enemy's capi
tal. He was looked upon by the whole
country as the man destined to close the war
in a blaze of glory, and the case became
desperate for the political conspirators in the
Cabinet. To this soldier, therefore, Stanton
resolutely applied his murderous memorable
policy, determined to kill the soldier even
though he killed the country, lie broke that
army into detachments, and paralyzed it by
hampering the commander with all pitiful con
ditions. He succeeded in forcing the failure
of that campaign, and there aud elsewhere de
stroying the soldier, though by pushing away
the success then within our grasp he caused
the war to reach the proportions it did and
piled up the great debt thatnow weighs upon us.
He succeeded against McClellan; he de
stroyed Buell in the West; he broke down suc
cessively every man that rose into promi
nence; he became the nightmare ot the nation.
But Giant rose from battle to battle in spite of
his hindering policy triumphing over Stan
ton, almost without knowing it, by plain
honesty of purpose, as he did over the enemy
by his straightforward fighting. Stanton
found that he could not destroy Grant by the
means that had len successful against others,
and resorted to the characteristic plan of put
ting a spy in camp under the designation of
an Assistant Secretary of War. It was the busi
ness of this pitiful fellow to foist himself upon
the soldier at all times, to be present whenever
there was company, to push his way in at
meals, to listen at corners, and report all
that might make capital against Grant. All
in vain I Grant beat the enemy still, put
down the Rebellion, and became the foremost
man of the nation. But even then the game
was not given up, and we have recently laid
before the public facts in regard to another
spy on Grant, a detective, employed, as stated,
by a Massaehusttts Congressman. But the
Massachusetts Congressman in question is
hand and glove with Stanton, and the game of
one is the game of the other; both are lost if a
case cannot be made against the great soldier
before the time when the people will choose
another President. Aud in this desperate
position it is the last hope of the radicals,
whether in the interest of Chane. Stanton, or
some other, that Grant shall be killed off and
ruined in popular esteem. Stanton is relied
upon to do it. Hence he must hold on to his
place by tooth and nail if need be, through
thick and thin, in spite of all indignity aud
opprobrium.
Tha Close of the Surratt Tflal.
Iom the World.
The termination of the Surratt case
by non-agreement secures the same result
to the prisoner as a verdict of acquittal,
since he will not be tried again. That
this trial has been long, costly, and abor
tive is no reason why it should not have
taken place. Other trials are sometimes ex
pensive and frequently result in acquittal.
Criminal judicatories are not organized
to convict, nor organized to acquit, but
to do justice. A reasonable presumption
of guilt justifies a trial. The chances of
acquittal are the refuge of innocence against
unjust accusations and undeserved punish
ment. But this tiial of John Surratt was
not prompted by the ordinary motives;
it has not been conducted in the ordinary
spirit of criminal jurisprudence; and is not
therefore to be surrendered to oblivion with
the apathy which usually follows a failure to
convict.
What were its motives ? Not to protect
society against a repetition of the same crime
by this individual.
lie had left the country, and, if guilty, would
never have returned. The life of no person in
the United States was less secure for his being
at large; nor would the Government of any
foreign btate have felt any apprehension from
his presence in its territory, Neither was it
the purpose of this trial to make an example
to deter others from the commission of similar
crimes. The assassination of President Lin
coln had been so terribly expiated by the
prompt execution of other alleged conspi
rators, that nothing could be added to the
preventive terrors of punishment, even if a
combination of circumstances like that which
attended the assassination were ever likely to
occur again. , i ..
The lnolive of this trial was not the vindi
cation of justice, but the vindication of the
Government and its famous Military Coinmia-1
aion.- The prisoner had not, therefore, the
ordinary chanoes of a person on trial for his
life. His acquittal would have been a con
demnation of the Government. If this pri
soner could be convicted by an ordinary
court of justice, the impression meant to be
given to the country .was that the Military
Commission, though ' perhaps Irregular, had
not violated substantial justice, Binee the re
sult was preeinely similar to what took place
iu an ordinary tiibuual, in a case almost iden
tical, and rebling. ou much of the same evi
dence. The paramount object of this trial was
the exculpation of the Government; the life
of the piii-oner was deemed necessary to the
attainment of that object. A weak individual
thus struggling tor ' his life against a
powerful Government bent ou taking it as
a means of rescuing itself fiom odium and
in, amy, was placed at a disadvantage never
betoie encountered by a prisoner in this
c ountry in a court of justice. In the trial of
Burr, the administration of Mr. Jefferson no
doubt wished his conviction, but the judge
w as the political and personal enemy of the
President, and his rulings were in favor of the
prisoner. But Judge Fisher is a Republican,
appointed by Mr. Lincoln. His rulings have
been, throughout, most glaringly against the
prisoner. The leading counsel for the pro3e
tion, selected for his ability, and brought ou
from New York, is a gentleman who has been
tor years the closest and most intimate friend
of Secretary Stanton, the most deeply con
cerned in the exculpation of tho Military Com
mission. Such a selection may not have
been indecorous; but it at least disclosed the
great stake Mr. Stanton felt he had in the
c ondemnation of the prisoner, and the conse
quent vindication of his illegal Military Com
mission. Mr. Stanton has not forgotten the
aits of manipulating the telegraph which he
practised during the war. Before the trial
commenced, it was announced from Washing
ton that Judge Pierrepont would not consent
to conduct the case for the Government until
he became convinced, by examination of the
evidence, that the prisoner was undoubtedly
guilty. This was a trick for causing the testi
mony to be read with jaundiced eyes; a triok
for procuring a conviction in the publio mind
in advance of the trial. There was much
similar trickery in the Court, calculated to im
press the publio with the idea that if the pri
soner were not promptly condemned, it would
be the fault of the jury. The resort to such
devices proved, if not the consciousness of a
weak cause, then most certainly an excessive
and nervous solicitude.
After all, the trial has failed to accomplish
its object. Instead of proving that a military
tribunal is as safe a tribunal for persons
accused as a jury, it proves the reverse. Here
was substantially the same case, most of the
same witnesses, substantially the same evi
dence, at least equal energy and ability on
the part of the prosecution, and in one cane
the prisoners were promptly convicted, while
in the other the jury seems likely to' dis
agree, and the prisoner to escape with his life.
It is clear, therelore, that Mrs. Surratt and
the others had not the chances which the law
would have given them. That being the case,
no matter whether they were innocent or
guilty, they were murdered. Any life taken
without warrant of law is murder. If Jerry
O'Biien had been strung up to a lamp-post by
the officer who first arrested him, he would
have met precisely the same fate that over
took him on Friday; but instead of an execu
tion it would have been a murder. The
policeman would have been tried and hung
instead of the prisoner whom he had unlaw
fully despatched.
A jury is better for the public safety than
summary executions by publio officers, even
though a jury may sometimes acquit the guilty.
The reason is, that if officers are permitted to
kill those who they may think deserve it,
innocence has no safeguard. It is a les3 evil
for society to be endangered by the occasional
escape of a murderer, than for suspected inno
cence to be at the mercy of every officer of the
law. No great harm will result from the
escape of John U. Surratt, even if he is guilty;
but a precedent, like that of the Military
Commission, which enables the Government
to kill whomsoever it may choose to con
sider guilty, puts the life of every person the
Government hates at the mercy of its arbi
trary will.
Will President Joliusou Resign 1
From the Leader. ' '
We believe that as the President has re
viewed the question of his resignation, it may
be stated in this shape: "I am legislatively
rendered what a comic paper has pictured
me a mere figure-head to the ship of state.
Constitutionally, I am its Captain. Practically,
my crew has mutinied. One of my very
messmates defies me at my own cabin' table,
and persistently refuses to accept my reckon
ing. The responsibility of safety or shipwreck
is, nevertheless, nominally with me. Yet, in
all truth, I have no control whatsoever. If I
should wholly surrender the ship of state
to the mutineers, a majority of the popular
crew might be induced to at least save her
from wreck."
Nor is this an overdrawn picture. The
President is called Commander-in-Chief of the
A riny. Yet by radical law his orders are only
made valid whenever the War Secretary coun
tersigns them. Mr. Stanton refuses to do
that. Not only does this subordinate defy the
Commander-in-Chief, but the Generals of
Divisions and Biigades imitate his demoraliz
ing example. The obvious corollary ot this
situation is that the finances of the couutry
are at the mercy of the. Treasury Seoretary if
he chooses to be contumacious; and there is no
Federal officer who is not practically indepen
dent of the Governmental head.
But if Mr. Wade became acting President,
unanimity and uniformity in Governmental
details would ensue. The radical programme
could be speedily carried out. If it resulted iu
disaster the publio could the sooner place the
responsibility where it belonged, and the
sooner rescue the nation from doubt and un
certainty, llow olten does the cautery or the
knife cause an ulcer to heal that else would
have ripened into gangrene I
The President's intimate friends have urged
that his place is nigh to the helm so long as
the ship of state floats; that, if disaster oame,
history and posterity would hold him account
able; that, practically, the radical programme
was inevitably to be performed a3 events now
marshalled themselves, and while it was ob
vious that the President was powerless.
Bufore Mr. Stevens announced that impeach
ment was impracticable, President Johnson
could not resign without exposing himself to
the charge of cowardice. Since that bugbear
has perished, no obstacle to Self-respect exists
in the case. He could resign, and in a fare
well address to the American people put him
self on record in a document that before many
mouths might be accepted as memorably Just.
If he remains, the only good he can possibly
accomplish is to delay the radical programme
long enough to save the South from precipitate
revolution and the North from a sudden liuan
oial panio. -- . . ... .. -
AUGUST 12, 18G7. 3
l,ve
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boles, Just received.
WATCHES repaired In the best manner, and
guaranteed. 5 x(4p
FINE WATCHES.
We keep always on hand an assortment ot
LADIES' AND CENTS' "FINE WATCHES'
Of the best American and Foreign Makers, all war
ranted to give complete satisfaction, and at
GREATLY REDUCED PRICES.
FARR & BROTHER,
Importers of Watches, Jewelry, Musical Boxes, etc
11 llsmthirp No. 821 CHESNUT St., below Fourth.
Especial attention given to repairing Watches and
Musical Boxes by FlRBT-CLAtttl workmen.
WATCHES, JEWELS Y.
W. W. OASSIDy,
NO. 19 SOUTH SECOND STREET,
Offers an entirely new and most carefully selected
stuck of
AMERICAN AND GENEVA WATCHES,
JEWELRY,
SILVER-WARE, AfcD FANCY ARTICLES or
EVEBY DESCRIPTION, suitable
FOR BRIDAIi OB IIOEIUAT PRESENTS
An examination will show my stock to be nnsui
pnntd in quality and cheapness.
Particular attention paid to repairing. 8 16$
G. RUSSELL & CO.,
NO. 83 NORTH SIXTH STREET,
IMPORTERS AND DEALERS IN
FINE WATCHES,
FBENCkT CLOCKS,
COLD JEWELRY, AND
Mi SOLID SILVER-WARE.
HENRY HARPER,
No. 520 ARCH Street
Manufacturer and Dealer In
WATCHES,
, FINE JEWELRY,
SILVER-PLATED WARE, AND
81 SOLID SILVER-WARE.
AMERICAN WATCI1EH
THE BEST IN THE WORLD,
Hold at factory prices by
C. &. A. li:oi iui)i .
WATCH CASH MAN U FACT U R E R 8,
No. 18 boutti tsIXTH htreft.
8 3 Mauuluttory, No. HI tsouth FlFl'II Street.
2'i attention or tUule $ U culled to our larye itock.
STOVES, RANGES, ETC.
CULVER'S NEW PATENT
DEEP SAND-JOINT
HOT-AIR FURNACE.
DANCES OF ALL SIXES.
Also.PhlleKar's New Low Pressure Steam Heating
Apparatus. Ji'orsaieby
, CHARLES WILLIAMS,
610 No. 1188 MAKKUT Btreet,
THOMPSON'S LONDON KITCHENER
OU EUKOfKAN KANUE, for Families, Ho
tels, or Public; lusiilutlouB, In TWENTY D1F
FKKKKT bIZEU. Also. Phlladeluhia Ratiaes.
H ot-A Ir Furnaces, Portable 11 eaters, LowdowaOrateg,
Fire board Hlovee, Bath Boilers, Ktewhole Plates.
Jlollerii, Cooking Htoves, etc., wLolwale and retail, by
the manufacturers. HHAKPE & THOMSON,
6 27slulhtiin No. 808 N. JsEOOND blreet.
COAL.
B.
MIDDLETON A CO., DEALERS IN
HAKLF1UH LElilGH and EAULK VEIN
IOAL. Kept dry under cover. Prepared exprtwHly
for family use. Yard, No. lffis WAHUINUTON
Avenue. Ottice, No. 014 WALNUT Street.
7 81
p R E N C II STEAM
SCOURING.
ALCEDYLL MARX & CO.
NO. !8 SOUTH ELEVENTH STREET
AMD
O . 010 RACE STREET. UUiuwf
ao
Wliisldes:
OF
IE 0
C 0.;
NOW POSSESSED BY
ANN I S &
i
SOUTH FR03TT
STREET,
IS
IOTS OK VKBT ADTANTACIEOVI
SUMMER RESORTS.
CAPE MAY,
CAPE ISLAND. NEW JERSEY.
Dince ine clone or lsfla much enterprise has bnoa
displayed at tins celebiated seashore rmork New
aud ruaKnlUctnl roilayea have bten erected: tbe
Hotels haveheen remodelled; a fine park. wIlU a well
made one Uiileflrive, bun b-en Inaugurated; aud In all
tbe essentials ol a popular summer resort, a SDirltol
improvement Is larfielv u enlieie1.
The Keograpbic al portion ol Cape Island Is In Itsell
a popular leature, wiien properly understood. Wliu
ated at llie extreme southern portion of the male, and
occupying a neck of laud at the couUueooeof the
Delaware Bay with the Atlantic Ooean. H become
entirely surrounded by salt water, heuce Xavored by
com inual breezes from tli sea.
The biuf) turulHbes a beautiful view of the O-esn.
Delaware Bay, and pk turexque back country, takiuir
in tai.e Heulopeu distinctly at a dlmauce of sixteen
n lles. The beach Is sckuowledRert to surpass and
oilier point upon the Atlanilccoast,beligof asmeoth.
compact sand, which declines so gently to the snr.
that eveu a child can bathe with security "
Added to these attractions Is the fact that the effeo
ot tbe Oulf b-tream upon this point renders the water
comparatively warm a point not to be overlooked by
persons seekiUK health Irom ocean bathing.
1 be distance irom Philadelphia lo Cape Island Istl
ml lea by mil, and about the same distance by steamer
down the Bay, and by either route the faculties fur
travel promise to beoi tbe most satlslactory charac
ter. The Island has Hotel and Boarding-house ao
commodntloiis for about ten thousand persons. The
leaning Hotels are tee Columbia House, with George
J. Bolton as proprietor: Congress Hall, with J, Jr.
Cake as proprietor; and United Hlates, with West and
Miller as proprietors, all under tbe management o(
gentlemen whe have well-established reputations a
hotel men. , ejmwstuw
ERCHANTS' HOTEL,
CAPE ISLAND, N. jr.
This beautiful and commodious Hotel Is now opea
for the reception of guests.
It Is on the main avenue to the Beach, and leu than
one square from the ocean.
WILLIAM HASOV, :
1 PROPRIETOR.
AMERICAN HOUSE.
OAPK ISLAND, N. J'
BY JOSEPH E. HUGH Kb, formerly of the Ocean
House One square Irom the depot and the ocean.
Board f 3 per day, or $16 lo tm per week 7 26nthal(tt
EXCURSIONS.
cfC FOR CAPE MAY ON TUEJ
&S.DAYH, THURSDAYS. AND HATLR.
i.Aitj.-ili(i new and awlft steamer SAMUEL At.
3TELTON, Captain L. Davis, leaves CHEstNUT
btreet Wharf on Tuesdays, Thursdays and Haiui
days. at A. M.: and returning leaves Cape May on
Mondays, Wednesdays, aud F'rldaya at 7'W) A. M.
Fare....... 2'W, Including carriage hire.
Servants, l-76, "
1 ' Children, -2o, M ' 1 "
Excursion tickets on Saturday, good to return on
Monday, fi, Including carriage hire.
W T, ,r . - H- HUDDELL.
N. B. Mann's Express Company have arranged to
attend to baggHge, will check baggage tbrougb te
hotels, cottages, etai also aeUTlcktU at their Omoe.
No, lli&b. FIFTH HLret. m u u.
" V vw
FARE TO WILMINGTON. IS
cents: Chester or Hook, lu ennu.
ou uuu alter MONDAY. Jul v R tha iimiiiii. atttctt.
will leave CHEbKUT btreet wharf at B 46 A. M. and
and W-ioP M turu1"8' leHVe8 Wilmington at (CIS A. AC
Fare to Wilmington, IS cents; excursion tickets, a
cents. Fare to Chester or Hook, lu cents. 86t
r-anTTLs DAILY EXC0KSI0N3 TO WIL
sm 1 '1 11 utU miiigion, Del. The steamer ELIZA
i"iu,i. will leave DOCK blieet Wharr dally at
10 A. M. and 4 P. M. Returning, leave MARKET
street Wharf. Wilmington, at 7 A. M. and 1 P. At.
F are for the round trip to cents
r-nigie "CKelv; m.0 cents
Chester and Marcus Hook ...........au cents
For further particulars, apply on hoard.
7 22' L. W. BUKNH, Captain.
PjfCr EXCURSIONS UPTHEKIVER.-
Vv Ri ER makes dally Afternoon Excursions to
Burlington and Bristol, stopping at Rlverton, Torres
dale, Andalusia, and Beverly, each way. These
excursions leave CHEBNUT BTRKET WHARF at
2 o'clock in the Afternoon, Returning, leave Bristol
at 4 o'clock, arriving in the city at 6 o'clock P, M.
FARE Excursion, 4t eta. Each way, too. 5 i 8m
FURNISHING GOODS, SH1RTS,&C
F. HOFFMAN N. J R.,
NO. 83S ARCH STREET,
FURNISHING GOODS,
(Li itG. A. Hodman, lurmerly W. W. Knight J
FINE SHIRTS AND WRAPPERS. -
HOSIERY AND CILOTES
SILH,LA9IRS' WOOL AND MERINO
8 8(mwsm . PNDERCLOTHINW.
J.' W. SCOTT & CO.,
SHIRT MANUFACTURERS,'
AND DXALKRg XN
MEN'S FTHNISIIINO G O.O D
NO. S14 CHESNUT STREET.
FOUR DOORS BELOW THE "COiSTlNENTArv
b27rp . FHILiDKLPHIA.
PATENT SHOULDER - SEAM
SHIRT MANUFACTORY, '
AND C1ENTLE1M Eft's FURNISUINO STORR
PFORFXCT FITTING KHIR'IS AND DRAWER!
made Irom nieasurtiiient at very short notlue.
All other articles ot UENTLEMEN'U DRK3S
GOODb In lull variety.
1 WINCHESTER A CO.,
1U ' ' Mft CUEbNUT btreet,
HOUSE AND SIGN PAINTING.
p A I N T I N C.
THOMAS A. FAHT, '
I HOUSE AND SIVN PAINTER,
(Laie Fahy A Bra)
No. 31 North THIRD Street'
Above Market.
OLD BRICK FJtON'lT!) done np, and made to look
eaual to the Uuest press brick, baniples at theshoa
City aud country trade solicited. All orders by PoSt
promptly attended to, lltffmw
NtW PUBLICATIONS.
T ECTUKES.-A NEW COURSE OP LEC
IJ lures is being delivered at 11, nitu; -v.T.V
1 1 L' A V ill,..,. - -w uvt m wrvn
Nervous Dlseaaes uwwiX'iSr&Zi'Sfi
phlcally considered," etc. vuuoat.
rocaei volumes containing these leoturea will ha
forwarded to parlies, uui-lile to attend, un receiptor
lour stamps, by addresMng-'-fciKCKETAR V? Naw
BnoADM AY, MiW YORK."
bi241mw 8m
L L I A M B. O
COMMISSION MlHifmivnT
ANT,
NO. S3 B. DELAWARE Avouue, Philadelphia,
rnpont's Gunpowder. Rriued Nitre, Charcoal Eto
W. Baker A Co.'i . Cho(.laLe, tcoaa.ni BrouTil
Crocker Bros. A Co.'i Yellow ileul a Si,...
Bolts, audi, alia,
buoaihlni,
-How- to LWe" and 1 Wli'aT to I4v tor-SjT
!.u".ty ""?,.. Ase.-Mauhood wniaTiViS:
til QL till ,
w lonru.'- a VjULUIHH III ifwi uuul li ..
.1