sriRiT OF THE PRESS.
tDITOBlAt OFIMOSS OF IH IKADDJO JOURNALS
FrOB CPKBKIfT TOPICS COMPILED EVEBT
PAT FOB THE BTENtHI TELEOBAPH.
Southern Politics.
From the Nation.
Tennessee Laa Just given declare evidence
f the comparative unanimity with which the
newly enfranchised voters at the South sup
port the Republican party, and has effectually
fliBsipated whatever hopes might have been
entertained by politicians of the Democratic
party of a division and neutralization of the
colored vote. There were grounds for such a
division in Tennessee that did not exist in any
other State. There is a large loyal white popu
lation, many, if not most, of whom have, until
a Tery recent period, entertained a strong dis
like for the negro, and have been unwilling to
render him the simplest justice. So long as
they believed themselves able to keep down
the Rebel element without the help of oolored
men, they scouted the idea of universal suf
frage. And when they were compelled to
choose between this and political extinction,
they delayed their decision until the oppor
tunity for choice was nearly lost. These re
marks do not fully apply to Oovernor Brown
low and a few others, who, on this point, were
in advance of their constituents, but they are
perfectly true of the great majority of white
loyalists, in or out of office. It could not be
expected that such a course would of itself
command the confidence of the colored people
when finally enfranchised; but although the
"conservatives" strove hard to impress the
new voters with the insincerity of the radicals,
it appears that at least nine-tenths of the co
lored vote has been given for the radical ticket.
We have no desire to underrate the difficul
ties of the Tennesseean Unionists; but we sub
mit for the consideration of all calm and intel
ligent men whether it is possible to protract
Tery much longer the rtyime which is now
established in Tennessee, and of which Oov
ernor Brownlow is unfortunately the repre
sentative. -We acknowledge to the fullest
extent the value of what the Unionists have
done; but the main object and the only good
excuse for their exclusive domination the
establishment of law and order throughout the
State they have not yet attained. Society
there has, during the whole term of Governor
Brownlow's administration, been in a condi
tion bordering on anarchy. The militia he
has called out have, from the necessity of the
case, been themselves fierce partisans, and
Lave therefore wanted the first essen
tials of a good police impartiality and
discipline. Therefore it is fair to Bay,
that the radicals have not fairly discharged
the duties which every party that takes
to itself the exclusive control of the
government of a State assumes by implica
tion. It undertakes to maintain order, and
protect life and property, by the mere fact of
its excluding its opponents from the polls; and
in oase of failure to meet these responsibilities,
it is no answer to allege the wickedness and
turbulence of the malcontents. This wicked
ness and turbulence were part of the problem
with which those who took charge of the gov
ernment engaged to deal, and, in fact, fur
nished the main reason for confining the gov
ernment to a portion of the population. When
Oovernor Brownlow Bays the State is torn by
strife and disorder beoause the Rebels are so
bad, he talks like a general who excuses his
defeat on the ground that the enemy fought
too hard.
We do sot seek to censure the radioals too
severely for their shortcomings. It would
have been absurd to expect men who had gone
through what they have gone through to sit
down the minute the war was over, forgive
their enemies, and administer the Oovernment
on philosophical principles. Men will be men;
and we confess that, for our part, we think
half the moral value of such a struggle as the
country has passed through would be lost if
people were to set about forgiving ana torget
tinsr as soon as the last shot was fired. No
society could either last very long, or be worth
the trouble of saving, in which rascals and
traitors and murderers ceased to be detested
gs soon as they lost their powers of mischief,
and in which men had learned to bear the
most atrooious wrongs without feeling any
resentment against those who wronged.them,
The adoption of any suoh rule in politics
would end in giving the sooundrels the con
trol of the world. Therefore, when Brownlow
and his loyalists devoted themselves two years
to cursing, abusing, and "running off" the
Tennesseean Rebels, we could not greatly
blame them. Isow, however, they , have
majority of voters on their side; they have
proved their ability to Keep order at the polls,
and we submit that the country is fairly en
titled to expeot something from them in the
way of pacification and conciliation. Whether
Oovernor Brownlow is capable of any such
work we greatly doubt, but if he be, his
friends are bound to urge it upon him by
every means in their power.
In the other reconstructing States the few
White loyalists have been bo long in harmony
with the colored people that none of these
difficulties stand iu the way. The Union
Leagues are spreading with great rapidity
ever the entire South; and it is probable that
l)y this time a majority of the electors are
enrolled in these or kindred political organiza
tions, and have pledged themselves to sup
port the Republican party. We see that in
ftouth Carolina the only colored man who
ever publicly hinted a doubt as to the course
which his race should take, has fallen into
line with the rest. Everywhere 'the colored
people are at least as unanimous upon one
side as the Irishmen of New York are upon the
other.
It ifl eminently creditable to the newly
enfranchised race that every element of trouble
in their political affairs has its origin among
white men. We do not know of a single un
reasonable demand made by any body of
colored politicians of their own motion; and
they have had good sense enough to reject
some temptations put in their way by bad or
feolish white men. One man in the South
Carolina Convention was silly enough to pro
pose a demand for a oolored Vice-President
next year; but the wisdom of his associates
promptly extinguished this firebrand. Wher
ever there is any real trouble, it will, we pre
diot be generally found that same ambitious
or selfish member of the "superior" race is at
the bottom of it.
Virginia affords an unfortunate illustration
of this fact. The Republicans of that State
are kept in constant ferment by the anxiety of
a few white men to keep the entire control of
the party in their own hands. Their reoent
proceedings In Richmond seemed to indicate
their desire to keep the party conveniently
small. The Idea of calling a State Convention,
-V , .)n tV rKidunts of the city where
it ia held to attend it in mass, is either grossly
Hkimnaat or absurd. Such a convention, of
course, at most only "presents the oitynoi
the State. But when, after calling In a mob
from the streets, they exclude respectable citi-
Mu.i from ntner auiriuio. vu v
THE DATLV EVEXING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, SATURDAY.
ground that the meetings at which they were
chosen were not regularly called, the thing be
comes doubly absurd. If the convention was
a literal mass meeting, any one had a right to
come in. If it was not, then the RioUoaond
mob should have been kept out. It is obvious
that the managers of such schemes are actu
ated more by a thirst for office than by a sin
cere desire for the publio good.
The evil that may result from such a
narrow-minded policy is almost incalculable.
It is of the utmost importance that a large
portion of the white electors should cooperate
with the colored people in support of the Re
publican party. . There is scarcely a State,
except South Carolina, which can be controlled
by the colored vote alone for more than two or
three years. Certainly Virginia is not one of I
that class. The white voters will constitute a '
majority whenever they choose to aot together;
and they will probably increase far more
rapidly than the others. Immigration will
soon flow in that direction; and this, of course,
will be exclusively white, and in great part
unfriendly to the colored people. To reject
the proffered alliance of a largn class of respect
able white residents, and to deny them their
fair 6hare of influence and position, is an act
of short-sighted folly that will react severely
upon the freedmen, if they are ever persuaded
to commit it. They ought not to be subservient
to their white neighbors, nor to submit to
their dictation in political matters; but when
an opportunity is presented for securing the
cooperation of both races upon fair and equal
terras, it is the duty and the interest of the
colored people to accept it, and those are not
their sincere lriends who throw obstacles in
the way.
The South Carolina Republican Convention
adopted (amongother things a resolution favor
ing the greater subdivision of landed property,
which has excited some unfavorable comment,
on the ground that it was intended to open the
way for confiscation. Our views upon that point
need no repetition; but in order to compre
hend the motives for a resolution of this kind
it is necessary to know something of the way
in which land is held in the South. Im
mense tracts, including nearly all that is
really available for cultivation, are held by
men who were, before the war, rich in land
and slaves. All tVeir wealth apart from the
bare soil is swept away, and a large propor
tion of them have neither the means nor the
energy to cultivate their waste land.
They hate " Yankees" and negroes too
bitterly to tolerate the idea of leasing
farms to either of these classes, who
alone have ability to make a profitable
use of it. They are too proud of their territo
rial possessions to sell any part of them. In
short, they are like the dog in the manger
they can make no use of the land themselves.
and will not suffer any one else to do so.
Eminent political economists have asserted the
right of the State to interfere in such cases;
and the colored people, without being able to
reason out the matter as fully as Mr. Mill has
done, have instinctively reaohed the same cou
clusion;'and most Northern men who have set
tled in the South sympathize with their dis
satisfaction at such wholesale waste.
Confiscation is not needed to cure this evil,
nor do we believe that the Southern Republi
cans will ask for any such remedy. But they
will be very likely to pass such general laws
as will make the possession ot large waste
tracts so burdensome that the owner will be
very glad to sell them. If in doing this they
act under good advice, and pass just and equal
laws for the purpose, they will relieve the
South from a great incubus on its prosperity.
If they resort to oppressive and unfair legisla
tion, they will injure themselves by driving
away capital.
A Commodity of Dad Names.
Prom Die Independent,
One of the very few good laws which grew
out of the reign of the Sans Culottes in
Franoe was a republican edict forbidding any
child to be christened by a name not found
either in the calendar or in history. The haw
is Btill in force, and it has saved many a
Frenchman from the misfortune of being com
pelled to drag through his weary pilgrimage
under the disadvantages of a ridiculous cogno
men, such as many of our own countrymen
bear. Our State Legislatures are very indul
gent, it is true, to such unfortunates, and
readily grant them the privilege of changing
their patronymics; but generally the damage
which can be rendered by a bad name is all
done before the sufferer is old enough to peti
tion for a remedy. In this country we suffer
chronically and nationally from a commodity
of bad names. Our Revolutionary Fathers
ought to have incorporated a provision into
the Constitution that no historical nor Euro
pean name should ever be given to any place
within the limits of the Union. That would
have saved us from the terrible confusion of
names which now afflicts us.
When we receive a letter, as often happens,
dated at Cuba, Denmark, Lima, Naples,
Peru, Halifax, Rome, Athens, Jerusalem,
Bristol, Jericho, Uoshen, or some other place,
without the state and county being given, we
are utterly at a loss to know where it comes
from. It may come from the Old World, or
it may come from the JSew. I here are dozens
of places of the same name all over the country.
and unless the State and county are given no
clue can be had to the locality. We are not
an inventive people, at least as far as names
are concerned; and if the use of Old World
names were interdicted, we should have to
fall back upon numerals, as they do in desig
nating the islands in the Mississippi, as the
Philadelphians do with their streets, and we
New Yorkers do with . our avenues. That
would be dreadfully prosaic, to be sure; and
in speaking of the plaoe of our child hood, we
should have to apostrophize u as ".Dear uia
Nunber Fortv-one." and so one.
In naming our btates. by some piece 01
miraculous good fortune, we chanoed upon
some very good names, only two of them
being importations from the Old World,
and those being qualified by the prefix of
JNew. To call the li-mplre state ot tne
Union after a fourth-rate city in England is
as great an absurdity in nomenclature as
could possibly be committed, and the whole
region abounding, as it does, in sonorous, in-
aigenous names which would have beiitted it
so well. The city whioh we absurdly call
New York ought to have been called Man
hattan, and the State should have been called
Ontario. It Is not too late to make the
change now. I3ut what we need most of
all Is a national name. Now that we have
become a nation, and there is no longer any
umuuuium vi ana couth, we want i
common name by which we can be designated
But how we are ever going to obtain so de
sirable an acquisition is more than we can con
ceive. i"onuu; ana so are our
neighbors of Mexioo and Canada, and so are
iue iiutiiuw," .nu.iuiu, it was ouce
proposed by a society of grave gentlemen,
who organized themselves into an association
for the express purpose 01 inventing j
national name for us, that we Bhould call our
selves Apallachians, after the chain of moun
tains that forma our spinal bone, aa it were
hut the proposition did not strike the popular
favoy, and we are still a nameless people.
There Is one part of our national nomencla
ture, however which is as vicious as possible
which ought to be and might bo very easily
remedied. We mean the naming of our
national ships. Before the present incom
petent head of the Navy Department who
seemB to have been endowed with every possi
ble disqualification for his office, except the
faculty of holding on to it came into office, a
very excellent rule prevailed in naming our
men-of-war. To ships-of-tle-liue we gave the
names of States, to frigates the names of
rivers, to sloops-of-war the names of our chief
towns, to vessels of a smaller class the names
of departed naval heroes, while to revenue
cutters were given the names of the Secretaries
of the Treasury. The advantages of this sys
tem will suggest themselves to every one. In
the first place, it avoided all confusion as to
the character of a vessel when her name was
mentioned; then it saved us from the ignorant
caprices of whimsical officials, and secured us
national names, which had a deoided signifi
cance for the popular mind, and encouraged a
feeling of patriotism among our sailors. It
gave us, too, fine, sonorous names, which could
easily be shouted through a speaking-trumpet
and that is a consideration of no small im
portance to a sailor.
We all remember how, during the war, the
heart of the nation was thrilled by Mrs. Far
rncut's tender mention of "the dear old Hart
ford." Let any one attempt to bedear any of
the unpronounceable and ridiculous names
which Secretary Welles has bestowed upon
our new war-ships, and it will be seen how
absurdly misplaced they are. The greater
part of our new ships have been christened by
utterly unmeaning and mostly unpronounce
able Indian names, which awaken no memories
in the minds of the people and puzzle us to
write them, much more to speak them. As
we are not Indians, there is no reason why we
should give Indian names to our national ves
sels, except fcuch as have been endeared to us
by their historical significance. To give the
name of such a disgusting savage as the Ca
manche to one of our national ships, when we
have so many fine-sounding names which
illustrate our history, is a piece of folly.
XSut Mr. Welles committed greater blunders
man giving unmeaning Indian names to our
first-class iron-clads, in belittling another
class of steamers by calling them after little
parlor-window shrubs and green-house plants.
1 ne wanted to bestow lloral appellations on
, certain class of war steamers, though
nothing could be more inappropriate than
such a system of naval nomenclature, there
was a fine opportunity to pick out "a com
modity of good names" from the American
flora. We have an abundance of capital indi
genous names for such a purpose the per
simmon,' the hickory, the laurel, the live oak,
the pepperidge, the sycamore, and bo on. We
have a great wealth of similar names. But
Mr. Welles must give us, instead, the Fuchsia,
the Geranium, and such feeble foreigners. The
fuchsia is a preposterous name to bestow upon
a war steamer; but if Mr. Welles wanted to
honor that brilliant flower, why did he not
call another hhip the Lobelia Cardinalis ? Let
Congress take this matter in hand, and pass a
law that none but native or national names
shall ever be given to national ships.
Thi President and Mr. Stanton.
From the Tribune.
In the traditions of the United States Gov
ernment the Cabinet has been so entirely the
creation of the Fresidential will that the pre
sent Administration, we believe, furnishes the
first instance of a Cabinet officer holding his
seat through a term of years in direct opposi
tion to the President's policy. When Mr.
Johnson was made President by an accident,
he found himself in the hands of a strong
Cabinet, whose members had been, through
out the war, the trusted advisers of Mr. Lin
coln; they understood the various depart
ments, and he did not; they brought four
years of national experience to the work;
he came from the Military Governorship
of a single State. Probably there was not
one of the Secretaries who did not know
better than he the duties of the Pre
sidency, and Mr. Johnson was no doubt
happy to find a ready-made Cabinet, tho
roughly acquainted with Executive business,
and capable of directing his course. But,
while he yielded to the necessities of igno
rance, he did not intend to be the mere execu
tor of Mr. Lincoln's will; yet, though resolved
upon a change of policy, was uncertain what
that change should be. At first he thought
his predecessor had been too lenient, and de
sired to correct that error by a general hang
ing of the Rebel leaders; but before any
one was hung he was convinced that Mr.
Lincoln had been too severe, and correoted
that mistake by appointing Rebels to office.
As soon as he changed the Executive policy,
and began to reverse the decision of the
war by placing the United States in an
attitude of defeat, it was naturally expected
that the Cabinet officers Mr. Lincoln had ap
pointed would resign. Their alternative was
surrender, and Mr. Seward and Mr. Welles
preferred it. One by one, as the new Pre
sident's intentions were disclosed, Messrs.
Speed, and Dennison, and Harlan resigned.
The position of every member of the Cabinet
was defined of every one but Edwin M.
Stanton, the Secretary of War, whose entire
record in office was opposed to Mr. Johnson's
views, and who retained his position without
making a single profession of fidelity or faith
lessness to his old principles. As time passed,
Mr. Stanton became the political mystery of
the day something like the Man In the Iron
Mask, or the Veiled Prophet of Khorassan.
He said nothing, he did nothing; he drew his
salary, and attended Cabinet meetings. So
equivocal was his position that his enemies
and friends were equally afraid to trust
him. He was a third party in politios; he
was a mere offioe-seeker; a radical forlorn
hope in the Cabinet, a traitor to Republi
canism; he was everything, in short, that the
imagination of the people chose to make him.
Other publio men are abused by one party
and defended by the other, but he was abused
by both. But gradually this cloud was lifted;
it was noticed that Mr. Seward no longer com
plimented Stanton as "the Carnot who had
organized victory," and that when Mr. John
son went on the electioneering funeral excur
sion to the grave of Douglas, he was not of
the party. Then the issues of reconstruction
were presented, and it was well understood
that Mr. Stanton did not side with the Presi
dent. Then it was rumored that he wished to
resign, and consented to hold office only at the
earnest request of the Republicans ' in Con
gress. The recent publication of the Cabinet
debate upon reconstruction ftonflrmed the
belief that Mr. Stanton's Republicanism was
unshaken; and now comes the threat of his
removal, and the announcement that he has
been for more than a year one of the many
officers whom Mr. Johnson has desired to
remove without daring to take the responsi
bilitynext to Congress and the people the
Greatest obstacle to the Rebel rule whwh Mr.
ohnBon has tried to establish.
To the Secretary of War we Wa t
many things opposed. We have denied the
iusUce of blH i arbitrary arrets; his irresponsi
ble commission; his military trials In cases
wi.eie uivn uim.my waa sniUcient to punish
crime or redress wrong. But we have not
failed to recognize his ability or his patrlot
m; and we know that it is not because of his
laults but entirely because of his virtues, that
Mr. Johnson would expel him from the Cabi
net. No man will ever be removed by Andrew
Johnson for infidelity to Republican principles
and there is no better recommendation to his
favor than a willingness to evade and nullify
the laws. The President wishes the Secretary
of War to be a man like Mr. Stanbory, ready
to furnish arguments that the law ia not a law
but a farce, and to execute It in the spirit of a
burlesque. That Mr. Stanton could not do
this is the sole reason for his removal, for it is
not alleged that he Las neglected or excenled
the duties of his office. The President's bitter
opposition is wholly baaed upon the question
of reconstruction, and has placed Mr. Stanton,
where we are glad to find him, in sympathy
w ith congress, and side by side with bhendau.
But the Tenure of Office act was framed ex
pressly to prevent the unrestrained power of
the President over the great executive offices
of the Government, it was intended to con
line the r resident to the exercise of his own
constitutional functions. Allow the Executive
absolute power of removal and appointment,
and he may himself become in fact the Secre
tary of State, the Secretary of the Treasury,
the secretary of War. He may remove states
men and appoint his croatures in their plaoes.
In theory such unlimited power as this absorbs
all the departments of State in one, and makes
the Cabinet an oligarchy, the Presidency
tyranny; Mr. Johnson gave reason to believe
that it would also be bo in practice. Con
gress, therefore, asserted the right of the
legislative authority to limit the action of the
Executive by sanction or disapproval, pre
cisely as the Executive limits the legislative
authority by the right ot the veto. The Civil
Tenure act takes from the President the power
to appoint or remove Cabinet officers without
the consent of the Senate, but the second sec
tion gives him the right to suspend from office.
and to make temporary appointments during
uie recess 01 the benate. Xdr. Johnson may.
therefore, suspend the Secretary of War, but
so long as he is not suspended, he cannot be
deprived of any of his rights, or relieved of his
responsibilities. He is also a part of the Gov
ernment, and the anomalous position iu which
it is said Mr. Johnson would place the Secretary
is unknown to our laws. The President
would exclude the Secretary of War from
Cabinet meetings he has no right to do so :
p he would refuse to acknowledge his official
acts he is equally without right. He must
either suspend Mr. Stanton altogether, or not
at all, and we are not certain that suspension
would not finally be better for the country
Mr. Stanton's presence in the Cabinet has
given the Administration an authority that
does not properly belong to it, and was in a
great measure a protection to Mr. Johnson
Possibly the wisest course would be to let the
President bring about the ridiculous crisis
which the Republican nartv.bv laws of limits.
tion, concessions, and remonstrances, has so
iaiuiiuiiy laborea to prevent.
The Roman Question and the Party of
From the THmet.
The announcement that Garibaldi has for
the present abandoned his intention of leading
a volunteer movement against the Papal
States, will hardly surprise those who know
anything of the impulsive character of the
Liberator, or of the conservative influences to
which, after all, he is generally subject. ' x
Three weeks ago the Italian Party of Action
issued a proclamation, in which it was an
nounced that all the liberating Committees and
"Centres or Insurrection" had united in form
ing one supreme organization under the
name of "the National Roman Junta,
laith and discipline were to be the
foundations of this new Society; all past
differences were declared to have been
healed; and the hour for decisive action
seemed to be so near at hand that the States
of the Churoh were really invaded at several
points. The aspect of affairs, indeed, had
become bo threatening that the Roman Minis
ter, Antonelli, had formally questioned the
four principal Catholio powers represented at
the Papal Court as to what their action would
be in view of the threatened invasion. The
Minister demanded especially that they should
- r i Ti l i . . , .
ascertain u we naiiuu government, in dell
ance of the September Convention, connived
at the movement; whether, moreover, the
insurrection should be allowed to take its full
sweep, in default of the pledge of the King of
Italy; and also whether, if within the city of
uouie useii ine insurrection should break out,
the neutral powers would hold themselves
obliged to intervene.
There is no doubt that these interrogatories
were accompanied by the usual intimation-
conveyed in the form of a threat that the
sovereign of Rome was prepared to surrender
his rights and retire from the seat of his do
minion, unless a guarantee stronger than the
Italian Government could offer was given for
the protection 01 me Uhurch's estates.
The appeal of Cardinal Antonelli. it is car
tain, was not made without effect. Austria and
Portugal, it is alleged on good authority, were
less eager to give pledges for the independence
of the Holy See than Franoe and Spain; but
the joint communication of these powers to the
King of Italy, backed as it appears to have
been, in a less formal manner, by representa
tions from the British Minister at Florence,
made it dear to the liberal as well as to the
conservative section of the Italian Government
if not also to the leaders of the "Party of
Action" that the movement against Rome
must be suppressed at all hazards.
Even those Italian statesmen suoh as Baron
Ricasoli who go the farthest in desiring a
divorce of the Church from the State, are
pledged against the violent overthrow of the
Roman Govornment. In that remarkable let
ter of last November, in whioh Rioasoli, in
viting the exiled bishops to return from Rome,
pays so magnificent a tribute to the freedom
of the Church in America, he yet proclaims
his strong desire to see the authority of the
Pope maintained in its integrity. And but a
few days after that letter of the ex-Minlster
was penned, the King of Italy himself, in
opening his Parliament, UBed these words:
The Italian Oovernment, observant of Its
engugerueutB, has respected, and will respect,
the rontinoal territory. Our good understand
ing with the French Emperor, the moderation
f the Jtomans, the wisdom of the Pontiff, and
Die religious sentiment aud right feeling of the
Italian people will, aid us to distinguish and
conciliate the Catholio interests and the na
tional asplratlous. I respect the prlnoiple of
liberty which breathes thro nub, our institu
tions, and which, brosdly audslnoerely applied,
will remove the old differences between OtiuroU
and State. This disposition on our part, by re
assuring the Catholio oonsolonce, will accom
plish, 1 hope, the wishes whioh I form, that the
(sovereign Voutlff may remain Independent at
Nome."
i Such were the solemn declarations of the
King of Italy, in presence of the first Parlia
ment of United Italy, after Venetia had been
restored to her proper place. They wero
declarations which Lad the approval of all
AUGUST 10, 1867.
Old Bye
hie
I N E
LARGEST
OLD
IN THE LAND IS
HENRY S. II A N N I S & C O.,
Nob. 218 and 220 SOUTH FROTCT STREET,
WllOorrERTIIF. SAMKTO THE TRAOE IN LOTS , ON TEBI ADTANTAfiEOM
TEBJ1I. (
Their Stock of Hya Whiskies, IN BOND, comprise all tha favorite brada
extent, and ruik, tniough tl various months of lhO6,'C0, and of this jraar, p to
I'Bt data.
Liberal contracts nidi for lots to arrive at Pennsylvania Railroad Depot
n.rrcson Una Vtharf.or at Bonded Warehouses, aa parties mar elect.
the liberal powers of Europe, as well as
those which are supposed to be more imme
diately the Protectors of Rome. Neither
I russia nor England have any Interest in
seeing the Pontiff driven from his possession
to become a pensioner of Austria or Franoe.
And the common aim of reasonable liberals
of every nationality has been to reconcile the
independence of the Roman sovereign with
the unity and progressive development of the
talian kingdom. A great step in the right
direotion was taken by Rioasoli when he
proposed to secularize about twenty-four
millions sterling or about one-third of the
Church property. That measure, which, in a
modified form, was adopted by Ricasoli's
successor, Bignor Ferrara, would not only
had if received the sanction of Parliament
have relieved the pressing necessities of the
Exchequer; but it would have paved the way
for effectually liberating the Church in Italy
entirely from State control; it would thus
have built up a liberal party within the
Church itself, and would gradually have
solved the question of "St. 'Peter's patri
mony." The plan of Ricasoli was liberal.
and yet conservative. It was defeated for the
time by the efforts of the "Party of Action,"
because it involved a compromise it spoiled
the chances of a revolutionary outbreak in
Rome, and it left the secret cabals, with which
the whole if enmsula is overrun, nothing to
do. In spite of the Parliamentary reverses
recently suffered by the moderate Liberals in
Italy, the backward step which Garibaldi has
so judiciously taken shows that his ears are
not shut against moderate counsels, and his
Inlluences over his iollowers happily still re
mains so powerful that a new revolution, with
out his presence and direction, would amount
to nothing more than a local spasm, whfch the
Uovernment of the King would have no diln
culty in dealing with.
Victoria and Albert.
From the World.
Queen Victoria evidently loved Prince
Albert before she married him. The first
volume of the life of the Prince, entitled "The
Early Years of his Royal Highness the Prince
Consort," contains positive proof of this inte
resting fact. It is also shown that the course
of royal love, like the course of a good many
other loves of less distinguished persons,
ran roughly for a time. The late King William
IV objected. The late Prince Alexander of the
Netherlands, who was a rival favored by the
King, objected. No less than four other rivals
were proposed. Prince Albert himself, who,
having been suggested by the King of the Bel
gians in 1838 as the Queen's husband, re
ceived word that Victoria desired that a few
years should elapse before the marriage, was
so discouraged that he then and there flatly
told King Leopold that "unless he, Prince
Albert, had some more certain assurance to
go upon, he should decline waiting."
"In case," said the Prinoe, "the Queen
should conclude not to desire the marriage, it
would place me in a very ridiculous position.
and to a certain extent ruin all the prospects
of my future life." A delioate hint to this
effect was probably given by the King of the
Belgians in the proper quarter; for in Ootober
the following year, Prince Albert, accompanied
by his brother Ernest, paid a visit to Windsor,
where, at 12 o'clock on the 15th, he "obeyed
the Queen's summons to her room." Victoria
herself at once popped the question; and on
the same day disclosed in a letter to her
"dearest uncle," Leopold, that the "warm
affection Albert showed gave her great plea
sure," and that she "loved him more than she
could say." "These last few days," continues
the Queen, "have passed like a dream
to me; and I am so much bewildered by
it all that I hardly know what to write.
But I do feel very happy." Could any
thing be more charming and girlish and un
affected ? But then we must remember that
Victoria was only nineteen, and had just
been enthroned as Queen of England as well
as of her lover's heart. Prince Albert wrote
to his grandmother, testifying to his being the
happiest of men.; Yet, after the marriage,
which took place on the 10th of February,
1840, the separation from his father and
brother caused the poor young Prince to shed
tears. Whereupon the Queen, resorting to
her journal, "prayed God to grant that she
might be the happy person, the most happy
person, to make this dearest, blessed being
happy and contented." This happiness and
contentment was sought outside of Lon
don. "The Prinoe disliked the dirt and
smoke" of the city; and the Queen herself,
who suffered with headache whenever she was
within its walls, was glad to live a merry life
in the country with her "inestimable husband
and friend." State ceremonials aud court re
ceptions became irksome to her. , It ia easy
to see that they have grown more and more
irksome ever since. "When the Princess
Royal was born, for a moment only," says the
Queen, "was the Prinoe disappointed at its
being a daughter, and not a son." The Prinoe
proved himself to be a model nurse. During
Victoria's confinement, "no one but himself
lifted her her from her bed to the sofa. As
years went on, and he became overwhelmed
with work (for his attentions were the same in
all the Queen's subsequent confinements), this
was often done with much inoonvenienoe to
himself, but he ever came with a sweet smile
en his face." In short, Prinoe Albert's care
is described as like that of a "mother" to the
Queen.
These episodes are to be followed by a con
secutive history of the Queen's after life with
the Prince Consort until the death of Albert.
The history to come will probably be most
valuable. But the present volume tells of
the younger and happier and more hopeful
timo, when Victoria was called handsome,
and when, as her journal plainly shows, she
was a frank, warm-hearted, and not , unro
mantio girl. In her temperament at that
time, in the affection that she conceived for
the Frinoe who is dead, may easily be dis
covered the souroes of whatever has been wise
and worthy in her later reign. It was the
hand of Albert, indeed, that guided, if it did
not wield the screptre; and them is a sad im
pression in England that it lies, almost for
gotten, beside his tomb.
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UNITED STATES HOTEL.
" ATLANTIC CITY.N. J.,
IX ROW OPEN, '
FOK PARTICULARS, ADDRE83
BBOVN A WOELPPEB,
' ATLANTIC CITY,
Or No. 837 RICHMOND Street,
Phllade) phla.
6102m
MERCHANTS' HOTEL,
CAPE ISLAND, H. J.
This beautiful and commodious Hotel Is now open
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It Is on tbe main avenue to the Beach, and leu than
one square from the ocean. , , ,
WIIXIAN MASON,
1 PKOPRIKTOB. '
AMERICAN HOUSE.
CAPK ISLAND, N. J
IT JOSEPH Jfi. UuOhUt, formerly of the Ocean ,
House. One square from the depot and the ooean. -Board
t8 per oay. or i8 to lis per week 17 MnulislOt
FURNISHING GOODS, SHIRTS,AC.
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LOVES,
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I6tuthl HQ. WORTH E1CUTU WTBKKT.
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Pend for. Pamphlet. t TstuthMm ,
CHARLES RUM PP.
PORTE-9I ONNAIE,' POCKET-BOOK, AND
ITl'lli'i .......... ' "
VMM.I1 l I A111ULB,
I KO. 47 NORTH SIXTH STREET,
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Portfolios,
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neiow Arch, Philadelphia.
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Bankers' Cases,
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WHOLESALE AND RETAIL, 7KU
JblUltiS, sin.
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