THE NEW YORK PBESS.
EDIIOBIAI' orWIOKB Of THB LBAPIMO JOURNALS
OFOft CTBBEST TOPICS COMPILED EVERY
DAT FOR THE EVENING TKLKGRAFH.
Th Itimgnil of Throckmorton,
ywn fA TVffcune.
The Military Coimnandera in the South have
fepponsibilities afl heavy as their powers are
jwat; they aie masters of the situation, and
Jbr whatever they do or leave undone will be
fceid to the strictest accountability. Very
little has yet been done in any of the five
iistriots of which the people disapprove, and
they will most certainly and hoartily approve
f the romoval of Governor Throckmorton, of
Texas, of which we are advised by telegraph.
This was an act which General Sheridan
seriously meditated, and he had, we believe,
decided upon it when Stanbery's opinion was
published, and Grant requested that all re
movals of civil officers should be for the time
suspended. Sheridan was convinced that the
lemoval of Governor Throckmorton was neces
sary to maintain good order in Texas. The
ISorth has long held the opinion tersely ex
pressed in the order of removal, that Throck
morton was "an impediment to the reconstruc
tion of that State under the law."
Governor Throckmorton, a Rebel Governor,
elected in opposition to the feeble Union party
of that State, began his administration by
Iedging himself to support the laws of the
'nited States, and to aid the policy of recon
struction. We do him but justice in saying
that we recall no act of his that direotly
opposed the laws. Unlike Governor Jenkins,
of Georgia, he did not counsel the people to
prevent reconstruction by refusing to register,
and seems to have carefully avoided all open
opposition. Itut he has been guilty of actual
opposition as dangerous. lie denounced the
Reconstruction bill aa unjust and tyrannical;
approved the odious labor system made by
the Legislature, and its other acts intended to
keep the freedmen in virtual slavery,
lie has defeated the intent of the Reconstruc
tion laws by systematically neglecting to
execute them; he has refused to assert his
authority, and has allowed his disloyal subor
dinates to act without rein or check; he has
abandoned the State to the rule of outlaws,
has encouraged murder by neglecting to
punish murderers, and has never taken one
honest, manly step to make the laws of the
United States respected andobeyed. lie is a
Secret and bitter foe of reconstruction, or a
weak and timid man who has become the tool
of conspirators and desperadoes. In either
case he deserved removal; there is no plea
that can be received in its favor; we point to
the condition of Texas in answer to all ex
cuses, and say that the Governor who
makes no effort to suppress a reign of terror,
permits it and connives at it, and should be
summarily turned out of the office he is unlit
to fill.
The Lindley murder is one of the notorious
instances of Governor Throckmorton's neglect.
The Rev. Mr. Lindley was a Union man whose
son had been murdered by Rebels, who after
wards were arrested; while attempting to
escape two of them were shot by Major Car
penter, and, it is said, by Mr. Lindley. Lind
ley was placed in jail, whence he wrote to
General ileintzelman, declaring that his life
was in danger because of his Union prin
ciples. Application was made by General
Ileintzelman to Governor Throckmorton, who
replied that Lindley was in no danger from
mob violence, and that he would write to
the authorities of Bell county, and impress
the necessity of strict compliance with the
law. Two weeks had not passed before
Mr. Lindley, his son, and another prisoner
were murdered in jail by a mob of thirty
jnen. Bo far did Governor Throckmorton's
protection extend 1 Nor did he ever take any
steps to punish the assassins, or to remove the
civil authorities of Bell county for their guilt.
This is but one instance out of hundreds.
When, in May last, he sought to convince the
freedmen that their best friends were in the
Conservative party, the Colored Union Com
mittee truthfully replied: "You have shown
no zeal in bringing to justice the many parties
in this State who have committed outrages
apon Union men and freedmen. We have
made diligent search and inquiry, and we
have found no case where the murderer has
fceen convicted by a civil tribunal. Your
wholt notion, from the day you deserted the
Union cause and took up arms against the
United States Government to the present time
lias been one sstruggle against the loyal sen
timent in this State.' Thus it was, and thus
it is. But alshort time since we printed the
official report of Colonel Sinclair, Superin
tendent of the Registration in Northeastern
Texas, who says that the freedmen are ruled
ty the shot-gun and the revolver; that they
are ignorant of their rights, and afraid to make
complaints, and that they will not be allowed
to register a vote unless protected by the
power of the army. They are shot down daily
lay gangs of cutthroats, who, when brought
Defore the civil courts, are liberated by the
judges, and ride oif not only in safety, but in
triumph.
General Griffin, in command of the State,
With an insufficient military force, could not
suppress this insurrection, lie had the civil
authorities against him; he had Governor
Throckmorton to thwart him. There were
- but two ways of restoring order; the first was
tq send a standing army into Texas; the
seoond to remove Governor Throckmorton.
All loyal men prefer the latter. The true
policy is not to cruBh a disloyal civil govern
ment in Texas, but to establish one that shall
ba loyal. General Sheridan has oourageously
done hia duty, and although he may himself
fc removed for having thrust a bad man from
power, he has left to the President the respon
sibility of turning him out and restoring a
Rebel to the gubernatorial chair.
Governor h. M. Pease is a native of Connec
ticut, who has been a resident of Texas since
1833. lie is a lawyer of eminenoe, and was a
consistent Union man throughout the war.
He has served in both branches of the Texas
Legislature, and was twice eleoted Governor,
serving from 1853 to 1857. He was Republi
can candidate for Governor last year, against
Throckmorton, and reoeived 12,051 votes to
48,631 for hia opponent.
fTha President and Reconstruction Ia-
t(udd Ksmoval of ttUerldan.
From the Timet.
There seems no longer any doubt as to the
intended removal of General Sheridan by the
President. All accounts concur In represent
in it as resolved upon, despite the warnings
nH mmnnatrances which the rumor has
elicited.
It la difficult to reconcile the President's
action in the matter with any intelligent de
sire for the welfare of the South or the har
mony of the Union. The purpose imputed to
him in regard to Sheridan would be manifest,
and even consistent, if the Administration
jrere intent upon complicating the quarrel
THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, THURSDAY.
with Congress, intensifying the distrust and
hoHtility entertained by the North towards Mr.
Johnson, and adding to the difficulties which
overshadow the South.
For the promotion of those objects nothing
could be more efficacious than the transfer of
Sheridan to another upbore of duty. On any
other supposition, it ifl incomprehensible.
To call it statesmanship would be an unpar
donable perversion of the term. To hold it
up to admiration as an intrepid devotion to
constitutional principles would, in the cir
cumstances, Ik simply ridioulous. The most
that can be said in its extenuation is that it ia
an exercise of the obstinaoy which has
marked the President's proceedings since the
beginning of his differences with the Repub
lican party. He has said and done so much
unwisely, wantonly, with no other result than
an increase of partisan bitterness aud strife,
that we ought perhaps to receive each suc
ceeding display of temper without surprise.
Nevertheless, in the present case, it is singu
larly unfortunate. And we predict that the
blow, when struck, will do more harm to the
President who aims it than the General at
whom it is aimed.
We have never been unqualified eulogists of
General Sheridan. Hia mode of acting has
been more than once the subject of animad
version in these columns; and the tone of
some of his despatches haa not accorded with
current ideas of military discipline. Apart
from these defects of manner and temper, his
course as District Commander has earned the
confidence and approval of the Union party.
It is felt that he haa acted uniformly in the
interest of the loyal population of hia District,
and in hearty sympathy with the policy
upheld by Congress. He has carried out ita
views in hia administration of the law. His !
deposition of notoriously untrustworthy civil
officers has been indorsed by Congreas, which
thus made- his acts ita own. His removal,
therefore, will be a fresh issue raised by the
President, who is powerless except in the dis
play of spite, with the representatives of the
people, whose measures the people approve,
and whose power in the premises ia virtually
absolute. Is this folly only, or the madness
that rushes to destruction f
The country will flee in the removal of
Sheridan another instance of the President's
hostility to the administration of the Recon
struction law another illustration of his de
termination, if possible, to thwart the clearly
expressed intentions of. its authors. The
recent session deprived him of the pretexts
afforded by Mr. Stanbery's opinions. He can
no longer undertake to instruct the Military
Commanders in a sense at variance with the
well-understood purposes of the law. He
haa been deprived of authority to meddle
with the doinga of the commanders, or to dic
tate the line they shall take. The power to
remove the commanders has, however, been
left in his hands, and now that Congress has
separated, he turns round and uses thia
power to remove and punish Sheridan, whose
sole offense is a faithful compliance with the
will of Congress. This, and this only, is the
light in which the removal will appear. The
President's Washington organ resorta to spe
cial pleading, and argues that while the object
of Congress implies "pacifying the country
and restoring harmony to the Union," the
conduct of Sheridan has promoted the oppo
site results. A fallacy so transparent will not
deceive anybody. Sheridan is to be removed,
not because he defeats the object of the law
for Congress has declared that he fulfils it
but because his fidelity to the authorized
principles and rules of reconstruction haa
exposed him to the anger of Rebels and the
vindictiveness of the President. He is to be
punished, in fact, for the faithful performance
of hia duty. And the National Intelligencer
proclaims that any other of "the Southern
satraps" who, by a similar course, may pro
voke the Executive displeasure, will share
Sheridan'a fate. By the abuse of the power of
removal, then, the President desires to ob
struct the working of the law, and to secure
the application of his own views through the
agency of more accommodating district com
manders. There is more than bad judgment in thia
case. Practically, there ia bad faith. Weeka
ago a disposition to remove Sheridan was at
tributed to the President, and was disclaimed
by journala and correspondents in his behalf.
it was alleged that the purpose, if it had ever
been entertained, was abandoned. In this
way the impression was created that the dis
trict commanders would remain unmolested
by the Executive. The House, unwilling to
rely upon the professions of hia friends,
provided for the abrogation of hia
power of removal ; but the Senate,
reposing greater confidence in his good
faith, objected to the provision, and it was
omitted from the bill as enacted. Certain it
is tnat the power to remove would nave
been annulled as distinctly aa the power to
direct, but for the conciliatory course of Sena
tors who believe that to thia extent the 1'resi
dent might be trusted. See now how he
juBtifies their moderation and exemplifies hia
title to confidence 1 The only authority which
Congress leaves him possessed of he exercises
to the detriment of its policy. Professing re
spect lor us will, and a determination to carry
out ita law, his first step ia to punish a district
commander because he abides by tue law
rather than the caprices of Mr. Johnson. -It
was in view of a contingency like thia that a
demand was urged for a brief adjournment.
That demand waa resisted as unnecessary, be
cause, forsooth, obstruction need be no
more feared from the President. But the re
moval of Sheridan will demonstrate a readi
ness to obstruct the operation of the law to
the extent of the opportunities still controlled
by the Executive.
In the presence or tins unexpected aimcuuy,
the country will turn anxiously, yet hope
fully, to General Grant, as the virtual admin
istrator of the law. He is invested "with all
the powers of suspension, removal, appoint
ment, and detail granted" to district com
manders. The President may, indeed, remove
the latter, and may appoint others prepared to
do his bidding. But that is all. In General
Grant is vested the far more important power
of revising the action of the President's nomi
nees, reversing what they may do amiss, and
directing to be done whatever to his judgment
may seem requisite for the safe working of
reconstruction. The responsibility, the fidelity,
the sagacity of General Grant constitute the
only guarantee vouchsafed to us for the ade
quate enforcement of the conditions dictated
by Congress in the spirit in which they were
conceived. To this quarter we look trustfully
for the efficiency and the peace which are most
unwisely denied by Mr. Johnson.
Tha Rest Presidency The Canvass Com.
From the Herald.
The campulgn for the next Presidency haa
opened; half-a-dozen candidates are already
before the public, paced and landed by their
respective adherents and admirers, and the
canvass ia active, for and against, on all the
names. The most significant point developed
thus far Is the shy fighting against Qrant from
all the factions. Representative Journals of
all the Republican cliques discuss the Presi
dency with' gusto-so long: a they are-' per
milted to merely laud their little lavorites to
mention the virtues and claims of Chase,
Stanton, Colfax, and Old Ben Wade; but no
sooner is the name of Grant heard than there la
a sudden change in their manners. It is amusing
in such circumstances to hear them deprecate '
the discussion of the Presidency. They say it
is too soon. They nrgo, then, that the Presi
dency Bhould be untouched for some time yet,
and argue that there are a great many other
topics that naturally precede it and ought to
be settled first. They run hurriedly over the
list of national troubles reconstruction aud
the ten torn-up States, the national debt, the
Indian war, and so on. This shallow dodge to
escape from what they fear to face will avail
but little; for the people have already seen and
determined that all these national evils are to
be settled by settling the great question of the
Presidency. The settlement of the Presidency
is the necessary preliminary to all other settle
ments In matters of national policy. It ia at
the root of all; it underlies and involves all;
it is the great first fact for the next period in
the life of the country; and if it is settled right
all other points will settle themselves in har
monious accordance with it; while any attempt
to patch up an arrangement of great national
topics in advance of this settlement, and with
out reference to it, must inevitably end in
failure.
One of the more advanced of the Republican
organs puts ita opposition to Grant on a rather
broader basis. It ia afraid that, may be, he ia
not a good enough Republican. It doea not
know enough of hia principloa to feel sure of
his fidelity or to be satisfied that he ia such
a true representative of the power and great
ness of the nation so in sympathy with the
mass of the people as to make him their proper
Executive. It is one of the astonishing things
of the age that there are pigmy people men
who have never done anything better in the
world than write trashy politics and try expe
riments on their own precious digestion with
bran bread who have yet the ineffable im
pudence to stand up and question the fidelity
and the genius of a man with General Grant's
history. It is the strongest of contradictions
that in the United States, whose whole people
are entitled to honor for what they have done
more than for what they have said, whose
greatness is in their achievements, not in their
speeches in the ideas they have wrought into
tremendous facts rather than framed in fine
sentences it is a strange contradiction that in
such a country, in the midst of such a people,
that man should be decried and questioned
who haa given the most direct evidence that
he is a real type of the people, in having done
more than any other man, and said less. To
thia Wendell Phillins argument this phrase
monger's notion that the man who haa led
the American people to the most wonderful
achievements of the age has no ideas and no
principles, because he has not written and will
not write political letters to two or three men j
in Massachusetts, we will make no serious
answer. I
Yet we are happy to be able to state that
General Grant has a platform, and one that
will bear comparison with the platform of any
professed politician in the country. His first
plank relates to what the American people
should do. He believes they should cultivate
the soil. He holds that it ought to be the am
bition of every American citizen to be a good
farmer, and acknowledges and declares that
that is his own "greatest ambition." His re
duction of Vicksburg, hia capture of Chatta
nooga, and final destruction of all the Rebel
armies, were' only incidents injiia career, and
each success welcome as bringing nearer the
happy day when he should go home and smell
the fresh earth and take a pride in the
ripened grain of hia farm. From this natu
ral occupation a man may turn for one para
mount reason his duty to his country. To
mind that duty ia the first great thing a man
haa to do in life. This ia another plank
in the platform, and this will disgust the
radicals, who believe that a man's first duty ia
not to his country, but to hia party. Grant
also holds that when a man has performed this
duty he ought to retire to private life. This
point in the candidate's principles ia expected
to secure him the opposition of all the office
holders, including Seward, Welles, and Stan
ton, who will never retire to private life if
they can help it. Grant believes that he haa
done hia duty, and feels, at all events, that he
has earnestly tried to do it; nevertheless, if
the country still calla, he ia ready. If the
people wish to give him the Presidency he
will take it; he will deter his retirement at the
national bidding, though when he has done
his duty in that line for four or eight years he
will expect to be allowed to go home, giving up
politics and every possible public office.
This ia the best platform ever laid down
since the first invention of that dangerous
piece of political machinery. We are aware,
however, that it doea not tell what the party
men want to know, and will not silence their
clamor; for it gives no indication how they
may get at the candidate with their bargains.
When a partisan journal declares that it doea
not know a public man's principles, it means
that it does not know his price; it means that
the clique it represents haa not yet had a
chance to see the candidate and find" out how
he stands with respect to their little games
whether he will concede this post office or that
ministry in consideration of the support of the
faction; and exactly this is what is meant by
those Republican journala who say they do
not know the principles of the man whose
principles are inefl'aceably written in the his
tory of the war. They say to mention his
name for the Presidency ia premature. It
will always be premature till they have made
their bargains, and thus they will be telling
their readers it ia premature when the people
with unanimous decision have declared by
ballot that Grant is the man.
A Trap for Uenerai Grant.
From the World.
Although General Grant ha3 no experienoe
in the crooked ways of poitics, he is too
shrewd and cautious to be drawn into a Re
publican ambuscade. The only reason why
any part of the Republican party have pro
posed him for the Presidency, is their fear
that he may be nominated by the Demo
crats. There is nothing in hia character or
his antecedents which can recommend him
to the Republicans. He waa bred, and, aa
we may say, born a Democrat; hia father
being a staunch supporter of Democratic
principles, aa the public well know from the
conversation between him and President
Johnson, reported in the newspapers last year.
During the war General Grant won all
hia laurels by hard and skilful fight
ing, never once attempting to court the
party in power by incense to their Mack
idol. At the close of the war, the terms of
surrender he acoorded to General Lee and
the Rebel army were so liberal and generous
as to give universal dissatisfaction to the Re
publican party. When the Southern State
Governments had been reconstructed under
the auspices of President Johnson, General
Grant made a tour of inspection in the South
and reported that the people gave satisfactory
proofs of loyalty, and deserved to be trusted.
This was about the time of the first meeting of
Congress after the war, and so hostile was
General Grant's report deemed to the spirit
and policy of that body, and so favorable to i
the immediate admission of the Southern Re
presentatives, that Mr. Sunnier bitterly de-
iiounced it in his place in the Senate, as a
"white-washing report," and compared it to
an odious Deiuocratio document sent to Con
gress ten years Wra palliating the "border
ruffian" outrages in Kansas. General Grant's
personal character is as little in harmony with
the Republican party as Is hia pat history,
His cool, imperturbable tomperamout is sin
gularly at variance with the impatient ardor
and hot ebullitions in whiuh the Republicans
resemble all revolutionary parties.
General Grant and his well-wishers have
reason to sucpect something sinister when a
party distinguished for impetuous fauaticistu
and extreme opiuiona make proffers to a self
contained man of habitual moderation to be
their standard-bearer. These proffers are a
plot to prevent his nomination by the Demo
crats. General Graut has such Htrong ele
ments of availability, that the Republicans
dare not advance a step in their arrangements
for the Presidential canvass until he is in
some way disposed of. They perceive that
there are but two ways of preventing his
nomination by the Democratic party
one by nominating him themselves, the
other by templing him into such political
declaration aa would render it impossible
for Democrats to support him. He will be
given to understand that a large portion of
the Kepublican party desires to make him
President, but that another large portion,
without whose cooperation his friends cannot
succeed, cannot be won to his support unless
he will publicly commit himself to the Repub
lican party. The moment he should do this
he would be contemptuously flung out of
political contemplation. His personal friends
in the Republican party (and he haa many)
could not save him. The only persuasive argu
ment they can use to the stauncher Republi
cans is, "If we do not nominate General Grant
the Democrats will, and his personal avail
ability is so great that enough would go
over from our side to elect him." The
radicals see that if he can be entrapped into
endorsing the Republican policy, tins argu
ment will be deprived of all force. The radi
cal newspapers are giving him surly words;
but they are careful to raise only political ob
jections, and hold out the hope that if General
urant will make an unequivocal pledge to the
Republican party, they may be induced to
accept him. Hia Republican friends will pro
bably advise him to yield to this demand; but
they would unwittingly lure him to hia ruin,
1 he moment he should make such a declara-
fl tion, and thus preclude all possibility of his
receiving any xemocranc votes, me radicals
would be masters of the situation. They
would then insist on nominating some candi
date whose principles have always been at
tunea to their own.
Thia obvious view will enable ua to inter
pret the article on "President-making by
uuess" in yesterdays iriOune. "A few poll
ticians by trade," says the Iribune, "are intent
on opening the Presidential canvass, bringing
iorwara uenerai uraut aa their candidate
1 he sentences which next follow, and indeed
the style of the whole article, clearly disclose
the hand of Mr. Greeley. "We neither affirm
nor deny," continues the Tribune, "the fitnesa
of thia choice. There are features of General
(irant's character which incline ua to regard
him with favor, especially hia magnanimity to
the ex-Rebels." This dexterous hit is at once
a defense of Greeley and a thrust at Grant. It
strikes the aforesaid "politiciana by trade"
(meaning Thurlow Weed and Company)
between wind and water; for they have bran
dished their scalping-knives about the head of
Mr. Greeley for the same kind of "magnanimity
to ex-Rebels," which he dexterously (and
truly) charges upon General Grant. The
Tribune then proceeds to invite General Grant
to show the Republican colors, in thia charac
teristic strain :
"Time may prove that he is the man for the
place; but the question cauuot now be deter
mined. We need to understand more clearly
the issues on which that election Is to turn,
aud the views of the rival candidaUs relative
thereto.
"The people are not In the mood for trying
any grab-bug experiments. They will insist ou
huving a President who lully knows hi own
mind with regard to the political situuttou,
and who lias not exsentlally another mind from
theirs. They have once or twice taken candi
dates on trust, and have not been eucouruaed
to repeat the venture. And when thoy see that
General Oram's name is the Bhibooleth of a
number ot the most discredited of the camp
foilowers and shoddy patriots of tne late war,
who barked at the heels of the sorely beset
republic whenever it was constrained to take a
step forward In the course wuloh Jed tlirotigh
emancipation to triumph, they will be more
sneuuuus in their demands for light than if tne
Gei eral were not cursed by such backers.
"Many things are forgiven to a purty which
has not outlived its ideas and its work; but oue
thing is never forgiven, aud that is distrust of
the correctness and value or lis own principles.
The Whig party was badly beaten in the de
feat of Clay by Polk in 1814 sorely to its own
Biiinzemeut and grief; yet its vitality was ho
little impaired thut it elected the next llouso
of Representatives and the next Uoveruor of
.New York. Four years later it succeeded with
tiinerul Taylor, but lost the House of Hepre-t-entatlves
cliofcen along with him, was beaten
out of sight in tue next one, and never reco
vered its vitality. And the reason was, that in
its contest for Mr. Clay's election it boldly pro
claimed and defended Us convictions, asking a
verdict theieon; while in that for Uenerai Tay
lor's it rather concealed and evaded a distinct
issue of principle, trusting for success to fac
titious apppeal and clap-trup instrumentali
ties:. "X.ctus repent, to repel misrepresentation, that
we do not cull in question the lltnussof cliooslng
General Grant as tne Republican candidate lor
l'resident. We will consider that point in duo
time. What we do say is, that the Republican
candidate must represent aud embody Repub
lican principles, and be neither afraid nor
ashamed to avow his faith in them, aud his
willingness to stand or fall by them. His per
sonal qualities and popularity ure important
coubideiatlons, but his fearless, explicit devo
tion to Republican ideas is a primary aud essen
tial requisite."
We suppose General Grant ia not the kind
of man to walk into a well; but only a poli
tician, who would walk into a well with his
eyea open, could be caught in such a trap as
is set for this great soldier. The radicals were
never more sincere than they are in their wish
to proselyte General Grant and draw from him
a public profession of faith. But it is only to
remove the danger of hia nomination by the
Democrats. Thia done, they would scorn and
slaughter him aa a renegade Democrat who
had been seduced to profess new principles by
the hope of office.
Petroleum in France. The French are
making fresh discoveries of bituminous shale,
capable of yielding petroleum by distillation.
One of the most recently worked deposits la
that of Vagnaa, in Ardeche, whioh haa been
carefully described by M. L. Simouln. It
belongs essentially to the tertiary formation,
and is more strictly of the "bog-head" type
than of the bituminous shale series. Its tex
ture is dense and compaot, resembling a car
bonized and oompressed peat. The peaty
character is still further shown by the presence
of a number of vegetable fibres, which may be
seen with the naked eye, and which pass from
the surface into the interior of the deposit.
This substance yields about five per cent, of
the pure oil anil a larger quantity of seooadary
products. i ....
AUGUST 1, 1867.
Old Rye
THE LA EG EST AND BEST I STOCK OFJIa
FINE OLD RYE WHIGKIEG
IN TIIE LAND IS NOW POSSESSED BY
HENRY S. HANNIS &- CO.,
Kos. 218 and 220 SOUTH mONT STREET,
WIIO OFFER THE NAME TO THB TllAOE, IN LOTS. OR VKBT ADVAHTAOEOM
TEBJIS.
Their Stock of f Whliltlci, IN DOMD, comprises all the favorite bras da
iUnt,Dd run through th various months of ISOS.'OO, and of this year, up to
present date.
Liberal contnrti mad for Iota to arrive at Pennsylvania Railroad Depot,
"rrlreaoa Line Wharf, or at Uovritd Warehoueee, aa partlea may elect.
INSTRUCTION.
BUSINESS COLLEGE,
N.E. CORNER FIFTH AND CHEIINUT BtTB
Established Nov. t, IMS. Chartered March 14, lseo.
BOOK-KEKPINCt.
Conrse i of Jnstractlonnnequalled.oonsuitlngof prac
tical methods actually employed In leading houses tn
thiii and other cities, as Illustrated In Fairbanks
Book-keeping, which la the text-book ot this lnstltn.
Hon,
OTHER BRANCH EN
Telegraphing, Cnmmerclal Calculations, Business
.UUVIII.UICIIMI TTiihiuKi m mgner mameiuauca,
Correspondence, Forms, CommerclalLaw, eta,
YOUNW MEN
Invited to vlnlt the Institution and Jndge or them-
selves 01 its superior appoinioienis, vircuiars on up
plication. L. FAIRBANKS, A. M President.
T. E. Merchant. Secretary. e
MILLINERY, TRIMMINGS, ETC.
fJOURNI N MILLINERY.
ALWAYS ON BAND A LARUE ASSORTMENT OF
MOUllISIIVGr BONNETS,
AT NO. 004 WALNUT STREET.
827 6m MAD'LLE KEOCH.
MliS. It. DILLON,
NO. SSS AND S31 SOUTH STREET
Em a handsoine assortment of 8FKINQ MILL!
JN JLXt I
Ladles', Misses', and Children's Straw and ITano
Bonnets and Hats of the luteal styles.
Also, Silks, Velvets, Klbbona, Crapes, Feathers,
Flowers. Frames, etc 7isj
FURNISHING GOODS, SHIRTS.&C.
yERINO GAUZE UNDERWEAR
OF CART WRIGHT AND WARNER'S
CELEBRATED MANUFACTURE.
MERINO GAUZE UNDERWEAR In every var.ety
or size and style, for Ladles', Gents', and Children's
Wear.
HOSIERY.
A large assortment of HOSIERY ot English and
German manufacture, in socks, three-quarter socks
and long hose.
CLOVES,
In White, Buff, and Mode Color. For sale at
HOFM ANN'S Hosiery Store,
SStuthl NO. NORTH EIUUTII STREET.
J. W. SCOTT Sc CO.,
SHIRT MANUFACTURERS,
AND DEALERS IN
MEN'S FURNISH IKO OOODS
NO. 814 CHESNUT STREET.
FOUR DOORS BELOW THE "CONTINENTAL,'
27rp PHILADELPHIA.
PATENT SHOULDER - SEAM
SHIRT MANUFACTORY,
AND GENTLEMEN'S FURNISHING! STORE
FKRFfcCT FITTING SHIRTS AND DRAWERS
rxii.de lrom measurement at very short notice.
An other articles ot OKNTi.k.mris' DRESS
GOuLfc in lull variety.
WINCHESTER A COH
111 No. 706 CHKSNUT Street.
GROCERIES, ETC.
E W
SJ10KED AND SPICED SALMON,
FIRST OF THE 6KASON,
ALBERT C. ROBERTS,
Dealer In Fine Groceries,
11 7rp Corner ELEVENTH and VINE Sts.
JAPANESE rOWCIIONG TEA,
.THE FINEST QUALITY IMPORTED,
Emperor and other fine chops OOLONGS.
New crop YteUNG HYSON aud GUNPOWDER
and geuulne CHULAN TEA.
For sale by the package or retail, at
JAMES R. WEBR'S,
ll Corner WALNUT and EIGHTH Sts.
Q-ARFIELD'S
SUPERIOR CIDER VINECAR
Warranted tree from all POISONOUS ACIDS.
For sale by all Grocers, and by the Sole Ageuts,
PAUL & FERGUSON,
419 3mS NO. 1 NORTH WATER ST.
OHO ARCH STREET. GAS FIXTURES,
j. CHANDELIERS, BRONZE STATUARY,
ETC. VANKIKK & CO. would respectfully direct
the attention of their friends and ttie public gene
rally, to their large and eleuaut aflftorlmeut of UAS
FI ii'U Kits. CHANDELIERS, and CRN AMENTA L
BRONZE WARES. Those wishing handsome aud
thoroUKhly made Goods, at very reasouable prices,
will hud It to their advantage to give us a call before
purchasing elsewhere,
N. Rj-Solled or tarnished fixtures retinished with
pedal care and at reasouable prices.
2" " VANKIRK & CO
AMERICAN CONCRETE PAINT AND ROOF
COMPANY.
'1 his paint, for tin and metal roofs, old or new, Is
unequalled. Roofs of every kind, old shinnies in
cluded, covered or repaired thoroughly. Leaks and
dauipuetis prevented, paint tor sale by the can or
barrel. Business has prompt attention. No. M.'i N
THIRD Street. 7 13 lrnj JOSEPH LEEDS.
JOHN CRUMP,
OAItPlSNTEIt AND BUILDER
snorst No. ais lodue street, and no,
ms cuesnut street,
t I rHrLAVKLPHlA
PATENT WIRE WORK
FOR BAILINGS STORB FRONTS,?
iNUB' uVA HI'S, PA RTITION8, KTU
COAL SCREENS, FOUKDKiNIER WIREd, El'U,
Manxfaft'X'ed by
B. WsLHER A SONS,
SB ten bo. IX N. biXTU bueel
Wliislcies.
WATCHES JEWELRY, ETC.
LEWIS LADOMUS & CO.
Plamond Dealer and J waller,
NO. 80S CUESNUT ST PHILADELPHIA
Would Invite the attention ot purchasers to the
large and hanasome assortment of
DIAMONDS,
WATCHES,
. JEWELHT,
SILTEB-WARB,
ICK PITCHERS In great variety. KT'" KTOm
A large assortment of small STUDS, for eyelet
boles, Just received.
WaTCHks repaired In the best manner, ana
guaranteed.
ol4p
We keep always on hand an assortment ot
LADIES' AND CENTS' "FINE WATCHES'
Or the best American and Foreign Makers, all war
ranted to give complete satlslactiou, aud at
GREATLY REDUCED PRICES.
FARR & BROTHER,
Importers of Watches, Jewelry, Musical Boxes, etc.
11 Usmthrp No. 824 CHESNUT St., below Fourth.
Especial attention given to repairing Watches anil
Musical Boxes by FIRST-CLASH workmen.
WATCHES, JEWELKY.
W. W. OASSIDY.
NO. 1 SOUTH SECOND STREET,
stock" enUre,y new nd most carefully selected
AMERICAN AND GENEVA WATCHES.
JEWELRY, '
SILVER-WARE, AKD FANCY ARTICLES QT
EVERY DESCRIPTION, suitable
FOB BRIDAL OB HOLIDAY PRESENTS
An examination will show my stock to ba nnsnr.
passed In quality and cheapness, 09 nnau.
Particular attention paid to repairing. a 18
G. RUSSELL & CO.,
HO. S3 NORTH SIXTH STREET,
IMPORTERS AND DEALERS IN
FINE WATCHES,
FRENCH CLOCKS,
COLD JEWELRY, AND
BM SOLID SILVER WARE.
HENRY HARPER,
No. 520 ARCH Street
Manufacturer and Dealer la
WATCHES,
FINE JEWELRY,
silver-plated WARE, AND
SOLID SILVER-WARS
C. & A. PEQUIGNOT,
Manufacturers of
Gold and Silver Watch Cases,
IMrOBTXBa AND DKAI.1CB8 UT
WATCHES.
Offlce-No. 18 South SIXTH Street,
Manufactory-No. Bouth FIFTH Street,
i! . PHILADELPHIA.
COAL.
QEO. A. COOKE'S
COAL EMPORIUM,
NO. 1311 WASHINGTON AVE SUE.
THE GENUINE EAGLE VEIN, the celebrated
PRESTON, and tbepuie hard GREEN WOOD COAL
Egg and Stove, sent to all parts of the city at Mo per
ton; superior LEHIuH at 07S.
Each of the above articles are warranted to give
perfect satisfaction in every respect. Orders reoeived
at No. 114 S. THIRD Street; Emporium, No. 1814
WASHINGTON Avenue. 44
BMIDDLETON & CO., DEALERS IN
. HARLE1UH LEHIGH and EAGLE VEIN
COAL. Kept dry under cover. Prepared expressly
for family use. Yard, No. 122ft WASHING TOM
Avenue, Ofllce. No. 614 WALN UT Slrwt. 7 gp
No. 1101 CHESNCTstreetT
E. M. NEEDLES & CO.
OFFER IN
HOUSE-FURNISHIHG DRY GOODS,
ADAPTED TO THE SEASON,
Summer Ganze Blankets,
iiult Cloths ami Doylies
liatli and other Towels
Furniture Chlutxe and Dimities,
Pillow aud Sheetlnj LIueusT
ilooraud Stair Lineus
Honeycomb, Alleudalei
AND OTHER LIGHT SPREADS, AT
REDUCED PRICES.
. 8jib xnmorim ion -ow
o
OR N EXOITAN
a 1
OHM T. H A I I, K v i
w V.
n n
' Cornw Ot MARK KT and WATER Street,
DEALERS IN Bags' hd BAGGING
Grain Tfln.,. J fZ? i f'Ptlou, lor
orain, Flour, bait, buper-Phospiutt of Lime, Boas
Larre and small GUN n'yVags constantly on hand.
- JoSi t AUo WOOL SACKS.
FINE WATCHES.