THE NEW YORK PRESS.
jrniTOBiAL ornnoNS of tiih lkadiwo jonawALS
PrOS CPBBKNT TOPICS OOMPILBD EVERT
DAT FOB THB KVBWIK! TKr.RaBAPH. .' '
Roup Societies and the Prealdency. '
From tte Tribune,
The Union Republican General Committee
of this oity la oomposed of a number of gentle
men who left the Republican party beoause
they were not allowed to remain In it. They
are a forlorn hope of the Detnooraoy, and fight
under false colors. These gentlemen having
been beaten at every election, probably would
have already disbanded their meagre forces
had it not been for Mr. Thurlow Weed, whose
extraordinary Imagination conceived the highly
original plan of nominating General Grant for
the ' Presidency. The Committee Jumped at
the Buggestlon; It met; it nominated the Gene
ral, !and its members are now quarrelling as to
who shall be the Secretrry of State, and whe
shall name the New York appointments in
1869. i Mr. Weed has several hundred friends
to Whom he has half promised the Collootor
ebipy and they are all quarrelling. Each of
theBe Collectors in fu'uro has promised or sold
the Custom House offices to a host of famish
ing applicants, and they are all quarrelling. In
fact,,' by this time everybody connected with
the nomination is in a fearful condition of
rivalry with everybody else except General
Grant himself, who, nnalarmed by this sudden
attack upon his reputation, is enjoying the
eea breeze at Long Branch.
Of oourse, nobody thinks a nomination by
the Union Republican Committee of the least
Intrinsic importance. This Committee is a
coup society, differing from others in this
respect, that it does not give soup but asks
for it. Every member now presents his ladle
to General Grant, and will remain in an atti
tude of eagerness and hunger which is
piteous to behold. Buck a nomination has
not much national influence; the hack-drivers
might as well pass resolutions of thanks to
George Washington for - his Bervioea in the
Revolution, or a committee representing the
pie-sellers deolare their entire confidence in
the correctness of the multiplication table.
People would believe that two and two are
four even if the pie-men denied it, and Gene
ral Grant's .popularity is not the least in
creased, by the fact that the Soup Committee
believes , in it. The nomination, therefore,
would not be worth notice were it not for the
faot that it was prompted' by Thurlow Weed.
His annroval of General Grant is one of thoaA
extraordinary events which need to be looked
into, 'and that the Committee gave "three
nthusldstia, cheers for General Grant and
Thurlow - Weed", should scarcely oause the
hero of Richmond great uneasiness. It is a
sinister combination. Shall we next hear of
three cheers for Abraham Lincoln and Vallan
digham f I ." ' l . ;
Dreadful Would be the fate of the General
commanding the Armies of the United States
should he fall into the hands of Mr. Weed, as
'Oliver Twist' ' into the clutches of "Fagin
the Jew." We all know what Mr. Weed will
do with the General if he catches him. Just
as "Fagin" tried to make "Oliver" a thief,
Mr. Weed will seek to turn Grant into one of
those nondescript party leaders who are half
Democratic half Republican, and wholly de
testable, lie will turn the General's uniform
inside out; he will array him in blue and grey;
he will make him anew after his own image,
so that we shall have a victorious soldier
objecting to the conduct of the war, a patriot
whose highest ambition is office, and a states
man whose noblest policy is to make the peo
ple forget that principle is greater than expe
diency, i General Grant, bound in chains by
his conqueror, will be led through the laud as
one of the trophies of the forlorn hope. Mr.
Weed will turn triumphantly to the Demo
crats, and Bay, "Have we done you no ser
vice, then f Can you abuse us any longer
as renegades without inlluence, and deserters
who can't fight? See what we have brought
you I", The chained Hon will be patted on
the head by Vallandigham and embraced by
Doolittle. Woodward, of Pennsylvania, will
pare the lion's claws, Jesse Bright will pull
his teeth, and Horatio Seymour clap on the
muzzle.' Having ' thus secured themselves
from any sudden remorse or insubordination
of the lion, Mr. Weed will, mount his back;
Vallandigham, Tilden, Thomas B. Seymour,
Sunset Cox, Samuel Randall, William B.
Reed, James Brooks, will get up behind, and
with James W. Wall of New Jersey hanging
to the tail, the whole party will set oil
on a trot to Washington. We don't think
they would ever reach it; the load would
be too heavy.
We need not say that this nomination is in
the interest of the Democracy, but if it were
not, we should advise all trading politicians to
let General Grant and all our other great Gene
rals alone. The people don't waut to be engi
neered by fifth-rate local clubs; waut no Grant
or Sheridan or Shermau parties at this day.
In their good time they will settle the Presi
dential question, and in the meanwhile are
only amused by the intense admiration of Mr.
Weed and his friends for the virtue of popu
larity, and their insatiable appetite for soup.
Since Lee resigned at Appomattox Court-house
we have . known no such attack on General
Grant as this.; The forlorn hope could offer
him no greater impel tinence than to nomi
nate him, for if he has Presidential aspirations,
there is nothing that could do more to lessen
his chances than the support of renegade
Republicans, and tools of Democratic wire
pullers. 1 1
c -
.tOar Diplomacy In tha Kast. '
fVom the Time.
A liberal commercial treaty between the
empire of Japan and the Governments of the
United States, England, France, and Holland,
was formally concluded at Yeddo on the 25th
of June, 1806. By that instrument a tariff of
duties was arranged, and the schedule agreed
upon, and which formed part of the treaty, was
to regulate the scale of customs' imposts for a
period of six years. The charges for permits
of landing were abolished. Foreign goods,
warehoused at the ports of Yokohama, Na
gasaki,, and Hakodadi, under the charge of the
Japanese Government, were to be exempt from
duty, if reported at the instance of the owner.
If withdrawn from the warehouse for sale at
the port of entry, the custom rates established
Jy the convention were to be exacted.
Articles of Japanese production entered at
any of the ports open to foreign trade were
declared free of duty, with the excep ion only
of the usual tolls for the maintenance of roads
r navigation. A liberal system of gold and
silver exchange was established in place of the
old restrictions upon the use of foreign coins.
At the different points of entry the details of
customs regulations were to be submitted .to
a negotiation between the local Governors and
the foreign Consuls. A modification of the old
ehipping laws was agreed upon. Hindrances
fever kind to commercial iateroou be
THE DAILY
tween Japanese and foreign merchants were
removed. And, in short, a treaty of trade
and commerce of as liberal a character a the
Governments conoerned had any reason or
right to expect, was established s we had
all hoped, ujkhi a solid and substantial basts.
That hope seemed to be amply .confirmed
when the official report of the agreement with
the Japanese Government as to foreign Settle
ments came to hand the other day. The
readiness of the Imperial authorities to pre
pare sites at Hioga, Osaka, and other ports on
the West Coast; the liberal terms ou which
the leases were to be granted; the apparent
heartiness with which the Japanese agents
accepted the new tests to which their liberal
ity was Subjected all, appeared to give
strength and conclusiveness to the conviction
theretofore cherished, that the last barrier to
the development of the trade of the Japanese
laiipire was about to be removed forever, and
that a new era of commercial lile and enlight
ment for Japan, for the East, had certainly
opened.
In view, then, of what had been done, of
what had been promised, of what had been
hoped for, it is discouraging to learn through
the telegraph, by way of Europe, that the
Damios are again at work, and that jealous
as they are known to be alike of the Central
Government of the Empire and of the advances
of foreigners they have declared themselves
against, the opeuing of, the great port of
Osaka. Nor is their opposition to be regarded
as insignificant, or as a mere impotent protest
which they lack the necessary power to back
np. 1 If the : report, as it comes, is true, we
may not only look out for a serious interrup
tion in the commercial negotiations and ar
rangements now so far advauced, but we may
1 ook for a renewal of those affronts and of
tllAKA vinltint flttAtnnta in A rina nn Ua nitt
. -. - - . . w isuvi n i u citi
zens as well as the agents of foreign powers
wnien iea to me cuastisement administered to
Prince Nngato and the native, party by the
allied fleets in September, 1864.
Of the strange combination of authority
which makes up the Government of Japau,
that alone which centres in the Tycoon or
political head of the Government has been ever
outwardly friendly to the opening up of the
country, or willing to be held aineuable to the
rules which regulate the . intercourse of civi
lized communities. .The Spiritual Emperor,
BO far as the secrets of Japanese diplomacy
have yet been penetrated, steadily resisted
(from the time of the treaty of 1858 dewn to
the forcible display of the fleets in ' the Inland
Bea at the close of 1865) all demands made,
upon him for the ratification of the agreements
entered into by his , Temporal Deputy or
Minister. And judging from the unfriendly
attitude which nine-tenths of the Daltnlos.
I .1 A. f , ... . a '
ju ineir separate priuoiDautieg. nave i wivs
borne towards foreigners, the conjecture is fair
that the Spiritual Head of the Empire got his
chief inspiration from them. They are not
only an active social and political power in the
country, bat they control separate military
organizations, which together make an army
nearly four times as large as that of the cen
tral Government. Their weakness is their
mutual jealousy of each other in home politics.
But they have, with a few honorable excep
tions, a common bond (which might become
one of strength) in their antagonism towards
foreigners..
It may be premature to reckon too hastily
upon the authority of this report from London.
If the opposition of the Daimios had assumed
a serious aspect; if it was likely to thwart the
objects secured by the treaty of Yeddo, and
the agreement for opening up foreign settle
ments, we should have expected to hear of it
by our own mail line direct from Yokohama.
It is possible that by way of Hong-Kong and
the Overland East India Telegraph lines, later
news might reach London than any we had by
the Colorado, on her last trip; and, therefore,
we have to look at the possibilities of the re
port being true. Fortunately, we are not
situated as we were when the Monitor was
driven ashore near Hakodadi, In 1864, and was
lired into by the miscreant officials of the place.
We have, to-day, a respectable fleet in Chinese
and Japanese waters. We are judiciously
represented by Mr. Van Valkenburgh, our
Minister Resident at Yeddo. We are in a posi
tion to get early and ample information of
events as they develop themselves. Our hand3
are not tied as they were when we were
obliged to charter a small merchantman on
which to have our flag represented in the
engagement of the Allied fleets at Simonosaki.
Our Minister has been able to act in thorough
accord with the representatives of England,
France, and Holland. And we shall be amply
prepared to do our part creditably in any
emergency that may arise. , :
' Tht End at Last.
Prom the Nation.
We presume the work of reconstruction, so
fur as Congress has to do with it, is now over.
This time there is no mistake about the mean
ing of the Reconstruction bill. The military
commanders are fairly installed in possession
of the supreme authority in the districts
assigned to them, and the President is more
powerless than ever he was, for he has fired
the last arrow in his quiver. He has said, it is
true, that he will never "willingly execute"
the law a speech which threw Mr. Boutwell
into a state of great excitement, and made him
call more solemnly than ever for impeach
ment; but then, if Presidents were to be tried
and deposed lor not executing laws "will
ingly," we fear hardly any President would
reach the end of his term, because at least oue
law is passed in every term which the "Chief
Magistrate" would rather not enforce. The
mass of the public, we think, will be perfectly
satisfied if he executes the law at all, and has
given up caring greatly what his state of mind
is. His last two communications to Congress,
particularly the one in which he suggests the
possibility of Congress having to assume the
whole debt of the Southern States as the legal
consequence of its interference with the work
of reconstruction, were too foolish to make it
worth anybody's while ever . again to
follow the course of his thought with either
interest or anxiety. As long as he seemed a
bold and desperate man. as he undoubtedly
did when he hist the game of vitupera
tion in the spring of 1866, his manner of look
ing at public questions naturally was of con
siderable importance. But the course which
Congress has ever since pursued has so cooled
his courage that we really believe him to be at
this moment one of the most inoffensive men
in public life. As a general rule, when a
President announces that he means "to take
the Constitution for his guide," as Mr. John
son has so frequently done of late, he means
that he intends to pursue a perfectly harmless
career. The South, too, has by this time given
up depending on him. No doubt there was a
good deal of mischief done at first by his expo
sition of his views, but the extent of his powers
is now known to everybody, and whatever
hates or hopes Southern men may cherish,
they certainly have, ceased to rely on Andrew
Johnson for the means of gratifying them. .
We have no doubt Impeachment is by this
time an unpleasant subject to a large and re
electable tody of member in both Houses of
EVENING TELEGRAPH
Congress. Indeed, we know from Mr. Stevens
himself that he, at least, wishes he never were
to tear it upoken. of again, and we feel sure
that ninny other members are equally sensi
tive. ! We tlwrefore refer t it with considera
ble reluotanoe, and without the least desire or
Intention of wounding any gentleman's feel
ings. But we owe it to ourselves and to the
publio to mention that the affair has ended
very much as we expected it would end in
rather ridiculous failure. The longer the in
vestigation, lasted, the louder wen the pro
mises of the impeachers and the smaller their
performance. The committee has quarrelled
a gooa aeai, ana indulged In much open re
crimination; but in spite of their quarrelling
none of their "startling revelations" have
ever reached the publio. We venture to repeat
the assertion which we have already several
times made, that the publio knows now as bad
things of the President as any member of the
committee knows, and that the efforts of the
minority have for the last six months been
directed simply to making up in bulk of evi
dence for what was lacking iu quality. When
this movement was first started, nearly a year
ago, we attempted to show why it ought not
to succeed, and we prophesied that it would
not meet with any popular favor, although at
that time the country was seething with ex
citement, and the penalties of differing from
Messrs. Stevens and Boutwell on any publio
question were heavier than they are now. We
have never since then abated one jot of our
confidence in the popular good sense with re
gard to it, in spite of many vigorous remon
strances from excitable subscribers, and the
result has fully Justified us. So, too, when,
shortly after the Nation was started, we ven
tured to controvert the theory which was
set afloat in Massachusetts, that the Su
preme Court could be got to establish
negro sufliage by declaring all Govern
ments to be non-republican which made
electoral discriminations based on color, we
incurred some obloquy for taking such a cold,
heartless view of the powers of the court in
opposition to . such weighty authorities as
Messrs. Boutwell and Sumner, and we forget
how many others of like respectability. We
were not shaken, however, and we have lived
to see this same court decide against Mr. Bout
well's whole plan of reconstruction, and Bee
him denouncing it with his usual fervor and
threatening it with abolition for its perverse
ness.. . We have not the slightest doubt that
the confiscation scheme will meet with the
same fate as the impeachment scheme. The
knowledge of history and of legislative science
may not be Very widely diffused amongst the
American people, , but the sound common
sense, the feelings, hopes, and sympathies out
of which the lessons of history and the prin
ciples of legislative science are drawn, pervade
all classes and conditions; and any writer or
speaker who holds to these lessons and prin
ciples firmly, may feel right well assured that
even if Lis path should temporarily diverge
from the popular path, he will not fail to come
out in the end in the same place.
Speaker Colfax told the story of reconstruc
tion to the orowd under his window on Satur
day night, in Washington, in fewer words,
and with more force and effect than we have
ever seen it told, and it is a story which does
infinite credit both to Congress and to the
people. The process has now lasted nearly
two years; it has been marked by muoh foolish
speaking, no doubt, and much waste of time,
but we doubt if it would be possible to point
to a legislative process in any age or country
of equal intricacy and gravity which has been
marked by so lew mistakes. , The essential
facts of the case were, when the war closed,
little known; they were infinite in number
and variety, and they had been complicated
by Mr. Johnson's premature and unwarrant
able interference. Every step taken, there
fore, at the outset, had to be tentative. No
thing positive was done till the South had
fairly recovered its self-possession, and had
revealed its real spirit. This spirit was then
met by a minimum of coercive legislation.
The Freedmen's Bureau act and the Civil
Rights act wero the least that could be done,
if anything was done at all, . to secure
to the negroes, not political . rights pro
perly bo called, be it remembered, but the
common rights of humanity, and the South
ern States were offered, in the Constitutional
amendment, conditions of restoration in which
the North exacted nothing whatever as a victor
in a bloody struggle. It simply, asked .the
South to adapt its political organization to the
alterations in its social organization. ' The
South, acting under the advice of Northern
Democratic politicians perhaps the shallowest
politicians which any country or nge has ever
produced refused this offer with much bom
bast and rant. A whole year was then taken
for the next step, and this next Btep was to
arrange machinery for bringing the South into
the Union nolens volens, not as a slave or a vas
sal, but with every form and guarantee, right
and privilege which has ever been found in,
or suggested for, a free government.
Affliction and disappointment have, beyond
a doubt, reconciled the Southern whites to
their fate, and this time the revolted States
will qualify for readmission, and will be read
mitted. The duty of the Northern people in
the meantime is clear. . They ought, in the
first place, to embody in their own legislation
the principles they are forcing on the accept
ance of the South; in the next place, boar with
patience and good temper any capers which
Southern politicians may be pleased to cut
while coming back to their old places;, in the
third place, devote themselves strenuously
during the next ten years to the work of edu
cation. If the experiment of freedom and
equality should not end well in the South, it
is ignorance that will cause its failure. What
the blacks as well as the whites need is not
lard but light, and this no expense or labor
ought to be spared to supply; and the more
demagogues rave and rant, the more car-loads
of teachers and books we ought to send off.
Every time Governor Perry makes a speech, a
dozen fresh schools ought to be opened with
Northern money. Every time Wendell
Phillips calls for forty acres of land and a
nomination for the Vice-Presidency for every
black head of a house, a ton of school books,
besides periodicals, ought to be ordered and
despatched. Of this work we c annot do too
much; and in it we cannot waste or go astray.
Great Straggles In the United States and
in Mexico Tlie Contrast.
From the Herald,
Twelve more generals shot ; Escobedo ele
vated to the supreme command of the army
as the type, doubtless, of a national hero and
a hot soent at the heels of Marquez and
O'Horan, that the blood hunger may still be
fed I ! Such is a summary of a day's news
from the triumphant republic. And these are
the acts of a Government especially lauded as
the only one that can give tranquillity to the
nation ; the only one that has the sympathy
of the ' people; the Government compos A of
thoBe Mexicans said to be most worthy of
general respect. In this we see that the
Government which is the choice of the people,
o far as choice can go in that country, and
which all men having knowledge of Mexico
seem to regard as the best Government she
PHILADELPHIA. FRIDAY,
can get this Government no sooner feels safe
bn its place, poBsessed of absolutely supreme
Fwr, than it gives tmt up to acts that the
whole reining world, outside f the imme
diate local pools., of paHHion, regards with dis
may nnd horror. If n the TAZ sphere of
lower down T If they , whose office it is to
it iln.ftUOnvCaDn?,t 0ntro1 themselves;
if men who are chosen that their wisdom may
moderate the violenoe of nature in a whole
people are only the more conspicuous in frenir
and leaders in acts that outrage the decency of
the world it would hardly be just to expect
aught but the extremity of demoralization in
the masses. There is, indeed, no tone in the
nation; no high manly character; no morale to
guide it in the hard path it has to tread by
those instinctive perceptions the possession
of better endowed races that temper strict
justice with mercy and regulate abstraot right
by a rule of practical propriety. Nations are
as their units multiplied in other respects than
in numbers. Where the individual man ranks
high in the race, is bold, intelligent, and deeply
conscious of a moral responsibility before his
fellows, there the nation commands its position
among the great ones of the world; and, on
the contrary, where a people are degraded and
depraved, so that they scarcely have indi
vidual vitality, there the nation is barely to be
trusted with its own destinies. And Mexico
seems, in the light of her recent history, to be
tending in that direction.
, Mexico aud the United States have eaoh re
cently passed through a great Struggle not
unlike in some points; and how differently
have the two people borne themselves ! Mexico
fought for her existence as a nation, her con
stitutional Government sustaining a fight that
often seemed desperate against an opposing
party ot Mexicans supported by foreign forces.
Her Government adhered to its cause with
admirable tenacity. One of the worst features
in the case was the barbarity with whioh the
soldiers of the nation were treated by the ad
verse party when taken. Yet against all
efforts the Government strove on, succeeded,
and at length saw its right and authority
admitted throughout the land. That hour of
happy triumph seems to have softened no
hearts, but hardened all. It was employed in
the choice of victims; and in the hour sacred
to liberty, men ' were slaughtered as if that
fair deity, like an ancient Moloch, had plea
sure only in bloody sacrifices. Admit that
they had the right to kill Maximilian, was it
wise to exeroiise it ? Miramon and Mejia had
Justly forfeited their Uvea; but is it disoreet
to teach the people the law of retaliatian and
absolute justice at such a 1 time f or
must it bn ' admittml tlmf nu-nr.;nn
. - ""V' III.
f bloody would be lost? Here in the United
"e struggle against opposing forces
was for life. It was so desperate, so main
tained on either side that, in point of carnage,
the whole Mexican war might be compre
hended in some one of our battles. Indeed, we
had an even deeper cause of exasperation than
Mexico in the treatment of our prisoners; for
who will say that the murders oommitted by
the French and imperialists on Mexican pa
triots were not surpassed by the atrocities of
Libby and Andersonville, those shambles of
torturing death? But when the struggle was
oyer, when the last battle was fought, the
killing was ended. It was the wise judgment
of the whole people to require no man's lile to
require only that he should acknowledge the
victorious principles and obey the law. Here
the people felt that they had a noble cause to
sustain, and that inhumanity would weigh
uc.ini via iuubo ub pracusea 11 man on tnose
who suffered. Indeed, we followed this so far
that we even made fooU
v kjv vw ICblilUi:
fcuD nuitvi nap mrougii our nugers with
out securiuff a1udi?ial
and fixing his banishment, as we should have
done; but this was a faiUncr nn vin'a
and the whole case together points clearly the
umuuvuuu ucmeeu a people witn ana one
wunout national morale.
Tne Mooted Removal of the Five Com.
.. uianaer.
From the Herald.
It is intimated with some persistency that
Mr. Johnson will relieve the commanders of
the five military districts and appoint other
generals to fill their places. There is no doubt
that he has full control over these gentlemen
o lii-fjr me pari, ui tne army, and so he can
get round the evident inteution of the law
There is a party of agitators in Washington
x. Ui6v Ainu m uis matter, ana desire
nothine so much as the
w ouiil a OI.CU
would cause, and the chance that excitement
wouiu give vi iorcing extreme measures. If
Mr. jounson aesires to gratify these worthies
ne will take this last possible step; but it is
scarcely necessary to say that he could do
ijuiuiug more unwise or impolitic than to re
move irom such important positions the men
who have the full respect and confidence of the
nation and of Congress. . . , , ,
Garrlaon In England.
From the Independent.
It is very seldom that a great reformer,
whether in the intellectual, moral, or mate
rial world, receives his reward in his own day
and generation. Galileo was imprisoned for
the heresy that the earth moves round the
sun, and obliged by the Inquisition to recant
his error. The first inventor of the steam,
engine ditd in a French madhouse to protect
society against a man capable of such an insane
delusion. And the fate of the reformers in
morals and religion marks the whole pathway
of history with fire and blood. It has been
the singular felicity of our great American
reformer to have lived to see the success of the
reform he set on foot.and to receive in person the
homage of the world's gratitude and ad
miration. Of all the remarkable assem
blings and festivities of the present year in
Europe, there ia none more historically inte
resting than the breakfast given to William
Lloyd Gani3on in St. James' Hail, London, on
the th of June, and there is none that will
be longer remembered. . The interposition of
the Atlantic is like the separation of the ooean
stream of Time, aud the testimony borne to
the servioes f the famous Abolitionist by that
gathering of notable Englishmen and English
women was like the voice of posterity eivine
the final seal to the fame of great actions.
Ihere was something positively sublime in the
contrast of the poor young printer defying the
American nation to the combat as the cham
pion of the slaves-alone, and with only God
to help him and the veteran reformer stand
ing in tho midst of victory, and receiving
that splendid acknowledgment of the world's
debt to him, offered by the noblest in eenius,
in philanthropy, and in rank of the English
nation. ... 0
Mr. Garrison's speech in reply to the address
moved by the Duke of Argyll, and seconded
by Earl hussell, was one of which all Ameri
cans piay be proud. He claimed no particular
merit for himself, and gave the glory of the
success to God alone, iu that spirit of piety
and laith which alone could have supported
him under the obloquy and persecution
through which he had passed to the mark of
his high calling. "I wioU," gajj he, "heiv to
diiiditim, with all sincerity of soul, any spe-
JULY 2G, 18G7.
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WHO OFFER THE IAMB TO THE TR4DK, IN LOTS, ON VERT dYANTAU:OTJ
i ... , V." ; ., r ' '.' ..; vebmh.' " " " .. ..
Th.lr Stock of Rr Whliklti, IW BOM D, comprise all tha ravorlt traada
tant, and rnaa through tha various biomttva of lHOft.'OO. and of thla yaav. mo ta
Paat data
trifl?'1 ! tor lota to arrlva at - Pennsylvania Railroad Danot.
fcttl"om Lino Yt barf, or at Bonded Warahonaaa, aa partlaa mayalact. v
clal praise for anything I have done. I have
Bimply tried to do my duty; to maintain in
truth the integrity of my soul before God. I
1 Ttt0 80 ith the multitude to do evil,
and I have endeavored to save my country
rom ruin. But then, I ought to have done it
. II; and, having done it, I feel that there is
1 othing to speak of, nothing to be compli
mented upon. We ought to do our duty
always; we ought to rejoice if, even through
persecution, even through the Cross, we are
ompelled to look duty iu the face." The
peech breathed that sincere and unaffected
piety towardsGod which all who know him
know to have been the inspiration and support
of his labors. The hostility whioh his faithful
dealings with the Amerioan church, beoause of
i s shortcomings towards the slaves, aroused
against him, found its expression for long
years, ignorantly in some cases, malignantly
in more, in the mad-dog cry of infldell But
what infidel ever gave himself to the cause of
despised and rejected truth as . he did f
Nothing but the strongest religious faith oould
have sustained him in the faoe of all the oppo
sition he had to encounter. If there was ever
a man who walked with God, and with a single
eye to the doing of God's will, it was William
Lloyd Garrison. And, standing up in the pre
sence of that splendid and illustrious com
pany, assembled . to do him honor, ho dis
claimed all personal merit, aud gave the glory
where alone it is due. "It is all of God,"
said he; "it has been done through the trith
which is of God, and to no mortal shall there
be any glory given, but the whole of it unto
God I" 1
The unanimity with which the press of
England spoke the feelings of the English
people in just appreciation of Mr. Garrison's
services was striking and suggestive. The
Times, indeed, endeavored to diminish the
credit due to his services by the affirmation
that it was not the moral, but the political.
and yet more the military movement that
had compelled the emancipation of the
slaves. As if the military movement would
ever have been called for had it not been
for the political movement, of which the
first election of Lincoln was the crowning
point; or u if the political movement
would have had either beginning or conti
nuance had it not been for the moral move
ment to which Garrison first gave form and
pressure! But even the limes gave him
the highest praise for courage and pluck,
and Justified the tribute paid him as one
due to him and hnnornhln f
vv uuuu nuv vuoiou
it. Even the Morning Post, the mouth-pieoe of
the fashionable world, and which had few
words of comfort for us in the days of our
extremity, was warm and cordial in its expres
sions of admiration of Mr. Garrison and appre
ciation of his services. The Herald, alone of
all the London papers that we have seen, was
bitter and depreciatory in its tone, showing
that it has learnt nothing by the lessons of
philosophy teaching by tne examples of our
civil war. It reminded us of some of the Cop
perhead and semi-Rebel presses, whose snar
ling and yelpings have tried to interrupt the
all but unanimous tribute of sympathy and
admiration which American journalism has
oflered to Mr. Garrison since his course has
been justified by its success. 1
It is perfectly true that slavery would have
, "- "own uoici UIOll, tut
American Independence would have been won
. .. ,J i r. 1 1 nr . .
"lY j . uo"u won
had Otis never uplifted his voice or Washing-
ton drawn his sword. But ' this is small r2.
. . . - - - ...to ma Diuau ma-
son for refusing the credit due to the man who
saw what should be , done, and who did it.
God works by instruments, and the instru
ments are deserving of the honor due to
secondary causes, to the perception of the
Divine laws, and to the unflinching determi-
n&timi tn irlam and nUv V. .r r. I.. t
v 1 . .l ...m vwj lUOUi! A id 10 UUIl-
ous how precisely the same tone and the same
vuo yiw.j, vuo mu.iB tone ana tne same
line of argumentwere used by the enemies of ;
Washington during his second administration, J
as that employed touching Garrison by the t
London Standard and the Copperhead nrints
... ""g, vj mo
London Standard and the Copperhead prints
inn iLiiea oiaies. 11 was domed mat ne
hnd any meritorious part in procuring inde
pendence. He was aocused of want of mili
tary capacity and of personal courage, and
charged with plotting the ruiu of his cjuntrv.
and even with pecuniary dishonestyl We of
tins generation can hardly realize the fury of
the storm of calumny which beat on that illus
trious head. But the people, in the eud,
always recognize their benefactors, and pay
In... 1. mi. .. . 1 1 .
uuo juuiiur. mtj caiumny aua detraction
are forgotten, and the services ara held in nvnr.
lasting remembrance. Neither thj backbiting
ru. jr iiur VUe sianaers 01 malice can obscure
the just fame of the man who first proclaimed
the duty of immediate emancipation; and the
devout humilitv with tpIiw.Vi iiHii ii .i,
- ....... w iwuiiuog mi buo
glory of his success to God alone will make it
kVk1lF 1 1 11 ... 1 ll 1.4.
vij uivie jmre aim me more brig ut.
General Grant for
From the World. . . ,
On Tuesday evening the Rennblican Gene.
ral Committee of this city nominated General
Grant for President. On th
negro-suffrage Republican State Convention of
New i Jersey voted down, by an engulfing
majority, a motion offered by one of its mem
bers making the same nomination. This con
tradictory action betokens the contrariety of
feeling which exists in the Rennbl iean mrtv
towards General Grant. There seems to be
an expectation bv a portion of tn Tirana tmt
the supposed Presidential availability of this
great soldier will cause both parties to tug as
strenuously for his possession as the Greeks
and Trojans did ler the body of I'atroclus.
TuHsdav'g T)rnfnfliiioa T-. . i n i.i
A V 1IUUIUU mAlA IU "
city show that there is as yet no unanimity
In tlA Pa-niil.lf m. . . . . . . i . J
" '"i'uhi,ou j'nny on IU1S BUDjeci, uu
there is doubtless onttu Hti,. ti.. Dmuru
cratio ranks.
Meanwhile General Grant stands passive
and imperturbable, doing nothing to enuou-
v. umwutage eitner one pariy or tun
Other. It would lu. .,., laltw f nlin-antr
in him to take any public notice of the politi-
cal gossip which makes so free with his name. ;
lie has no reason to covet the Presidency, or ;
l 1)M 1WIIII1 tint ... B .lull ti It.
and it in iiUU,llo f... 11... . ..iliUI... ... wlal.
for an office whioh it would be bo 1 ob
viously against' his personal interest to ao
cept. He ' has a much better office, an
office congenial to his tastes and capacity;
an office which exempts him from the shafts
of partisan malice, and makes ,hU reputation
a cherished object of national pride; an
office of which he holds secure possession
for life, giving him agreeable occupation
and distinguished social attentions if the '
country remains at peace, and opportunities
to add to his great renown as a soldier if wa
should unhappily be drawn into war. To
surrender a position so oongenial, honorable
and secure, and descend into the arena of
envenomed party politics for the sake of a
four-years' tenancy of the White House, and
afterwards rust out his ripest years in unsala
ried idleness, is a choice we should hardly
expect from the solid good sense of General
Grant. But the love of power .and pre-emt-nence
is the master-passion of so many strong
minds, that it is idle to reason from any man's
interests to his ambition. Leaving to General
Grant the care of what concerns only him, we
will try to draw from the splutter about his
candidacy the publio inferences it seems to
warrant., , . ,
The eagerness of a portion of the Republi
can party to run for the Presidency a man not
unacceptable to many Democrats, is a promis
ing sign of a coming ' reaction against the
principles and policy of the Republican party.
That the stiff negro-suffrage Republicans do
not want .him is proved not only by the un
ceremonious treatment he reoeived in tha
Trenton Convention, but by the constant
flouts of many radical leaders and Jour
nals. If he should be the nominee
of the party, it will be from expediency, not
principle. A great and domineering party
must feel that its power is sadly waning,
when, instead of selecting one of its represen
tative men, one - whose antecedents identify
him with its nrlnMnlua H
for a standard-bearer in the hope of propping
up its fortunes by his military prestige. If
the Republican principles retain their hold
on the mind of the party, there would . be no
necessity for resorting to such a shift. The
Republican politicians see that they have got
to lower their tone; that the tide on which they
were borne into power is ebbing, and unless
the party floats back with the ebb, it will be
stranded. If the Republicans should run one
of their representative men, like Chase or
Sumner, they would be beaten by a million
majority. All except the fanatical and heady
radicals are turning wistful eyes to Grant be
cause they believe that he alone can save' the
party. i
,The avidity with which Republican news
papers seize upon doubtful scraps of Gene-
""I. o wuvnnsuun divulged throuch
apocryphal sources, shows how great is
their need, and how scanty their materials
for ; connecting him with their party. The
sum of these apocryphal revelations is.
that General Grant approves the policy
ot Congress. They do not tell ns when
he was converted. Nor do they define the
extent of this asserted approval, or its
grounds. If the quidnuncs and retailers
or alleged private conversations have anr
message to deliver from General Grant to
the public, we wish they would Rive ns
something more than glimpses' throno-h a
IUJCK mlsl- General Grant probablv thinWa
. that, inasmuch as Congress has passed ?
i'B,ntrnrti ' j8T Pas?ed
thick mist.
General Grant probably thinks
fin Siit ( Vin rv 1. ,. , 1
econstruction acts, ami will nni i
.1 1, .... " "iroiu mem.
mftted better comply and get readl
There 'is no evidence that his "approval"
extends beyond this, and we refuse to believe
interested assertions unsupported by anr evi
dence. The assiduity which which many Re
publicans apply to GcneralGrant's well-known
conservatism tlie suialL and to his willir.
to see the Reconstruction acts executed the
large, end of their telescopes, evinces fthTmSt
Deed of something besides its princlnles for
thir tottrinr tm- 1 ' J,"nuP;ea "r
ineir tottering party to lean on. General
wrani nas no pontics pleasing to them dis
coverable by the naked eye; but his military
renown is visible enough, and they need it to
buoy up their sinking hopes. They see that
if he is a Presidential candidate at all, he must
be theirs, or their party is ruined.
The talk of the politicians about General
Grant, though otherwise of little account is
thus of some value as a tide-mark. The flood
of radical fanaticism is evidently abating If
it is already apparent that the Republicans
cannot succeed without General Grant it may
be evident, by the time the nominations are
made next year, that they cannot succeed with
him. As he is a man of sagaoity as well as
taciturnity, quite capable of drewing oorreot
inferences, we dare say he will be in no haste
to make committals to the Republicans. 1
WANTS.
JOOK AGENTS IN LUCK AT LAST.
- ' - w uvur um come 10 lift ttiM
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Th. ri m 1 a la nmm , r. IFk. V. n i
lug 10 ili public lie her til L. C. ilaker'a
r. . : . r . .7 -. " uuue uy oiiHn.
"HISTORY OF THE SECRET SERVICE."
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