THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAM! PHILADELPHIA, SATURDAY, JULY 20, 18CT.
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SATURDAY, JULY 20, 1867.
Democracy as Expounded by Hon.
George II. l'cndleton.
Vb have been somewhat interested in reading
a speech delivered recently in Saint Paul, Min
nesota, by Hon. George II. Pendleton. This
gentleman is, perhaps, as Justly entitled to be
called a statesman as any of the other leaders
of the Democratic party. lie is a man of more
breadth and candor than either of the Sey
mours, of more oominon sense than Vallandig
ham, of more honor than the Woods, and of
more patriotism and ability than the Clymers,
Reeds, and Blaclts. lie was the Democratic
nominee for Vioe-rreijident in 1864, and, bo
far as qualifications are concerned, was Justly
entitled to the first plaoe on the ticket. We
may therefore reasonably suppose that Mr.
Pendleton's defense of the Democracy is the
best of which the case is susceptible. Ilia
speech at St. Paul had evidently been care
fully prepared, and probably was intended to
strike the key-note of the contest of 1868 on
the Democratio side. Perhaps it is his own
bid for the Presidential nomination of Li8
party.
Of course we cannot, in the limits of an ordi
nary newspaper article, thoroughly review a
lengthy and elaborate speech. We can only
dwell briefly on its leading thoughts.
Mr. Pendleton's first object seems to be to
bring out the positive side, so to speak, of the
Democratio faith. He begins by combating
the idea that the party is dead, and attempts
to Bhow that it not only is not dead, but can
not die so long as the principles of popular
government are held saored by man. He also
. strives to convey the impression that the prin-
i oiplea and aims of the Democratio party in this
country are identical in character with those
' of the Liberals in the Old World. Thus he
. Bays:
"The Democratic patly dead !!! It can never
, die so long as free itovernuienlstiall exist. The
' active, vigorous being of tue one Is the esseu-
tlal condltlou of tlie exi-tlencB of the other. So
long as tbe humiin lieuri umpires to ameliorate
' the Ills of life; so long as I be human Intellect
can trace enuse autl effect; so louy as (cover o
' xnent Is confuted to the collective wisdom and
' will of the people, rather ItiH'i to the unlimited
discretion and irreilsllolu power of one man, so
long will there be a parly wulch seeks to in'
crease tbe liberty of tbe citizen and to diminish
tbe power of tbe governineui; to enlarge tbe
sphere of bis active developuieol, and to reduce
tue restraints which are imposed upon htm; to
gratify bis hope of liberty, and to make effective
bis hatred of tyranny. There Is such, a party In
England to-day, and it. wrests from government
a large reform in the mut ter ot representation.
There Is such a puny in France to-day, aud the
tbundeis of tbe 1'iloune cause sleepless nUtits
at thr, Tuilerles. There is such a parly even in
iCi'.la to-day, and the l.r.ur grants amnesty to
V'tltoh no! rliklB Them kunAh a nuvlu in A 1 1 u ' r 1 .1
to-day, and its leader exchanges every recogni
tion of tbe riant of tho i-iouve of Haps burg to
' the throne or St. s'epnen ior a concession to tne
rights of people of Hungary. There Is such a
paityin America to-day, and it insists upon a
ligld adherence to the provisions of our written
' constitution. and to the primary elemental prin
ciple of tbe equality of tbe Slates."
This extract is remarkable in several re
spects: First, it shows how the Demooratio
leaders, despite their conservatism, feel the
influence of the spirit of the age. Not long
since it was the common boast of Democratic
leaders that they were the champions of
slavery. Slavery was upheld by them as a
divine institution as the normal condition of
the African race. Four years ago the Demo
cracy of this State made its canvass upon the
bold and unblushing avowal of its belief in
the moral rightfulness of the institution of
American Blavery. Now, however, we find
one of the foremost leaders of the party in the
West using precisely such a strain of remarks
regarding his party as would be appropriate
in the lips of a Republican speaker, addressing
a Republican audience upon the cardinal doc
trines of their faith. This is a great advance.
It shows bow men yield to the unconscious
influence of events, and how, when the spirit
f progress is abroad in a nation, it penetrates
even to the darkest nooks and corners. We
have at last found a Democrat who extols
liberty, who has turned "freedom Bhrieker,"
and who has nothing to say in defense of
Blavery. Let us be thankful for so much.
Secondly, this extraot shows a remarkable
mieappreciation of the respective positions of
- parties in this country and in the Old World.
What are the Liberals of England laboring for f
Tb extension of the elective franchise to the
millions in that country who have hitherto
been denied its exeroise. What are the Re
publicaiiiof the United States endeavoring to
do t . Precisely the same thing extend the
suffrage to fce millions in this oountry who
have hitherto been denied its exercise. What
'. are the arguments of the English conserva
tives against tive extension of the suffrage
there ? Just the game as the arguments of
the American Democrats against the extension
of the Buffrage here.' Is it possible that this
; phase of the case h.td not presented itself
to Mr. Pendleton t Arjdwhat is there, let us
ask, in the record of the Democratic party of
this country, for the laut twenty years, whioh
entitles it to claim relationship to the Liberals
of the Old World f Has it not been the per
sistent champion of asyblem of tyranny and
oppression unknown eveuin the monarchies
of Europe? What single measure for the
amelioration of the condition! of the oppressed
has this party espoused f 'Where are the
laurels of its victories in the cause of human
rights f Was the Fugitive slave bill one r
Was the repeal of the Missouri Compromise
another? Was the Dred Eyott decision
third t Was the support of th. Slave-holders
Rebellion a fourth r This is a .tranire record
for a party that olaima affinity w,ta tu9 ttapub-
licana of Europe. We know where John
Brlght'a sympathies were during the great
struggle between freedom and slavery In this
country; but where were George U. rendition's t
Notice, too, the almost ludicrous Inconse
quence of the closing paragraph, where the
function of the Democratio party in this conn
try is stated. After reciting what the Liberals
are doing in England, Franoe, Russia, and
Austria, he adds:-"There is such a party in
Amerioa to-day and it"-does what? Advo
cate the extension of the suffrage like the
liberals in England f Relieves in doc
trines of liberty and equality like those who
in France "cause sleepless nights at the Tuile
rles V By no means it is not "such a party
as that. It insists upon a rigid adherence to
the provisions of our written Constitution, and
to the primary elemental principles of the
equality of the Slates I" 0 lamo and impo
tent conclusion I What is there of European
Liberalism or republicanism about this f The
bitterest English Tory or French absolutist
might say as much. Adherence to the Consti
tution means adherence to the Democratio in
terpretation of it. And what is that interpreta
tion f Read it in the Dred Scott decision and
in the Fugitive Slave bill I
But, fourthly, Mr. Tendleton does not hold
up to this republican idea which he partially
adopts in the extract which we have quoted.
He falls from grace before he gets half-way
through with his speech. The chief indict
ment that he brings against the Repub
lican party is its extension of the suffrage.
He abandons the entire basis of popular gov
ernment, and defends the will of the minority.
Thus he declaims most vehemently against
the extension of the suffrage, because it will
place the political power of several of the
Southern States in the bauds of the majority.
This he 6tigmatizes as "the degradation of
the Government to the level of these voters,
and the destruction of the value and purity of
the ballot by conferring it so lavishly on all
sides."
Here we have the precise argument, and
almost in the exact words, of the English con
servatives In opposing the extension of the
suffrage there. It amounts simply to a denial
of the capacity of the people for self-government.
Yet this is the man who started out
with likening the Democratio party of this
country to the Liberals of the Old World !
There are some other points in this speech
that we should like to comment on, and had
intended to do so, but we have already ex
ceeded our limits, and must defer any further
criticism to a future occasion.
Veto No. 12.
Thb message of the President of the United
States, transmitted to Congress yesterday, in
which he vetoes the Supplemental Reconstruc
tion bill, is possessed of a dual nature: it is
not only vicious, but it is weak. We can
partially excuse an official document which
does not meet our views, provided the author
deals with his subject in a masterly manner.
We can admire, intellectually, the oogeuoy
of his sophism aud the ability with which he
defends an indefensible position.
Thus we read with considerable pleasure
Attorney-General Staubory's opinion, our
indignation at its deductions being modified
by our admiration of the subtleness with
which he sought to defeat, by argument, what
was plainly the intention of the law. But in
reading veto No. 12 we feel nothing but the
most unmitigated contempt: we feel contempt
for the document itself, and for the man who
could pen it. Its tone throughout is vicious
in the extreme. It is calculated to do great
damage to the cause of reconstruction. It can
produce nothing but evil. It is insolent, and
breathes a determination to resist the law. In
one place he says :
"W liHt-t I bold the Chief Executive authority
of the United States; whilst the obligation rests
upon me to nee thai all the laws are faithfully
executed, I can never willingly surrender that
trust, or i ne powers given lor lis execution; l
can never give my asseut to be made respon
sible lor tne iaitniut execution or laws, and, at
the same time, surrender that trust and the
powers which accompany it. to any other exe
cutive officer, high or low, or to auy number of
executive oincers."
Which means clearly that if the law is
passed over his veto, he will refuse to
execute it; that he will decline to keep to
his oath of office to faithfully exeoute the laws;
and that, unless his approval is given to each
bill, he will consider it unconstitutional. In
fact, he assumes judicial as well as legislative
and executive functions. And while aoousiug
Congress of encroaching on the President, he
in reality is assuming the functions of the
Supreme Court. But while he says the
legislative is invading the executive, the
executive is really uniting in himself the
three departments of the Government. The
people are to decide whether it is safer for
"constitutional liberty" to have power "cen
tred in 150 men or diffused among one."
The conclusion of the Message is the sublimity
of bathos. He says:
"The remedy is. nevertheless, in their bands.
11 Is to be found In the tmllul. aud is a sure one
if not controlled by fraud aud oviawed by
arbitrary power, or Irom apathy on their part
too long delayed. Willi abiding confidence in
their ptitriolitm, wisdom, and Integrity, I am
still hopeful of the future, aud tbal lu tue end
the rod of desDotlsm will he brokeu. the armed
heel of power be lifted Irom the necks of tbe
people, anu the principles ol a violated i;ousti
tution proservtd."
He has faith in "their patriotism" "their"
being the Southern people. He calls the ex-
Rebels patriots, and denounces the rule of
CoDgress as "a rod of despotism,". "the armed
heel of power," and "a violation of the Con
stitntion." Nowhere in the famous Western
tour was any speech he made so flagrantly
offensive to decency as is this carefully pre
pared Message of the President of the United
States.
Not only, however, is the document vicious,
but it is weak to a surprising degree. Its ar
guments are untenable. The most elemeutary
logio will show them all to be fallacy. Any
Constitutional text-book will exhibit their
mistakes to a diligent school-boy. He carps
over minor points. He seizes on quibbles and
magnifies them into enormous invasions of the
Constitution. It is puerile in the extreme,
and utterly unworthy a Chief Magistrate. We
have to blush for the intelligence whioh would
seek to deceive the country by such a String
of fallacies. Thus, in one place, Mr. Johnson
says, speaking of the ratification of the amend
ment abolishing slavery:
"The last act on this subject wi passed July
2.1, lhOfl, bv which every one of these ten Htates
whs arranged Into districts and circuits; they
have been called upon, by Congress to act
through their Legislatures unon at least two
flifiendineulH to Hie Constitution of the United
Slates; as Htates they have ratified one amend
ment, which required the vote of twenty seveu
H lutes .f the unrty-slx then composing the
Union, when the requisite twenty-seven votes
were given In favor of that amendment, seven
of which votes were given bv seven or these ten
Hlatt s. It whs proclaimed lo be a part of the Con
stitution of the United Htates, and slavery was
declared no longer to exist within the U.ilt d
HtHtrs or any plaoe subject o their Jurisdiction
"Jf these seven Stales were not legal Htates of
theUnlon.lt follows, as an inevitable conse
quence, that slavery yet exists. It does not
exist In these seven Hlates, for they have abo
lished it also in their own State Constitutions,
but Kentucky not having done bo. It would
still remain In that State. Hut, in truth, if this
assumption that these Htates have no legal
Slate Governments be true, then tbe abolition
of elavery by these Illegal governments binds
no one, for Congress now denies to these States
the power to abolish Blavery, by denying to
them the power to elect a legal State Legisla
ture, or to frame a constitution for auy purpose,
even lor such a purpose as the abolition of
slavery."
The absurdity of this is at once apparent.
If the ten Southern States were not "legal
States," then the assent of twenty-seveu
States was unnecessary. If the ten Southern
States were no States, then there were but
twenty-six and not thirty-six States in the
Union, aud three-fourths of twenty-six is
twenty; so that, instead of twenty-seven
assenting, only twenty were necessary, and
the law remains the same. If they were
States, then they have assented. If they were
not States, then whether they assented or dis
sented was a matter of perfect indifference.
Any school-boy could see this, yet the Presi
dent says that if they were not States, then it
would be impossible to get the assent of three
fourths of thirty-six, because there were but
twenty-six bona fide States in the Union.
Taken all together, the President's veto is the
worst of auy we have yet been alflicted with,
for it savors not only of threatened despotism,
but also of threatened idiocy.
The Press on the Veto.
We append the views of the leading Jour
nals of Philadelphia aud New York on the
Veto Message of yesterday. The Press says:
"In tbe ineffectual and praciloally unmean
ing message of ycsierday, oue gold column Is
tnken up in impressing unon auy oue who
reads it the patent fact ti.at by the act of Cou
lees tue military autuoriiy oi tuo unites states
u tbe ten Rebel Stales is paramount to all
others h fuel which all the country, Mr. Stan-.
bery excepted, has Kuown ior some um a. f ol
lowing this statement of a simple faol oomes a
plllfui cnlch about Illegal blale Governments
to ue carrieu on uy jiiwiui r euerai oincurs. i nis
legal legerdemain deceives no oue now. Tue
people have gotten beyond conundrums in UiN
mailer. Tbe President thinks ills hard, and
complains at length. These captions aud que-
i ulous paiagrapus, ana a lew conciu uug re unc
tion, which tue commendable in that they do
not threaten violence to the rxepuniic, raaic- ui
the message on which the business ot the coun
try lias bien waiting for several days. From
tli silo lust thJ Pie- idem deals with points, aud
never f..coK lliecrrtat Question. He carp aud
catches at sections and clause!, aud lose slgui
entirely of the great subject In baud reoou
slruetion whlcii is peace and prosperity for
the w hole country, it is this that is so humi
liating. While the ueonle are Lraimlluir wlta
the vital Issues of the times, the Ex cntlve,
bullied in bis ambitious designs, Is playing at
logic and tossing aouut the syllogistic puzzles
of tbe school books."
The Age declares:
"According to tbe provisions of this bill. Con
gress can, by a simple act of power, cuueel tue
entire corporate me aim oeingot a mate, ana
destroy the rights of its people to participate in
any ot those duties whioh are the evidences of
American citizenship. These being the aims
aud purposes of the bill presented to the Chief
Magistrate oi the nation, a veto was naturally
expected by all who still cherish a veneration
and regard for tbe form ot government under
which this nation has grown to sncti magnifi
cent proportions. Tbe facts presented by tbe
President in support of the d life rent positions
lie assumes are plain and unanswerable, aud
bis arguments and illustrations clear, oogeut,
and convincing. But they will have no effect
upon the revolutionary party now In power,
w ho prom ply passed tbe bill, notwithstanding
the President's objections. They have deter
mined lo hold authority at all hazards. The
President has d. ne his duty. He has exhan.sied
all bis constitutional powers In defense of the
Constitution, the rights of tbe Stales, and the
J'eople. If American citizens desire to remain
ie men, they must now take the matter In
their own bunds. The Issue is made up between
Congress and the people, and the latter must
meet it like men, or their liberties will soon be
a memory of the past."
The North American says:
"President Johnson sent In yesterday the
expected veto of the declaratory act Just passed
by both Houses, aud its contents sufficiently
Indicate that there is to be no truce between
bim tud Congress. In the same hostile spirit
that be originally entered upou bis contest
with congress he now renews the war, and
completely belies all the fair promises that had
bei-u made on bis behalf, anu on the strength
of which Congressmen appeared to be lu such
desperate baste to get through their special
tusk. This can mean nothing else than a defi
ance of Congress, and a direct refusal to submit
to llils act, especially when we read the insult
ing passage with which he closes his message.
The emergency is a grave on. and requires
matuie consideration. Kvideutly the subject
is not to be disputed of so easily as Congress
supposed. Tim President Is determined to use
ills power to the utmost."
The New York Tribune says:
"His message goes further than we thotnjht
even he would dare to go. He has hitherto op-
fiosea the laws; now he would defy them. If the
'resident should undertake to o irry out his
argument be will begin a new rebellion; but,
like Ihe old Kebelllou, it will be crushed. To
the extraordinary argument which Mr. John
son opposes lo the iMippleineiilary Reconstruc
tion act, ihe Senate replied with contemptuous
silence and the immediate passage of the bill
over bis veto. It is almost unueoessary to
answer blH evideut Bophisuy, though Mr. But
ler ably exposed lu the House the pretense that
the legislation of Congress In reference to Fede
ral Courts in the South, aud Constitutional
iimendnients, admitted the power to place
the Uebel stmes nnder military rule.
It is not . wlib the President's arKuraent.
but with the spirit or the message, that the
oouuiry will take iHsue. We pass by his flimsy
logio, but we must listen to bis threats. To us
ILeemphatlo portions of me message are that
which insults the people by declaring that Con
gress has placed twelve millions ofAmerioan
citizens uuder a rule than which there has been
none more intolerant, and more especially that
v. h leh 1 1 efusts to execute the act. Hi objections
to ihe bill are worth uothlug, now that it has
become the law He Is bound to discharge the
h,BMUi,?. 'V'" "f0"118 office, to tl.eletter
aud in the spirit, and we need not predict what
would be tbe result, should this servant of the
e0,te..P '?LlD anir"" 'I will not when
the Nation has again, and we believe for tue
last lime, commanded 'You shall.'"
The New York World says:
The President's Veto Message Is Inferior in
ability and loutoal force only to bis veto of the
act to which the present bill Is supplementary.
Doubtless It is like Ihe blowing of Him idle wind
for Congress will neither hear nor forbear. Bui
tl is the truth of law ana the truth of history
which the President otters with snoh tempe
rance and foroe, and union the progress of this
nation is to be arrested in the paths of liberty,
unless this nation Is to go the downward road
to npfpotlsm, as other republics have gon
which have undertaken the crnat experiment
of freedom, then the reckless, headlong, Uwless
legislation or to-day will yet be looked baotc
upon as men look bick upon the murder wnlob
they commit In some hideous dream."
The New York Herald says:
"Another veto has been adned to the nnmW;
and tbe Keoonstrnotlon bill has passed botn
Houses over tho President's beal7 This veto
contains the usual flourishes about the 'Intole
rable' condition to which Congress would
reduce twelve mil ion persons; 11 declares that
Ihe scDIlmenls of the veto of the first bill
ripply also to the present bill, and are 'sound
nud unanswerable,' notwithstanding the way
in which Mr. Stanbery turned them Inside out;
it discusses whether ihe States are States or
not, and, finally, it expresses tbe fears of tbe
President that bis being left out f this last
bill will "sap the foundations of Fe lenil
power.' This Is the especial potut of the
message. 'Within a period of less than a year
the legislation of Congress has attempted to
strip the Executive Department of the Govern
ment of some wf lis essential powers,' aud this
tendency culminates in the present bill, which
does not eveu contemplate bis existence and
provides for Us enforcement independently of
tils office. From the circle surrounding the
President. It baa been vaguely given out that
be could not recognize as a law an act that did
not contemplate him as its Executive; and
his declaration qnoted above is somewhat
positive to the same effect. It remains to
be seen whether tbe President will act upon
the theory of his arguments, and, Ignoring
the existence of this law, proceed to the en
orcement of some exhumed and quite
constitutional Blntute antagonistic lo this, and
thus put himself In direct and open con tl let
with the people. We do not believe he will.
We believe that be will content himself with a
war of words; but at the least Indication of a
tendency to do more, bis impeachment and re
inoval will be n mailer ot course. Ills own
argument forces the conclusion that it would
have been belter If be bad been removed ere
this if congress, once satisfied that be would
not ,'ei.force a law he did not like, had put in
his place a man with a different sense of duty,
and accomplished the national purpose in that
way, Instead of accomplishing it by means
tending to a contempt of the office."
The New York Times contains by far the
severest of all articles on the veto. As it ex
presses the views of the conservative Republi
cans, and shows how even they condemn the
document, we report it in extenso:
"Tbe ccrnbatlvencss of the President might
be considered amusing If tbe Interests affected
by bis championship were not vital in their
character. If it were merely a display of dia
lectics, or a trial of relative degrees of tenacity,
or a con test to determine whether the President
or Congress oould use the sharpest words, the
country might look on with sublime indiffer
ence, whether Cougress disposed of Mr. John
son or Mr. Johnson bullied Congress into polite
behavior, would be an Issue calculated to Keep
alive curiosity, if nothing else. We oould afford
to Which aud wait, eouiideot that eveu on tuat
ground Congress would come off best but mean
while nppiaudieg the pluck of lis Indomitable
adversary. Un lot innately, morels at stake than
the prowess of the Preside!) t or the power of Con
gress. Though Mr. Johnson wages battle lu tils
own name, the people of t n States are the vic
tims of bis rashness. Whatever pleasure be
may deriye from the maintenance of a tone of
defiance, on their beads the storm he provokes
must eventually fall. In this respect . the
South has had, and lo ibis hour has, no
worse enemy than the President, who never
loses a cbauce of quarellinq; In lis behalf.
At oue moment Inspiring them with false
hopes, at another be is the means of lufllcitng
upon them the deepest humiliation. But for
Mr. Johnsou, tbe South had not been deceived
Into the rejection ol the Constitutional amend
nit lit. But lor bim, there bud been no ooca
slon for an extra session, or the legislation
which forms the subject of ills latest veto.
- "lu its matter, the message we print this
morning is a repetition of a thrice-told tule.
It Is a threadbare arumeut against the policy
of Cougiess In regard lo reconstruction. But of
what avail is all this? Of wbai use is it to ap
peal st every step to a Constitution which has
no binding force or ellleacy rn the exigency
which Congress Is required to meet? Whitl can
possibly be gaiued by a reiteration of an argu
ment which circumstances growing out of the
Rebellion render Inapplicable, or by appeals
wblehlhe country lias pronounced lnsd miss
able? At first, unquestionably, the argument
looked stiong; assuming its premises to be cor
rect. Its conclusions appeared logical and Just.
Now that its novelty Is gone, however, the effort
is no longer woitb the making. As au argument
11 is untenable, made so in part by the Presi
dent's own acts. As an expression of hos
tility to Congress, It has proved Ineffectual,
aud now falls to command either attention or
respect Jrom tho country. In ltssptrit the docu
ment Isslngularly unwise, because gratuitously
otlenslve. It arraigns Congress as tyrant and
.usurper. The reported assertion at st. Louis,
tbal Congress as at present organized la an ille
gal body 'banging to ibe skirls of the Govern
ment,' was scarcely more insulting than the
epithets which close yesterday's message. Mr.
Johnson may bonestly condemn the policy be
resists be may object to its right as well as to
its expediency; but bis position does not war
rant bim in denouncing as 'the rod of despot
ism' measures which the people who elected
him bave approved; or in talking of "the armed
heel of power' In connection with laws which
the country sustains; or in assuming that
be alone comprehends and upuolds tue
piinclples which give vitality to re
publicanism. These allusions and assumptions
would be improper at any time as between one
branch of the Government and another. Tuey
aie indecent in view of their repudiation by
the people, who are the proper umpires In the
controversy. We apprehend that the tone of.
this message will reconcile many to a measure
which, with an Executive more happily consti
tuted, might be considered of doubtful pro
priety. Manifestly the administration of mea
sures so complex in their nature, so delicate lu
their working, could not be safely lett tonne
who has no sympathy with their alms and no
tolerance towards the ageuoles through which
they operate. If anything were needed to
establish the wisdom of supplementary legisla
tion, designed to place tbe working of this par
ticular plan above ibe chances of Executive
meddling, Mr. Johnson bos supplied it over bis
own signature."
The Future of Our National Uanks.
The British mind is morbid so far as the pros
pects of the financial success of any other coun
try but its own are concerned. It can see no good
that comes out of any foreign Nazareth, and
especially out of the United States. The Lon
don Economitt, in a labored article on our
National Banking system, draws a conclusion
which ought to make ua all tremble, even it it
don't. Alter pretending to review without
partiality the prospects of the system, it con
cludes with this ill omened prophecy:
"Unless modifications are speedily Intro
duced, of which at present there is no sign
whatever, but tbe exact contrary, it is not diffi
cult lo foresee the manner In which the National
Bank system will sooner or later come to an
end. Thelaiae number ot incompetent, lnex
pei lenced, cmelesH, scheming, and speculating
people who have forced themselves or been
uiuacted Into the coutrol of national banks,
will grossly mismanage the busine.s. They
will uissipate the deposits in foolish or dlsre
lutuble advances, aud the banks will fill.
Under Ibe law ol prior lien, the Government
will, out of any available assets, as fur as possi
ble, paj 1 tsell llrsl anu In full, the amouul of
lis deposits, and the ordinary creditors, as in
the recent case at .New Orleans, will be left
wilbout a farthing. The notes of Ibe failed
bunk will be at least to some extent covered by
the lodgment of Federal securities, but there
will be a wiiie field for ingeulou tlnanclug in the
realization, sudden or gradual, of these securi
ties, and In Ihe cancelling, sudden or gradual,
ol the particular national bank notes tainted
by default. If it is vuiy possible that a series of
failures of national banks may create a panto
and bringdown a large part of the organization
at once, or tbe distrust and dissatisfaction may
operate more gradually. Durlujf the last two
cats the national bauks have had all in their
iavor. They bave run up their circulation front
twenty. flvu lo slxtv millions sterling, and
prices bave all been rising. They have now
reached the limit to which they can Issue
notes, md the process of reaction bus set in,
w hich, by slow stages and after a considerable
Interval, will renter cash puynieuts again pos
sible. But this period of rduollou is precisely
the kind of ordeal which a host of new banks,
bsstlly set np for political purposes, and largely
In the hands of persons utterly Ignorant of
aound banking rules, are least likely to en-,
counter with suooese or survive wltli oredlt." ,
We may be blind, but, so far as we oan see,
no symptoms of the "reaotlon" are visible to
any but foreign eyes. t
The N. Y. Tribune has a highly sensible
article on the subject of colored men holding
office:
"Mr. Wendell Phillips, in the last number of
the Ati-kl(iery dtandurd, makes acoutesslon
of faith, which le explicit enough at any rate.
He thinks we ought to go about seeking those
colored men who are fit for office, and take
sedulous care that they obtain It. In other
words, to quote bis own language, 'we thoitlU
labor to elect men to office merely bocause they
ere black.' Mr. Phillips might Just as well in
alst that the honors and emoluments of oirioe
should be equally divided between black-hatred
men and red-haired men. The color of a man's
skin is no reason either for or against his eleo
tion toofllce. We certainly do not go about In
search pf all the proper white men, and take
pains that they all get offices, and we can see no
reason why such au extraordinary preference
fisMr. Phillips demands should be shown to the
blacks. When be has proved that the oolored
people bave a greater natural fitness for publlo
employment man any other race. It will be
time enough to ask us lo vote for them simply
on the ground that they are not white."
RELIGIOUS NOTICES.
ntWT FAIL. TO HEIR T III-
Natural Orator,
. r, . . BAIX1ETV of Indiana,
at University Chapel, NINTH Hlreet, belovr Looust,
Lord's Day, hall-pn.it ID A, M.. 8 o'clock P. M.
huhject In tlie aveulng. "Soilplure Ortuo.ioxy."
Also, at hnlf-past P. M.. at Christian Church.
C HK1H11AN Street, below Hlxth. '
fciiiliject'-Whal Constituted a Conversion to CtarW
tlnnltT In the Days of the Apostles?"
w-n. UKIOW 1W. K. CHURCH. KKl,
R. H. PATTIsM), U. D.. at lo A. M . and
ltev. T. W. WIMPKllSatS P. M. Coiae aud wel
come. Kent ai free.
A"SE CH UllL'IT will hereafter wilin in Hull n.
CU1.TUHAL, ii ALL, on HKOA1) Mreet, bntween
.Locust ana Spruce. Preaching To-morrow at lo'i
A. M. tmd o'clock P. M.. bv the Putnr Paw
K. It. BhADLK.
TAT mPIlTTK MTRKKT PrtKnT.
TER1AN CHVUI H. R. W. rumor nf.-, P U I Tl 'U
and SEVENTEENTH Hlreet. Divine service msy
be expected In UiisCbnron on Hablmta moralnar, 8it
Inst., at 10V o'clock. Preaching by the Ilev. JAM Kd
C. MOFFAT. D. P., of Princeton, N. J.
W KSTHINSTEB CIKIRCIL-TIIHRR
AX& will be no service In this Church for three or
four Sabbaths. Due nollce will be given wbeu open
again.
IIRKIlNtVIIH MTRKKT CHAPEL.
GKkkN WlL'UMreet.lelowTllIR.I. Prpiuili.
Ing every Sahhath. by Rev. WILLIAM HUTTON, at
lnji A. M. and 8 P. M. Prrsons not a.tendliur oHier
churches are cordially Invited to attend.
NOCT1I PHKNHYTKRI.VN CHURCH,
JBBB TH1MB and KKHWOOD B'.reeti. Preaching
on HahtiHth. morning and evening, by the ltev. K. M.
PATTKlthON, l'asior.
h-r RH'IIIIOKD lMlKMRYTERIAlV
JW& CHUKUll, Kev. A. M. Jjb-LLY, Pualur, To
morrow at 10', and s.
wv-t-c IIITII UNITED PKESllVTKIlIAN
JBS3 CHlillOil. TWKNTIKTH and BUTTON.
WOOD Streets. Prenchlng to-morrow at uH and 4. by
the Kev. Mr,l.l,ADSTU.&. i
NOUTJI sTAEET PKEsBTTERUJf
Sabbath School yxcurslon to Aleula. next
'lueeday, uome and spend the day with us.
Oa OI,I PINE STREET CHURCH.-
RtiL Preaching 111 the Lecture itoom. by the PH
t..r. Kev. It. JJ. ALLEN, at IDS o'clock A. M. young
Wen'e Pr er Meeilnicar 8 o'clock P. M. i
BETHANY CIIAI'EL, SOUTH
Street. Children's aud Par, urn' Munililr
Sleeting 'To Morrow Kveniug. Iter. K. M. LONG.
Plcloi ml Serniou on "Uou's Uldlug Places for Chil
Creu." TABERNACLE RAl'TIST CHURCH,
CHWSMJT street, went or iilhtoenUi.-Services
To-oionow at Wi A. M. and 73i P. M.
Strangera cordially Invited. Sundv Scliuol at 9
A. 61.. tneit-ad ot t P. HI., until Siteriiber 1.
tfjtt, REV. J. SPENCER KEXNARD
A-i? will preach in A1ULKTJO JlAl.L. TlliK,
'J'KKNTH Sireet. above Jell'eiHou, To-ruurrow Af
ternoon at o'clock. Seats free. Cornel and weU
come.
UERMANTOWN NECONH PRES.
WGJ BVTKK1AN CHUIICU.TULPKIIOCKKN aud
(;KJKN t-treelH. Preaching To-morrow at u),' A,
M. nud 7 P. M.. by Kev. Mr. lJAMd, or Dxn
Vllle. NORTH RHOtl) STREET PRES-
Juy B Tt.Hl AN CH U HUH . B KO AD and O K K KN
btreels. Kev. J.. W. HITCHCOCK, ot New York
city, will preach To-tuoirow at lu.'a A. M. and 8 P. M..
blraugerb invited.
PCjr. RET". A. A. 1YII.MTTW, D. !..
Pastor, will breach In the WESP Altdir
HTHEKT PKESBYTEKIAN CHURCH, corner of
r.iun j iLcsy i a ana Atwju tureen), AO-morrow at
lo,1, A. M. and 8 P. M. Strangers Invited.
i-n. MOUNT CARNKIi M E CHURCH,
B1S1NU SUN VI LLAUE. To-morrow (Sab
bath) at 10X A, M., T. K. PETERSON; 8 P. M., Pastor,
on "Temperance."
Tcn. REV. JOHN THO.UPSON WILL
AJ? preach In the WHAKION STKEET At. Hi.
Cll UKCU on Suhbalh MornluK at lu.'f o'clock: Kveu
liiK at 8 o'clock. Kxperlence Meeting at 3j P. M.
n RKTIIVNE HALL, TWELFTH
UJ Ptreet and MONTUOMKKY Avenue. Kev. P.
b'l KYK Kit TA CM AUK at IDS A. M. Hod p. M.
iiKT-a HENS1NUTON Mf. K. CHURCH.
WJJ Bev. A. J. KYNETT, D. D., of Iowa, wilt
preach on Suuday at Wi A. M : Kev, W. J. PAX30N.
PuHlor. at 8 P. M. beaix all free.
CALVARY Nf. E. IIIUKI If.-KKV.
A. UAMM11P. I0H and 8. Excuraluu to (kua
iiHiinwu nvuiifituHy, juiy hi, uo witn ua.
HECONU STREET M. K. CHURCH.-
fcftS? Rev. E. T. KENNEY at W,i Kev. U. J.
KOLLOCK at 8 P. M.
VTV TRINITY METHODIST titUKt'lt.-
Rev. s. W. THOMAS at 104 o'clock, aud Kev.
Dr. KYN Ml' at 5 o'clock.
TARERNACLE H. E. CHURCH.-
To-uiorrow at l, Kev. JOS. WELCH.
SPECIAL NOTICES.
For addUimal Special Notice tee the Second 1'age.J
3gP PARDEE SCIENTIFIC C0UR3E
IN
LAFAYETTE COLLEGE.
i
The next term ommencfs on THURSDAY, 8ep
tenibci 12. Oandldatts for admission may bo exam
ined tbe day before (September 11), or on Tuesday
July 3tt, the day before the annual commencement.
For circulars apply to President CATTELL, or to
Professor K. B. YOUNG MAN,
Clerk of the Faculty.
FaHton. Ta,, July. lsCT. 7 20 4ptf
PETITIONS AJSD fcCIIFDULES'
COMPLETE.
JOHN C. CLARK & SON, j
Commercial and Law Blank Store, j
7 17 wu4Uu NO. 830 DOCK STREET.
(JHAHLES RUMP P,!
PUUTE-MOKNAir, POCKEr-UOOU, AND
HATCUEL EACTUKfcU,
NO. 47 NORTH SIXTH STREET, !
Below Arch,' Philadelphia.
Porte-Monuales,
Pocket-Books,
ronio iu,
Dreattlntf l aeet,
ClKf t ,
Chun,
SaU-heU,
Work tioxes.
liankara' t'aes,
Pumas.
Money Uel's,
luuK-, etc.
WHOLIC8ALE AND RETAIL. (7Jtf '
.T;fr S DELIOHTKUL SHADE, KB
JtKesvS freshing breeH. and tlrtt class re-.
Ii.nuieiiui fu the Uiirilium at (U-OlH'KHl'KK POINT.
Bouts leave foot of SOUTH Street dally every three
quarters of au hour. tliuuiu
Tr.i. ln .ii T" . " tanuM. Acknnwienc1 tup.
an id r r.,".-. . " l" y mane m this country, ana
hind Ti.'J""0",'''" lw,n- New Second
hand Pianos oonntaiitly on band for rent. Tunlnr
n.7'"' n1 P"' Promptly .HenS-dT 1
18 am W arerooms, N o. Uoa CHKHNUT St,
frrrrl " mpkcedewed triuieph.-
I bave been awarded by the Supreme' Jury of the Ki.
I poultice 1 UK First Gold Mhoal, of Mkrit rr JL
right rionut and Vie mmt wUxuiliUt invention, innuirna
Uie prratetl proorett In Ihe eonttrvctton of JUaruy fi.rtni
tilth the ttrovvrtt indtmemcnt of the Sufbkmb Itiiaa!
NATIONAL JllBY."
In addition to the above, Btolnwaj A Boot hare re
ceived the following Cable despatch:
m. ''Parth, Jalyt
'"The irreat Poclete dee BeanxArts, ot Parln, have,
aner a careful examination of all the muxloM inHtru.
jnente exhibited at the Paria x position, awarded to
hTRiitWAY A Sons, of New York, their Orcuul TetUr
frumiol Medal, fur ffreatetl tuperiority aiui noveUu at
covtti-vctiontnJl'icuwt,"
For sale by II p
BLAHim RRON., NO.lOOacnEXNUT BT.
mil
CHICKERINC PIANOS
AT THE PARIS EXPOSITION.
A cable telegram announces that the
ITI11SX PREMIUM
GRAND QOLD MEDAL
Hm been awarded to Chlckerino t Son, for the
best Pianos; and also, that 77m Grand JDecoratitm
and iftdal of the Legion of Honor has been conferred,
upon Mr. Chlckerlog by the bands of tne Kmperor
of France, lor entire superiority in Piano-fortes over
all others exhibited at the Exposition
WM. II. DTJTTON.
riAwstf NO. 014 CaESXUT ST.
ffiyfi &TECK& CO. PIANOS,
UAINES BROTHERS' PIANOS,
AND
RASON & HAMLIN CABINET ORGANS.
These beautiful Instruments constantly Increase ta
popularity, and are to be found In splendid assort
ment at
J. E. GOULD'S,-
S2Sttuthtf SETENTU AND CUES HUT.
ITCH! TETTERI
AND ALL
SKI IV DISELVSTIS.
ITCH ! ITCH I ITCH !
SWAiNE'S OINTMENT
Entirely eradicates this loathsome disease, often times
In from 1 to 48 Honrs I
SWATXE'I ALL-nEALINti OINTMENT
sWATKE'S ALL-1IEAL1NU OIXTHENT
K MAINE'S ALL-IIEALINO OINTMENT
HWATNE'S ALL-HEALI&e OINTMENT
NWATNE'S ALL-HEALINO OINTMENT.
k WAYNE'S ALL-UEALINti OINTMENT.
Don't be alarmed it you have the
ITCH, TETTEK, ERYSIPELAS, SALT RHEUM,
BCALD HEAD, BARBER'S 1TUH. .
OR, IN FACT, ANY DISEASE OP THE SKIN.
It is warranted a speedy core. Prepared by i "
DLL SWA1NE & SON,
NO. S30 NORTH SIXTH STREET,
Above Vine, Philadelphia.
Rold bv all beet PrtiggrlRts s2atutn4p
jjBMnrsMMaltf
utiiMwiii - liii Hi---- -ni-i-n mni
RHEUMATISM.
RHEUMATISM.
NEURALGIA.
NO CURE NO PAY.
NO CURE NO PAY.
DR. FITLER'Q
GREAT KIIEUMATIC REMEDY.
WARRANTED HARMLESS,
REFERENCES 5000 CURES
REFERENCES S000 CURES
IN PHILADELPHIA ALONE.
DR. FITLER,
ONB OF OUR OLDEST PHYSICIANS
ADVISES C1RATIS DAILT,
PRINCIPAL DEPOT, U29inwtM '
No. 29 South FOURTH St
flNE HAMS. "
SMOKED REEF,
TONGUES,
SMOKED SALMON,
SPICED SALMON,
SARDINFS, DONELEMS AND IN TOJI1.
TOES,
POTTED MEATS,
PRAIRIE U.tME IN CHEAT VARIETY,
FINEST O.UALITY OLIVE OIL,
And every variety of CHOICE FAMILY GROCE
RLEs, by the package or retail.
SDIOfl COLTON & CLARKE,
s.W.COK, 11ROAD AND WALNUT STS.
" tathMpI PHILADELPHIA.
C. w- A. TRUMPLER
Vritl. REMOVE HIS MUSIC STORE
FROM SEVENTH AND CUESNUT STS.
TO NO. 00 CUISNUT STREET,
AUGUST I.
7 20tuthtf4p
T0HATM-TbIe1uI?,9bf TIMOTHY INOKA-
here", 'win, il ' H.h-V,n?. beeu "''
'v TT T n Vu-. a a
' . r. iriu KAu Am.
.rrs TAKE THE FAMILY TO
TirTr.'"Vt;Ra'KH POINT OAHDKfVa.
nTent n tl, vi V. 1 V"c ,aT Woraatlon aud m,o
h'iIH mS'1' 'i?' the city . 11oh leave fmi ii .
Lour tt'1 dllll eVM' Wiree-quartem ot an
eHmip
r