2
THE NEW YORK PRESS.
prTORIAl OPJMONS Of THB LRADIMO JOCRWALB
VTOtl CCBEKNI IOPI09 OOMP1LBD KVKRY
DAT FOB THB BVgNINO TKLBOBAPH.
rrhaMtxIran PlfllcuHy anil the Passlblll
tie of luUrveutldU.
JVont tt Timet.
One of tLe secreta of Lord Stanley's suooess
as the Foreign Minister of Kngland doubtless
lies In his ability to judge of passing events,
not as they affect the personal or domestio
sentiment of civilized communities, but as
they seem to bear upon national interests, and
the working out of a national policy. It is a
quality of statesmanship which is clearly
brought into view in tho Minister's reply to
the request for information respecting Maxi
milian's death, made by a member of the
House of Commons. That reply, it will be
Been, discourages any appeal for vengeance
against the l'linee'a murderers. "I do not
see," says Lord Stanley, "what especial notica
Is possible or required on the part of the
British Government." In other words, the
Foreign Secretary holds that the Queen's ad
visers were not responsible, in the first in
stance, for the mal-adventure which culmi
nated in the tragedy at Querelaro; that they
ceased to have any special interest in the ad
ministration of Mexican affairs when the Tri
partite treaty was brought to a close at Sole
dad; that the French protectorate formed no
part of the original scheme of intervention;
and that in the imperial project whioh fol
lowed, England had no other part or lot than
the recognition of what appeared to be the
de facto Government of Mexico.
The British Secretary not only refuses to be
committed to a hasty declaration of sympathy,
but he bars the door rgainst any appeal in that
direction, by roundly denying that the execu
tion of the Emperor is in any sense the affair
4)f England or of the English Government.
The Foreign Minister's words Beem, at first
Mush, to be unnaturally cold considering the
excited state of publio feeling throughout the
greater part of the Continent; in all the Court
circles of Europe; among the higher and the
lower classes of English society; andevenhere
among our own people. Outside of the more
violent faction in Congress, there has been but
one expression in regard to the execution at
Queretaro. That expression has been one of
thorough execration against the bloody orders
of Escobedo's court-martial. Of all this,
Lord Stanley was thoroughly well informed
when he announced in the House of Commons
that the murder of Prince Maximilian was no
concern of the British Government. Are we
to condemn the British Secretary? Is his
indifference an insult to the general sympathy
'Of civilized communities for the courageous
'and Belf-sacriflcing victim of C.-Psaristn? The3e
are questions which we venture to think a
great many here and elsewhere may not, with
out some prompting, take the trouble to study
at ail. Ana yet iney deserve some snare 01
And
Study, if we care to interpret fairly, justly,
and with anything like discrimination the
policy of our own Government.
While individual members of the Adminis
tration may hold the execution of Maximilian
to have been a wanton insult to the sentiment
of Christian communities, it does not follow
ttat it is our business or our duty to step for
ward as avengers of the deed. We did not
aid in any manner in bringing the Prince
Maximilian into the meshes of that selfish and
fatal policy which caused his ruin, and which
struck the latest and most terrible blow
against the aspirations of the House of Haps
bur?. We not only did not invite the Pro
tectorate of France, nor the erection of an Im
perial dynasty to give play for the experi
inents of modem Ciesarism; but we protested,
and protested when our authority and influ
ence were held, momentarily, of little aocount,
against the adventure of the Austrian Prince
from its beginning down to tne day or tne
departure of the French troops. The fate
which overtook the amiable, single-minded
. Prince, sad and horrible as it was, does
cot place ns, as a nation, in the pssition
either of mourners or "avengers." We should
. be loth to think that any great number of
the American people do not cherish a hearty,
wholesome, and earnest detestation of the
wretched faction which, in its temporary
. triumph, now clamors and shouts for bloJd.
But we should be equally unwilling to have it
said that in determining our future policy in
regard to Mexico, we were guided by any
Other considerations than those of a broad na
tional character. Whatever arguments weigh
with the British Foreign Secretary in deter
mining his abstinence from all intervention in
Mexican affairs until the game of the dominant
faction shall have further developed itself,
apply with double force here. Our policy has
favored the revival, whether for good or evil,
of what is supposed to bear the outward sem
blance and character of a republican Govern
ment. But we are no more responsible for the
acta of its agents than we are for those of the
Governments of liayti, Peru, or Abyssinia.
We have desired to see the country work out
its own salvation; we have not only discou
raged assaults upon its independence; but we
have given it the only remaining chance it
can have, to show itself worthy of indepen
dence. It has made an atrocious beginning.
It has committed the unpardonable folly of
rejecting advice which would have saved it
from the scorn and the contempt of civilized
nations and of all who have long predicted
its ruin. But when all this is said, the domi
nant faction in Mexico has not, so far, gone to
the length of demanding chastisement at our
hands.
The murder of Maximilian we are no more
called upon to avenge than we are required to
ea an expedition for the release of the
glish captives in Abyssinia. And to that
extent, we can fairly appreciate Lord Stanley's
seeming indifference. It is not the indifference,
we assume, of callous feeling any more than
is Secretary Seward's representation of the
Santa Anna case. Prudent governments have
to see to it that they do not hastily become
sentimentalists. The indulgence of sentiment
costs money. It costs nations tremendous
sums. It cost Great Britain five hundred mil
lions sterling inside of a decade or so, when
the last generation was young. It has oost
v.... n this verv Mexican adventure, be-
4i.rAA hnndred million and four hun-
aa ,nnnn francs. It has oost her Emperor
: whatf Are we Americans, going into the
,t - .wtmATital Mine f Our politioal work
at home, to-day, involves heavier labors and
, ' Itlua Minn Viaira
more tremendous reopuun.uiii..
" .n a . lot of any other oonstitu-
'. ,md community. Our munlci-
i c;..7. n,l National taxes
?a,Vv ZZ Iwb Parable by the strictest
Economy Mere rumors of iilibustering have
now a depressing tendency on our Becurities.
?,0Wi " L.utn value, and our industries
UOiui'K""-7 ' , , ttmu for the
thin but lively
indulgence cf sentiment?
economy, forbearance,
temper f
Or for the praotioe
prudence, and even
Kxcltament la Knropt 0r the Murder
of MaxImlUaa.
From the Herald.
When Intelligence of the fate of Maxi
milian first reached us we foresaw and de
scribed the fierce outbursts of indignation and
the deep and unfeigned sorrow with which
news of the sad event would be certain to be
received all over Europe. Eaoh successive
mail, as it arrives, confirms the accuracy of
the views then expressed. The papors are
literally full of Maximilian and Mexico. It is
the all-prevailing topic of discussion; and,
with scarcely a single exception, grief over the ;
untimely fate of the unfortunate Princo is
mingled with unqualified reprobation of the j
brutal conduct of his murderers. No event
at all comparable to the execution of the Mexi
can Emperor has occurred since Louis XVI
perished by the guillotine; nor has any event
since that occasioned such deep and general
sorrow; and unless we greatly mistake history
will pronounce it equally unnecessary and
equally barbarous. The murder of the King
neither Becured nor quickened the life of the
French republic; and we speak mildly when
we say that we wait for evidence to be con
vinced that the salvation of Mexico has been
secured by the murder of Maximilian.
We publish a letter from the pen of our
special correspondent at Vienna, in which the
feeling in the Austrian capital is ably de
scribed. We publish also an article from the
Vail Mall Gazette, together with numerous
extracts from other European journals, in all
of which the prevailing feeling is truthfully
reflected.
It will be seen from an examination of those
papers that while ample justiee is done to
Juarez and his friends, there are others who
come in for a fair share of blame. Chief
among the latter is the Emperor Louis Napo
leon. This is precisely what we expeoted.
We have ever been convinced that the more
thoroughly this Mexican business was studied,
and the more completely it was mastered, the
more fully manifest would it become that the
chief offender, the real originator of all this
mischief, was the Emperor of the French.
There are others who have grievously if not
wilfully erred, and whose conduct in the
matter must ever remain inexcusable; but
Louis Napoleon must continue to bear the
burden of the guilt.
A Latin empire on the American continent,
absurd and impossible to all who know the
material out of which it was to be creatad, was
a grand but ridiculous conception, traceable
to the imperial brain alone. Filled with
vanity because of success achieved on the field
of Solferino, desirous to propitiate the House
of Hapsburg, whom he bad greatly bumbled,
and not unwilling to do a Kindness to an am
bitious and high-spirited Prince whom he had
robbed of bis province oi Lombardy, it was
Napoleon who opened up to the mind of Maxi
milian visions of empire, and encouraged him
to indulge the hope of yet sitting in pride and
splendor in the halls of the Moutezumas. No
one can say that the glittering prize was
eagerly grasped at. On the contrary, the
whole project was viewed by Maximilian witn
suspicion and distrust; it was seen to be
traugnt with great and serious peril; it was
discouraged by the Emperor, his brother; it
implied the abandonment ot bis position
and prospects as Prince of the Austrian
empire. What was there that Mexico could
give that Austria had not already given?
In what sense could he be a gainer? A
worthless crown and an empty name would
be poor rewards for the sacrifices which it
Would be necessary to make. The influence
of Napoleon alone overcame these scruples.
It was his urgent entreaties, his glowing pio
tures, his liberal promise of help, which at last
wrung from Maximilian a reluctant consent;
and it was the bayonets of France which won,
and for a time maintained, for him his sceptre
and his crown. It is unnecessary to go into
the history of later movements to illustrate
Napoleon's guilt. The crowning offense was
committed at the outset. The grand crime of
the whole affair was the bartering away of the
rights of a people over which the would-be
trader had no control. That crime was com
mitted by Napoleon. We do not say that
Maximilian was innocent; but Maximilian,
whatever his faults, has died like a true man
and made ample atonement.
We have again and again, in the pages of
the Herald, spoken of the execution of Maxi
milian as a piece of unnecessary cruelty. We
have spoken of those who ought to have saved
him, who were able to save him, but who did
not, and who must continue to bear the shame
and disgrace which attach to their oonduot. It
will be difficult for Mr. Seward, in any number
of volumes which he may choose to publish, to
convince an intelligent publio that he has
acted in this matter either in the interests of
hr.manity or in the interests of the American
people. But Mr. Seward's offense is small
when compared with that of Napoleon. The
ghost of Maximilian cannot be an agreeable
companion; but the loss of popularity, of
power, of prestige, the loss of everything
which he cares to live for, and which he has
fought so hard to win, will be a punishment
less enpv to bear.
Tlie Legion of Honor.
From the Tribune.
e do not know whether the Decoration of
the Legion of Honor, which Napoleon III has
been good enough to bestow upon several
American exhibitors, carries with it any kind
of unconstitutional nobility or not; but we
think we may run the risk, and make no pro
test. One gentleman, who is in the sewing-
machine business, advertises that he has been
made a Knight, and if so, we cheerfully admit
that, the needle being vastly more useful than
the rapier, he is as well entitled to write him
self "Sir" or "Chevalier" as anybody dubbed
during the days of chivalry could possibly
have been. One eminent piano-forte maker
boasts a similar honor, and piano-fortes, if
wiey ao not piay "xiie isauie or 1'rague" too
otten, are also peaceful in their tendencies,
and worthy of encouragement.
ibe times have changed i since poor Fulton
....en m interest napoleon i in steam navl
bv,u, aim waa impatiently dismissed as a
visionary. This is, indeed, the golden age
oi mecuaniclans. Formerly an inventor
went wandering up and down the world,
yy..j ..cn, loot-sore, and in all ways
u.siressea ; ne waited in ante-chambers, be-
ou,b k.ub, petitioned and memorialized,
Biiu ueuiuuswaied ; ha wrote lMkjra wniou
w mrr uuswered, solicited loans which
were never afforded, presented projects which
were never considered, and ii v...f... i. -
perpetual prospect of dying in the street, the
Jail, or the almshouse. Ue might be mobbed,
or murdered, or adjudged a lunatic. If any!
body knows of any sadder reading than the
biography of inventors and projectors, we beg
hint to. keep his information to himself We
at least, have no desire to avail ourselves
of it.
Wars were formerly history Hsulf; now they
are the historical episodes. Peaoe and mate
rial prosperity have now to the minds of moat
men the value which was once attached to
war-making, and Hs inevitable distress, and
wsiit, and ruin. Nor will the world again
lflpe Into a condition of chronlo hostility; for
future campaigns, thanks to railway and im
proved projectiles, must be short. The world,
lor once, is resolutely bent upon being happy,
proppcrous, and comfortable; and although
there are gentlemen of the poetical and philo
sophical persuasions who mourn this tendency
to materialism, we, who know nothing more
material than blowing whole armies into frag
ments, cannot agree with them. But whether
we like it or not, the world refuses any longer
to fight for light and trivial causes; the people
have grown wice, and kings have been obliged
to give up their little games. The consequence
is that inventors, even in France, are quite as
great folk as the Marshals of the Empire; and
he who finds out a labor-saving adaptation of
the mechanical powers is greater than he who
taketh a city. It is a cheerful peculiarity of
the time that he who really hits upon a
useful invention is sure of being handsomely
rewarded.
The busy world wants It, must have it, can
not afford to do without it, and, however re
luctantly, is obliged to pay for it. It is true
that the inventor is sometimes lacking in pru
dence, and allows himself to be swindled out
of the due reward of his ingenuity; but the
world is not to blame for this; it pays some
body always, although it may now and then
Bettle with the wrong person. Such an error
is occasionally inevitable, and is probably no
more frequent in matters of invention than in
other branches of business. The world, if
anything, is a little too credulous. It has
encountered so many wonders, and seen so
many apparent impossibilities overcome, that
it is astonished by nothing, and willing to
believe in anything. The consequenoe is that
it gets a great many things, extremely useful
and highly convenient, which otherwise it
would be it forced to go without. Invention,
duly encouraged, increases every day in
fecundity.
We do not care over much for the Legion of
Honor, but we confess to a little pride in the
reflection that our own country has been
among the foremost in this competition of
usefulness. If Xankees have been devoted to
whittling, they certainly have whittled to some
purpose. For a good many years the world
has been laughing at Yankee machines; lately
it has been wiser it has been buying them,
We are glad to have our tasteful and artistic
contributions noticed and approved, because
they bear testimony to the fact that, while we
make excellent locomotives, and the best
mowing-machines extant, we are not unmin 1
ful of the graces and the elegancies of life. It
proves something that one of the first objects
.f an American girl's ambition is to possess a
piano-forte. She may be poor; she may be
earning with difficulty her own daily breal;
but how often she manages to buy the coveted
instrument, and to pay for it by little
instalments, which imply great sacrifices and
close economy, the agents of the manufacturers
might tell us. This feeling is very seldom
one of vanity; it arises ofteuest from a real
love of music and the desire of making some
progress in the practice of it. This demand
has created the manufacture. If we make the
best pianos in the world, it is because we buy
more of them, and know the good ones from
the bad. We can remember when in the
whole villages there was not so much as an
old-fashioned spinet, while now almost every
household has abetter piano-forte thau Mozart
or Haydn ever played on. We doubt if there
be this general diffusion of the means of musi
cal culture anywhere else in the world, except,
possibly, in some parts of Germany. And yet,
we are considered by the ignorant of other
nations to be a hard, practical, penurious,
grasping, and purely mechanical people.
Probably, we take the liberty of saying, there
never was a more blundering mistake made in
the world since it was created.
The fate of all nationalities is governed by
so many circumstances which cannot be fore
seen, that it ill becomes us to boast of the pro
bable future of our dear country. This much,
however, is certain: We are rid of that moral
and economical incubus which brought at last
upon us the distress and shame of civil war.
That period of pain and calamity has passed,
and a future of pure and consistent freedom is
before us. There is a Legion of Honor to
which the Muse of History may admit a whole
people; and in the society of great, consistent,
and truly virtuous nations may we be enrolled !
The Coming Elections In New York and
Pennaylvauta Prospect or Political
Parllc.
From the Herald.
There is a good deal of controversy just now
between the Democrats and the Republicans
as to the prospects of each in the coming elec
tions in New York and Pennsylvania. Thad.
Stevens said not long ago that the Democrats
would carry these two States at the next elec
tion. A great many of his own party, how
ever, not so far-sighted or frank, assert the
contrary. On the other side, a portion of the
Democrats are hopeful, while not a few are
doubtful. All this shows the chaos into which
political parties are thrown and the muddle in
which the politicians find themselves. Now,
it is quite clear that the success of either of
the parties depends upon their conduct aud the
management of the elections, and this is more
particularly the case as to the Democrats, for
they have the most vigorous fight to make.
Still, we agree with Thad. Steveus that they
have a good chance of succeeding if they
manage right. ,
What, then, is the course to pursue ? Cer
tainly not that which the Copperhead members
of Congress, such as Brooks and the Woods,
of this city, and other Copperheads like them
have pursued. They have only played into
the hands of the Republicans. They have
done more to strengthen the Republican party
than the Republicans themselves. If the
Democrats should follow such leaders they
will certainly be defeated in the coming elec
tions; for both they and their obsolete dogmas
have become odious to the mass of the people.
No party can succeed that does not aocopt. the
results of the war. The past is beyoud resur
rection. We have passed through a politioal
revolution, and its consequences remain fixed
ns the stars in the firmament. The anti-war
Copperlteads are dead. The war Democrats
must throw overboard the Seymours, the
Woods, the Brookses, Andy Johnson, and all
the old obnoxious leaders of that faction, if
they would suooeed. They should call conven
tions in this State and in Pennsylvania, ignoring
the past and their past pernicious leaders, and
-.Xi . 4i... i....iT ..t ti.o r. with the
Reconstruction acts and all, as a new point oi
departure. They then should nommaie wo
ral Grant lor tne 1'rusidency. wivuvu.
a piat-
form and without pledges. By
taking his
11-known
conservative
principles, and his judicious onaucVr '
nizingthe reconstruction measures of Congress
as a platform, without any other dec laraUon
..i.i !,..4 . n the part of the oou-
euuer on ins pan or " , . t, a
...4 sn lake the wind out of the
i.i7,ans. and inaugurate a
,,.m;,...i ,AinL throughout the country,
The Tieoule know where Ueneral tlrant utamld,
aid ll VSS!uui.- They require no
i-vuuun iviv.uv.vu " ' '
Pledges or unmeaning riKmarole of party plat
forms with his nomination. J,,t the war De-
..wr. wiKiiiK the Initiative, and that
immediately. In opening Ultt Prudential cam-
paign, wun uraut a9 tMr candidate-bat at
M Tll T 17 jKnoriu8 the pernicious
old Copperheads and they can carrv the
Ftates of New York and l'..nr,.J;.?.fI !
coming elections By . taking this course they
can succeed; by taking ftuj other th -fr
Pretlrtent talnava of Ilaytl.
from Ui Tribune.
ueneral 1 urin Halnave, the now President
of Hayti, is a man of whose former history but
little is known. The first that was heard of
him in this country was his alleged participa
tion, in July, 1804, in an attempt to assas
sinate one of President Geffrard's ministers.
lie was condemned to death by a court-mar
tial, but escaped to San Domingo. In May,
18(i5, he placed himself at the head of an in
surrectionary movement in the northern part
ot the Republic. On the 9th of May he organ
ized a Provisional Government, and on tho
next day he took possession of Cape Ilaytien.
Uie insurrection was unsuccessful. I he in
surgents, at the beginning of June, were shut
up in Cape Ilaytien. where Salnave main
tained himself until November, when a diffi
culty which he bad with the English Consul
led to the bombardment of Cape Ilaytien by
English vessels. When his position became
hopeless, Salnave took refuge on board of the
American Bteamer De Soto, whioh conveyed
him to the Dominican port of Monte Christ!.
After the success of the insurrection in the
earlier part of .the present year, publio opinion
seemed to be unanimous In designating' cal-
nave as the ablest man for the Presidency. He
accordingly assumed the government as Pro
visional President, and, as our latest des
patches from liayti indicate, has just been
elected President by a unanimous vote.
Representation of Minorities "Cumula
tive voting."
From the World.
ibe ingenious and aptly illustrated argu
ment of Senator Buckalew in favor of what is
called cumulative voting, elicited unequivocal
expressions of concurrence in his conclusions
from two or three intelligent Senators. Senator
Reverdy Johnson, in particular, stated that he
had been for some time acquainted with the
works of Mr. Mill and Earl Grev : that thev
n - i
had convinced his judgment ; that the argu
ments of Mr. Buckalew exceeded- theirs in
cogency and pertinent illustration; and that
he, Mr. Johnson, as then advised, would vote
for such a reform whenever it should be more
seasonably presented.
ine method oi cumulative voting, as a
means of securing a more adequate representa
tion of minorities, is deemed by Mr. Buckalew.
and do ubtless is in reality, preferable in point
oi simplicity to any of the other methods
which have, been suggested for attaining the
same result. But while unhesitatingly en
dorsing its simplicity, we reserve any expres
sion ot opinion respecting its efficacy, until we
have presented the plan and Mr. Buckalew's
leading illustrations. It strikes us that its
practical efficacy must be the turning point of
the discussion, inasmuch as there cau be no
reasonable difference of opinion as to the jus
tice of the end, and simplicity in the means is
a decisive ground of preference, if they are
also efficacious.
The principle of cumulative voting requires
the abolition of the single district system
which now prevails in the election of members
of Congress, and asks for eaoh citizen the privi
lege of casting as many votes as his State is
entitled to members. Before the single dis
trict Bystem was adopted, many of the States
elected their Congressmen by what is called a
general ticket; each elector depositing a ballot
containing as many names as the State had
seats under the apportionment. The district
system was adopted to accomplish the very
same object which Mr. Buckalew seeks to at
tain by its abolition a fairer representation
of minorities. Under the general ticket sys
tem, the whole delegation of ft State was
given to the dominant party, eyen though it
succeeded in the election by a single vote.
By breaking the States up into districts,
every locality in which the minority
party could out-vote their opponents gained
a representative in Congress. Merely to
abolish the districts and do nothing else,
would operate against the minorities. As
parties have lately stood, it would give all the
members from New York, all the membersffrom
Pennsylvania, and indeed from most of the States
now represented, to the Republicans. How is
this proposed to be avoided ? By what is
called cumulative voting; that is, by per
mitting every elector in a State which is enti
tled to ten members, to cast, if he chooses, ten
votes for one candidate, or five votes each for
two candidates, or two votes each for five can
didates, or to distribute his ten votes among
candidates h any manner he pleases. We
will do Mr. Buckalew the justice to permit
him to give his own illustratiaus of the ex
pected operation of this method, unmixed
with any running commentary of ours, and
uncolored by our modes of statement:
"Now, let me Illustrate how this scheme would
wi rk ly a particular example. Take the rasa
ot Veiiuont, a Hlate with bo.UOO voters, 40.000 of
hm ui e members ot the mujorlly purly, und
20,UW) of the minority. By act of CouuroHs tha
existing apportionment of law that HtHte Is
eulliled to three members. The numbers I
have ktaied are very nearly the exact numbers
oi voters in that Htate. Kvery one ataglanoe
can Bt ewbut ought to take place. The majority,
bavlnii 40,000 volex, nhouldchootie two luutiibers
of Congress from that Htuto, and the minority,
tinviUK twenty thousund votes, should elect
one member. Xbeu there would be Just repre
sentation. Then there could be no complaint
in any quarter. Then our principle ot there
presentation of the people would be applied to
tne particular oase, uud uo human being can
conceive of any aituuiout or objection agalust
that 1-onult.
"Thin vygtera of cumulative voting renders
Junl that result certain renders It morally lin
pohblble that any oilier should take place; and
why? Because the minority, cumulating their
voii-BOpou a single candidate, cuu give him
sixty thousnud voles; eueh elector glvlnn his
candidate three votes, it would count him sixty
thousand. The forty thousand constituting the
political majority in the Hlate. If they attempt
to vote lor three candidates, cuu only give them
lurly thousHUd each. If they cumulate their
voles upon two candidates, which Is what they
are entitled to, they oan give them Mlxty thou
sand voles each; so that two men will be elected
to Congress representing the majority, and one
tiiau iepreeuliug the mluorlly, and 11 Is im
possible for either one of those nolitioal inte
rests to prevent the othei from obtaining Its due
share of representation.
Take the Case Of PelinsvlVAnln nllh tmontT.
four members, lu tliut Klato at the last, Con.
gresslonal election there were polled fiM.Ul
voles. The niHlnrity parly polled 30.1,790, and
the minority 21)2,351. It thus appears that there
was a majority in lavor of oue politioal interest
lu that Htale at that Counressloual elootlon,
mounting to JM'IO votes. Multiplying that by
live one-Uith of the population ordluarily
being the voters of the Htale and you nee that
that surplus which one parly possessed of votes
over the other represent a noi.uiatlon a little
exceeding nily-flve thousand leas one-half the
uumber of Inhabitants In the Htuteeotiiled to a
' representation lu Congress, so that tut, surplus
Old Bye
THE
FINE
LA EG EST AND BEST STOCK OP
OLD RYE VH I 8IM EO
IN THE LAND IS NOW POSSESSED BY
HENRY S. H ANN IS & CO.,
Nos. 218 and 220 SOUTH FRONT STREET,
Wno OrrEBTllERAIlB TO THE TRIOR, H LOTS. OH VCBT ADVANTAGEOUS
T EH SIM.
Thslr Stock of Hy Whliklti, IPC BOND, comprises all the farorlt brand!
its ut, aiafi rum through the various months of lHUS.'OO. and of this yar, up to
promt date. '
Liberal contracts made for lot to arrive at Pennsylvania Railroad Depot,
-rrlfson Lino Wharf, or at Bonded Warehouses, as parties may elect.
2,Jr,(lteM,?fn8Prty over the other represents
r frcUou upon a ratio of apuortion-
" ' or UongreHs to the State. The
were S follows.- "CUOU (Ueld la Clbor 1USl)
PENNSYLVANIA. CONTESTS ' DISTRICTS.
' T..,
II...
III. .,
IV. ..
V...
Jlnu
Devi.
12. lu
ll. 510
0,17",
12,020
1 1. WW
14.0110
S.iVU
13.1 SI
e,(i7.
12,071
15.007
12,51
l'2,ia
.- W,iV.l
'l;m
VI.
viii
IX 14 :m
. 1.1S8
121
XI 13.274
Mil 11,940
XIV MlliK)
XV 12.4H9
XVI 13 5S9
XVII 11 am
15.20
10,053
12.075
15,830
12.0IM
0,070
12,0-iH
XVII I u.784
XIX 15,107
XX 17 10
XXI 13 023
XXII 12 720
12 4SI
15,222
12,lt
9,915
10,012
11,853
XXIII ui-rr
-v.A.ir 13.WL
803,790
202,361
202,359
Majority n 4.ia
Rat io ot vous for a Represen
tative, accord uc to votes
polled 2-1.839
"Now. Blr. what Is the result? Juduinor bv th
actual votea polled at that Congressional elec
tion, there should have been an equal division
of Representatives lu the House, standing 12 to
12; or, if a Representative should be asxlgned to
tne majority interest on aocount of the excess
of Its vote, the numbers would stand 13 toll.
Rut In point of fact, under your single district
system, the result in that Htate is that
the delegation stands IS to 8, instead of being
equally divided according to the real votes
which were polled at the election. But under
this system of cumulative voting what would
lake placer As each political Interest In the
Htate knows that Us vote U about the same as
that of the opposing one, and that if It attempts
to obtain more than its fair share of represen
tation It may actually lose, lusteud of gnlning.it
win De iorcea to concentrate us vole upou
twelve candidates, or upon thirteen at most,
end it Is Impossible that by any ingenuity or
device whatever it can Increase its representa
tion In Congress above about what its actual
numbers entitle it to. If It should make the
attempt, the opposite party would gala au ad
vantage s the result of the sharp practice at
tempted upon luein,
We cannot withhold a just tribute to the
felicity of these selected illustrations, nor to
their apparent force as arguments. But their
great plausibility must not exempt them from
the searching scrutiny due to the great inte
rest of the subject. Many schemes which are
plausible in theory miscarry in practice the
plan of the framers of the Constitution, for ex
ample, for electing the President by a body of
electors chosen for that purpose, totally dis
appointed tbeir expectations. We by no
means assert that the system of cumulative
voting would equally disappoint the intentions
of its advocates; but this is certainly a fair
point of inquiry.
Proposed reforms In methods of election
need to be considered in reference to the action
of political parties, as well as in regard to
their intrinsio merits. It is the nominating
system and party discipline which prevail in
this country which have thwarted and nulli
fied the expected operation of the system of
Presidential Electors, making the Electors
mere passive tools for enforcing the behests of
nominating conventions bodies wholly
unknown to the Constitution and laws. And
yet party action, exerted through such bodies,
is the very life of our politics. Assuming, as
Mr. Buckalew does an assumption warranted
by our whole past history that there will
generally be two great rival parties in the
country, what guarantee can be given that
party discipline will not be as striot and con
trolling under the new system as under any
other f The nominations for Congress would
continue to be made by party conventions,
and every citizen not wishing to lose his votes,
would cast them for some of the candi
dates thus put in nomination. In all
closely contested States, each party would be
likely to nominate a full list of members,
since a failure to do so would be a confession
of weakness of which its opponents would
take prompt and triumphant advantage. A
party which nominated less thau the full
number would thereby acknowledge and ad
vertise its inability to elect the Governor and
other State officers to be chosen in the same
election. It is the foible of all parties going
into an election to be sanguine and hopeful;
it is their practice and a part of their
tactics to swagger and boa.-t and never to
make voluntary confessions of weakness. Ia
all States, therefore, where parties were at
all balanced, each would put into the field
a full ticket for members of Congress, and
party spirit and discipline would cause it to
be generally voted for. The practical result
would be eimply a restoration of the old
general ticket system. The successful party,
though succeeding by less than a hundred
votes, would have all the members; and half
the citizens of the State would be unrepre
sented. In such a State aB Vermont, aptly selected
by Mr. Buckalew for illustration, the Demo
oratio Convention might nominate only one
member, and the Republican Convention two,
and each party get the equitable representa
tion which he desoribes. But the cases would
be rare in which, in a State entitled to three
members, the minority would happen to have
just votes enough to eleot their one candi
date. If they had too few, they would be no
more represented than under the present
system.
The freedom with which we disousa Mr.
Buckalew's proposition must be regarded as a
proof of our sympathy with his general viows.
lie did not broach it with any expectation of
its immediate adoption, but for the purpose of
eliciting discussion. The subjeot is most inte
resting; the end sought to be attained most
equitable; and at this stage of the inquiry
more is perhaps to be gained by a general
sifting of the various propositions aud the ex
posure of their weak points, than by advocacy
of any of them. What we wish to see is the
successful solution of a problem which, well
started, and confessed to be important, is by
no means to be abandoned as beyond the com
pass of human ingenuity beoause none of the
solutions thuB far o lib red seem quite successful.
TTJT7 1
m a Mt r m
1
1
SUrVWER RESORTS.
QURF HOUSE,
ATLANTIC CITY, N. J.
The above House was opened on the 1st of JTJNB.
For particulars, etc., address
All T. CALEB rnOPKIF.TOR,
tf ATLANTIC CITY, N. J,
QONCREGS HALL,
ATLANTIC CITT, N. J.,
IS NOW OPEN.
This noose has been repainted and renovated, with
all modern improvements added, and la oonseqaenoe
oftbeblghtides.lt has made tbe bathing (rounes
superior to any In tbe city, belug four huudred feet
nearer than last seasou.
a. W. I1INKLE.
Johnston's celebrated Band Is engaged. 6 27 la
UNITED STATES HOTEL,
ATLAK TIO CITY, N. J.,
IS KOW OPEN.
FOR PABTICDLAR8, ADDRESS
BROWN A WOELPPEB,
ATLANTIC CITT,
Or No. 837 RICHMOND Street,
(102m 1'hlladelpnla.
-
MERCHANTS' HOTEL,
CAPE ISLAND, N. J,'
Tbis beautllul and commodious Hotel Is now open
tor tbe reception oi guests.
It is on tbe main avenue to tbe Beach, and less than
one square from tbe oceau.
WILLIAM MASON, '
1 PROPRIETOR.
rjHE NATIONAL HOTEL
EXCURSION HOUSE.
ATLANTIC CITT, N. J
Is now open for permanent Kueu, and tor tbe reoep
tlon and euterialuiueut of the various excursions wj
tbe iHlaud. Tbe only hotel In tbe place on me fcuro
jieun plan, and a bill of lareof tbe best ana mods
varied character.
CONLET A HOUCK,
27 lm Proprietors.
SEA BATHING NATIONAL HALL, CAPK
JbLAND, N. J. This larite ana commodious
lloiel, known as tbe National ilall, Is now receiving
visitors. Terms tuouerate. Children aud servants
h.alt price. A ARUN U ARK KTttUN ,
2m Proprietor.
FURNISHING GOODS, SHIRTS,&C.
F HOFFMANN, JR..
barf
NO. 823 ABCH STBEF.T,
FURNISHING GOODS,
(Lt ttu. A. Hoflman. formerly W. W. Knight,)
FINE SMUTS AND WRAPPERS..
HOMIER Y AND LOTES
SILK, LAMBS' WOOL AND MERINO
I tjfHl wm UN DERCLOTMNOt
J. W. SCOTT CO.,
SHIRT MANUFACTURERS,
AMD DEALERS IM
MEN'S F II It N 1 M II I N U OOODI
NO. 814 CIIEa.NCT M l REET.
FOUR DOORS BKLOW THE "CONTINENTAL,'
k27Jrp , miLADILPHlA.
PATENT SHOULDER -SEAM
KHIR'l' MANUFACTORY,
AND GEN TLKBl EA'S FUR NIMI1INO STORE
PERFECT FIT1 1 NO SHIRTS AND DRAWERS
Zundelrum meaaurtment at verv short notice.
All other arllueii of GENTLEMEN'S DRESS
GOODS in lull variety.
WINCHESTER A CO.,
111 No. 78 CHEeNUT Street
MILLINERY, TRIMMINGS, ETC
ft30 U R N I NC MILLINERY.
ALWATS ON HAND A LARGE ASSORTMENT OI
SlOTJlTmiNGr BONNETS,
AT NO. eV4 WALNUT STREET,
8270m MAD'LLE KEOCH.
JIBS. It. DILLON,
rf NOS. SS AND SSI kuiitu street
Has handsome assortment of SPRINCi MILXJ
NKV.
Ladles', Mlne and Children's Straw and Fancy
Bonnets and Hats of tbe ltt styles.
Also, bilks, Vblveu, Ribbons, Crapes, Feathers.
Flowers, i'ramea, etc. Jim
No. lim CHEriNUT S'.rest.
E. M. NEEDLES & CO.
OFFER IN
HOUSE-FIT.KISHING DRY COODS,
ADAPTED TO TUE SEASON,
E
Is
Summer Game Blankets,
i'rult Cloths ami Doylies,
bath and oilier Towels
Jfuinlture ChliiUes and Dimities,
Plllw Ud btieetinu Llueus.
iloorand Stair Llueus
Honeycomb, Allendale,
AND OTHER LIGHT SPREADS, AT
REDUCED PRICES.
1H J.QHKHHf) 1011 -OS
Q L A T E MANTELS.
PLATE MANTELS are nnsurpassed tor Durability
Eraoty, trength. snd Cheapness.
j. n. KIME8 t 00.,
12 cm Hu ziuami ma cukskut tturue.