G
PAST PRESIDENTIAL BOffllRflTIQiS.
BT JAMBS FaKTO!. !
The American press Is becoming as remark
sVble for its docility as it was formerly supposed
to be for its ungovernable recklessness. We
are within a few months of a Presidential cam
paign; every editor in the land has his candi-
. . date selected; and the topic is one of such
interest that almost any expression of opinion
With regard to it would attract attention. But
upon what subject is the press so reticent f
Twenty years ago every newspaper in the
country blazed with the names of candidates
" for the next election, almost as soon as the
last one had been decided, and reams of excel
lent writing paper were spoiled in recom
mending those candidates to the favor of the
people. The press has learned wisdom by
" experience, and now, voluntarily, abstains
from prematurely bringing competitors into
the arena to be weakened and maimed before
the contest begins.
Admitting the wisdom of this pehcy, we
follow the example of our brethren of the
press, not doubting that the American people
will in the future, as they have iu the past,
Select for their Chief Magistrate the individual
who, all things considered, will be- the best
man for the time. Alexander Hamilton once
eaid, that the mode of electing a President
prescribed by the Constitution "was intended
to secure to prominent talents and virtues the
first honors of our country, and forever to dis
grace the barbarous institutions by which
executive power is to be transmitted through
the accident of birth." If this view of the
matter be correct if the Presidency is to
be regarded as a means of rewarding
services and honoring merit then it must
be confessed we have failed to carry
out the design of the Constitution.
On several occasions, indeed, the people
liave bestowed the Presidency upon men
prominent, above all others, for virtue and
talent; but at other times, men have been
selected for their insignificance rather than
their prominence, and merely as representing
the platform of their party. But under a Oov-
' eminent such as ours, so long as it is honestly
, administered, if great talents in the Presidcn-
dential chair might essentially benefit the
nation, inferior talents cannot materially re
tard its progress. Under John Tyler, the
United States continued to advance in . wealth
and in civilization; under George Washington,
it did no more. It is desirable, for many rea
sons, that the President of the United States
should be an able, honorable, and prudent
man. All we mean to assert is, that the desti
nies of the country do not depend upon an in
dividual; and, if this had been before doubtful,
recent events have established it.
It may be interesting at this stage of our
affairs, when parties are about to select men
to represent them in the coming canvass, to
cast a glance at previous Presidential elections,
and not the various processes by which, among
the mass of American citizens, a suitable Chief
Magistrate has been found. As the mode of
. electing a President has always been prescribed
toy law, the chief difficulty has been the nonui-
; , nation of candidates. Vv have usually had
in the United States two political parties
, nearly equal in -strength and numbers, but
we nave never had two men in the
', country so clearly representative of the diver
gent tendencies embodied in those
:', parties, that the people spontaneously
- looked up to them as their standard-bearers.
' At the present moment, for example, there i3
no man in the Republican party, nor one in
; ' the Democratic party, who stands out con
spicuously as the best representative of either.
' So far as we know, but one man has ever
governed a nation who was the spontaneous
.and unanimous choice of its inhabitants. That
. man was Ueorge Washington. In him alone,
among the sons of men, were combined all
' ; the qualities which could influence a free and
Tirtuous people to elect him as their chief.
In social position he was the first gentleman
' . cf America, and that was a far more important
consideration eighty years ago than it is now.
His private character was spotless. His pru
dence had been subjected to every test, and
never found insufficient. His military reputa
tion, so captivating to the multitude, wa3
only equalled, among living generals, by that
of Frederick the Great. Possessing the
1 traits of character which inspire conli
' dence, an imposing personal presence, and a
. splendor of reputation unequalled in America,
. toe must have been the choice of the American
people, in whatever mode his name had been
- presented for their suffrages. Every electoral
Tote was cast for him, and he took his place
at the head of the Government with the ap
proval of every individual voter in every State
of the Union.
During General Washington's first term, the
two parties were formed which, under various
names, have ever since contended for the
" supremacy. Each of these parties consisted
at first of one man. The first American Domo-
' crat, in the party sense of the word, was Thomas
Jefferson, Seoretary of State; and the first Fede
ralist was Alexander Hamilton, Secretary of
the Treasury. TheBe two men, associated in the
Cabinet of President Washington, soon dis-
, covered that they differed fundamentally on
almost every point on which it is desirable that
' Cabinet ministers should agree. The French
Revolution was the great topic at that time.
- Jefferson, fresh from France, hailed that
mighty revolt with the keenest approval, for
he had witnessed the oppression which justi
fied it. Hamilton from the first regarded it
with dread and horror. Hamilton had a low
opinion of mankind, and thought that govern-
. ment must necessarily be both powerful and
Imposing. Jefferson, on the contrary, re-
Bpected his fellow-oitizens, and desired their
Government to be simple, inexpensive, and
strictly limited. The consequence was that
Jie two Secretaries, as Jefferson remarked,
JTabinet like two fighting-cocks;" and this
A
"jCilBlUJJ, tUlliiUUUlbttluig .tout, w won
iends and followers, gradually divided the
nation into parties.
Those who sided witli Jefferson were cauea
Republicans, and those who sympathized with
- Hamilton were called Federalists. The Repub
lican party embraced three descriptions of per-
'. sons: First, young men of intellect and enthu
siasm, like Jefferson himself, who had faith in
their fellow-men,Jaud believed in the progress of
their species; secondly, a considerable number
of the wealthy planters of the South, who,
without being Democrats, desired the Gene
ral Government to be so simple and limited
- as not to detract from the importance of the
1 ' State Governments; thirdly, the more intelli-'
gent artisans and poor men of the North, who
' were naturally attracted by the equalizing dop-
' trines of the Declaration of . Independence.
" The Federal party included a large majority
' " of the men of property and education the
,. men who in all times and lands are naturally
disposed to conservatism. These solid men of
the land, and the - voters whom they inilu-
cuced, constituted the Federal party, - .
' The first contest between these parties oc
; eurred in 1793, when for the ,second time a
President and Vice-President were to be
' cbooeat Washington was unanimously re-
THE DAILY . E
elected, but for the second office there was an
animated strife.
At the first election in 1788, John Adams
had received thiity-four electoral votes out of
sixty-seven for the Vice-Presidency, and the
rest were divided among ten other candidates,
of whom no one received more than nine. In
1792 the party lines were strictly drawn. A
caucus of the Republican members of Congress
nominated for the Vice-Presidency George
Clinton, of New York, and a caucus of Fede
ral members nominated John Adams. In the
short space of fonr years party discipline had
become so well developed In the country, that
every elector but five cast his vote for one
of these candidates. John Adams received
seventy-seven electoral votes; George Clinton,
fifty. It was only far-off Kentucky that had
not yet fallen into line. Kentucky cast its
vote for Thomas Jefferson, and one elector in
South Carolina voted for Aaron Burr.
A caucus of members of Congress, then,
was the first method hit upon for the selection
of candidates. It is difficult to conceive of any
other plan suited to the state of things at that
time. A National Convention, even if it had
been thought of, would have absorbed the
greater part of a year, and there was then no
press which could in any sense be called
national. The newspapers were few and of
limited circulation, and a nomination by them
would have been considered impertinent bv
the country gentlemen then so influential.
lhe Congressional cauouses were held with
closed doors, and no part of their proceedings
was communicated to the publio except the
result. It is obvious that such a mode of no-
nomination was open tojobjections, since it gave
opportunity for personal intrigue and solicita
tion, and it rendered a President who desired
re-election, and a Cabinet minister ambitious
of the succession, subservient to those mem
bers of Congress upon whom would soon de
volve the nomination of candidates, and whose
nomination was frequently equivalent to an
election. These objections, however, though
immediately apparent to the few thoughtful
observers, were not at first regarded by the
people eertainly not considered formidable.
live Presidents in succession were nominated
in this manner, who, upon the whole, were
the test men entitled, to the confidence of their
party, and all of whom served their country
well.
In 1796, when it was known that General
Washington would retire at the expiration of
his second term, there was no man in the
federal party of such commanding prominence
as to be its natural and spontaneous choice. The
Federalist who wa3inost active, and who pos
sessed most of personal force and influence,
was Alexander Hamilton; aud it is somewhat
remarkable that so shining a light in the
Federal party should never have been thought
of for the Presidency. It is true, he was not
a native of the United states; but a special
clause of the Constitution had provided for
such cases as his, by making foreign-born
citizens eligible to the Presidency who had
been citizens at the adoption of the Constitu
tion. Why, then, was the creator and soul of
the Federal party never its official head?
Partly because he never desired it. He was
not ambitious of official distinction. What
ever Alexander Hamilton did in politics,
whether wrong or right, was done with
a single eye to the publio good. If h'e in
trigued, he intrigued for his country. If
he used improper means for the success
of his party, it was because he believed that
the honor and safety of his country depended
absolutely upon its being governed by Fede
ralists. Destitute of fortune, he was com
pelled to devote himself to the labors of his
profession; and at that day a man but forty
years of age, dependent upon his industry for
his livelihood, had not that kind of weight in
the country which would have drawn atten
tion to him as a possible candidate for the
highest office. Besides this, he was the author
of the very measures most odious to the Re
publicans. He was, we may say, the Charles
Sumner of the Federalists; and who has ever
proposed Charles Sumner for the Presidency ?
The Federal members of Congress in 179b'
recommended to their fellow-citizens John
Adams for the Presidency, and Thomas Pinck
ney for the Vice-Presidency. The Republican
members nominated Thomas Jefferson and
Aaron Burr. Here we see at once both the
excellence and the perils of this mode of nomi
nation. Adams, Jefferson, and Pinckney were
lit and proper names to be presented for the
consideration of their fellow-citizens. The
impetuous and unmanageable Adams, during
the seven years of his Vice-Presidency, had
been in a position which kept him aloof from
party politics, and concealed from those around
him his eminent unfitness to rule. His revo
lutionary services, his diplomatio career, his
oratorical talents, his fine .personal presence,
and the English cast of his mind, made him a
suitable representative of thepajty with which
be sympathized.
Thomas Jefferson the author of the Decla
ration of Independence, the conspicuous cham
pion of France and the defender of the French
Revolution, and the first Democrat of his .age
was peculiarly entitled to the suffrages of the
party himself had created. Pinckney, too, as a
member of an important and wealthy Southern
family, of dignified demeanor and respectable
talents, could not have been considered
out of place in the chair of the Senate. But
Aaron Hurr what was he, and what had he
done, that at the age of forty he should have
been reckoned a fit man to succeed John Adams
in the second office f His nomination was un
questionably due to the fact that, having sat
in the Senate for six years, he had brought to
bear upon members of Congress at once the
magic of his personal presence and the arts of
the politician. A popular convention might
not have selected either of these names; or, if
either, the dexterity of a Burr might have had
a better chance than the earnest wisdom and
sublime humanity of a Jellerson. We can say
that through the instrumentality of a Con
gressional caucus the best attainable states
men were sometimes placed in nomination,
and only once the mere politician.
Candidates in those simple old days were
usually passive, and if they were not so, it
was felt to be dishonorable. The letters,
diaries, and private memoranda of Washing
ton, John Adams, Jefferson, Madison, and
John Quincy Adams, convince us that neither
of those gentlemen wrote a line, or uttered a
word, denigned or calculated to promote their
own elevation or to prevent that of another.
In such a man as John Adams, infatuated as
he was with a consciousness of his transcen
dent merits, such delicacy as this was highly
honorable. There is an amusing passage in
one of his letters, written a few days after his
inauguration, which we may quote : 1
. "It is a delicate thing," he says, "for me to
speak of the late election. To myself, person
ally, my election might . Lb a matter
of indifference, or rather of aversion.
Had Mr. Jay, or some others, been in
question, it might have less mortified my
vanity, and infinitely less alarmed my appre
hensions for the publio. But to Bee such a
character as Jefferson, ana, mucn more, suqu
an unknown being as Pinckney, brought over
Biv head, aud traninlinsr on the bellies of hun
dreds of other men infinitely his superiors in
talent, services, and reputation, filled me witn
apprehensions for the safety of us all. It de
monstrated to me that, if the project suc
EKING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, THURSDAY,
ceeded, our Constitution could not have lasted
four years. We should have leen set afloat,
and landed the Lord knows where. That
must be a sordid people indeed a people des
titute of a sense of honor, equity, and charac
ter that could submit to be governed,
and see hundreds of its most meritori
ous publio men governed, by a Pinckney
under an elective government. Heredi
tary government, when it imposes young,
new, and inexperienced men upon the
public, has its compensations and equivalents,
but elective government has none. I mean by
this no disrespect to Mr. Pinckney. I believe
him to le a worthy man. I speak only by
comparison with others."
Tli is passage shows at once the weakness of
the man and the error of his party. In their
view, men were every thing institutions, prin
ciples, people, were subordinate. Happily for
us, this is not the case ; for, if it had been, a
man so fussy, so vain, and so unteachable as
Adams might have destroyed the country, in
stead of merely ruining the Federal party.
During the four years of Mr. Adams' ad
ministration, Vice-President Jefferson, though
presiding over the Senate and performing no
independent action, constantly grew in the
affections and the esteem of the Republi
can leaders. His influence over those around
him was due to the captivating power of
truth, and the persuasive eloquence with
which he expounded it in conversa
tion. " He had never served his coun
try in the field, and he was as little of an ora
tor as .General Grant, lie probably never
addrepsed a popular audience. The publio
knew him as the man who had abolished in
Virginia the laws of primogeniture and the
legal supremacy ol the Episcopal Church the
twin measures which annihilated caste and
set religion free. They honored him as the
great writer who had known how to express
with force and dignity the feeling and the de
termination of America in the Declaration of
Independence. They knew him as the man
who could forgive the violence and even the
cruelty of the revolutionists in France easier
than he could forgive the infinite turpitude of
their oppressors. These things, however,
might not have won for him the plaudits of a
miscellaneous convention.
Again we find the name of Burr associated
in the Presidential canvass with that of the
illustrious Democrat. A Congressional caucus,
we again see, was not infallible in its palmiest
days, 6ince, while nominating a philosopher
and statesman, it could at the same time
recommend to the people an adroit politician
a man who perhaps had as little of the true
democrat in him as any one then living. Burr
was chosen by the caucus simply in recog
nition of his skill as a political manager. A3
it wa3 the State of New York which decided
the election in favor of the Republicans, it was
agreed in the caucus that the candidate for
the second office should be a New Yorker, and
Burr carried the day against Chancellor
Livingston and George Clinton, both of whom
were superior to himself in age, fortune, ser
vices, and social rank.
A dastardly weapon early employed in our
Presidential contests was calumny ; but the
wounds which it inflicted were never mortal.
We may assert that slander has never serious
ly harmed a publio man, though it has fre
quently aided one. Hamilton, accused of
peculation, could only refute the charge by
confessing himself an adulterer ; but neither
the lie nor the truth lessened his influence as
a politician, nor indeed lowered his character
as a man ; for those who lamented his immo
rality honored its frank acknowledgment.
Jefferson was denounced as an atheist, and it
was said that his plantation swarmed with the
yellow-faced proofs of his licentiousness.
These accusations gained for him more votes
than they lost. The virtuous John Adams
was accused of importing miatresses from
England, but no one regarded the rediculous
tale. Such calumnies as these had one perni
cious effect : they prevented well-founded
charges from being believed. Aaron Burr,
for example, was neither a moral nor an
honest man; but, in the midst of such a tor
rent of groundless slanders, who could believe
that the candidate for the Vice-Presidency was
profligate or debauched f So, in later times,
when true representations of the violence of
Andrew Jackson were given to the public,
people disbelieved them as a matter of course.
Skilful politicians in these modern days
have learned wisdom from the experience of
their predecessors. We have known in
stances, during the last few years, of the best
founded objections to the private character of
candidates being deliberately withheld from
the public, from the conviction that they
would ueneut rather than injure.
A profound peace settled upon the politics
of the country after the inauguration of Jeffer
son in lSUl. That great man knew the im
portance of little things. The stately cere
monies and tedious etiquette of the White
House were immediately laid aside, and a re
publican simplicity characterized all the in
tercourse between the President and his fellow
citizens. A coach and four no longer con
veyed the President through the mire at
VV ashincton. When Mr. Jefferson had occa
sion to attend at the Capitol, he rode thither
on horseback, unattended, and tied his horse
to a post before entering the building. While
such trifles as these enchanted the multitude,
wise men were gratified to see the national
aflairs conducted with dignity, wisdom, and
economy, which, we truly believe, have never
been equalled in the government of any nation.
It cannot be that Jefferson was a chimera of
the . popular imagination. No man's con
duct and character have ever endured
so long and keen a. scrutiny as his,
and he retained to the last the vene
ration of a great majority f the American
people. Such an ascendancy as he maintained
lor thirty years over the popular mind was not
due to any splendor of talent, or to the idal
of military exploits; it was the honest tribute
of an intelligent people to the greatest and best
of their servants. Thomas Jellerson ruled the
United States, by himself and his disciples, for
twenty-four years. Indeed, we may say, with
considerable truth, that the United states nas
only had four Presidents, namely: George
Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Andrew Jack
son, and Abraham Lincoln. The rest have
been satellites, disciples, or accidents.
In 1808, two men were prominent above all
others for the succession, and they were promi
nent chiefly because Thomas Jefferson was
known to prefer and honor them. These were
James Madison, Secretary of State, and James
Monroe, the negotiator who had recently pur
chased Louisiana from Napoleon. Of these two,
Monroe was the man whose "record," as we
term it, had most in it which the people
could appreciate. Twice wounded, and twice
promoted in the Revolution, known to be
ff I0red by General Washington, employed by
Adams in foreign Bervice, and recalled from
France because his sympathies for the Revo
lutionists were too manifest, and their regard
for him too conspicuous, a law student with
Jefferson, a Virginian of good family, blessed
with a lovely and attractive wife he had re
cently crowned his diplomatio career by suc
ceeding in the purchase of Louisiana, two weeks
after his arrival in Paris. The merit of this
great acquisition seemed to be chiefly his,
though it was not; and there was a considera
ble party of Republicans who desired to reward
it by elevating him to the chief magistracy.
He was very far indeed from being a great
man. The spirit of command was not in him,
nor had he the tact which frequently supplies
its place. He aspired to the highest honors of
the State, and he eaw, not without repining,
that the preference of Mr. Jefferson for his
rival was likely to defer the gratification of his
wishes. Mr. Jefferson has informed posterity;
that In this contest he maintained an absolute
neutrality, aud we have not the slightest
question of the fact. But Mr. Jefferson's pre
ference for Madison was evident, and such was
the ascendency of the President in the Repub
lican party, that that preference was decisive
of Mr. Madison's nomination by the Congres
sional caucus. That nomination was made,
however, with the understanding that Monroe
was to be James Madison's successor. It is
surprising to notice under what discipline the
Democratlo party was at that early day.
Monroe, who was the favorite of the extreme
Republicans, such as Andrew Jackson, received
but three votes in the Congressional caucus,
out of eighty-nine, while James Madison,
the "regular candidate" of the party, received
eighty-three. Monroe, we may gather from
the correspondence of the time, was restive
under his defeat; but he was recalled to his
duty, and reconciled to his fate, by a few
kind and wise lines from the pen of Mr. Jef
ferson. Of all the men elected by universal suffrage
to the chief magistracy of a nation, the one
that was least likely to be spontaneously
elected was James Madison. In personal ap
pearance and demeanor, dressed as he was
always in a suit of black, he was more like a
student than a man of the worln. A plain,
sound, and courteous speaker, there was
neither great force nor brilliancy in his oratory.
He was a man of the closet, far more able to
form a correct opinion respecting government.
than to administer government in times of
dinicuity. a relative oi Jellerson, who was
much with him in his old age, has
informed ns that Thomas Jefferson re
spected more highly the understanding of
James madison, and deterred to it more, than
to that ot any other man ot his time. It is
not, however, the wisdom of the oloister
which can conduct a young nation with honor
and success through a war with an ancient
and powerful empire. That the disasters of
the war of 1812 did not prevent the reelection
ot Mr. Madison is a proof, at once, of Jeffer
son's commanding influence, of the strict dis
cipline of the Democratio party, and, above
all, of the good sense of the American people.
Whatever might have been Mr. Madison's
shortcomings, it was not clear to the party or
to the publio that any one else would do
better, and "it is no time," as Mr. Lin
coln remarked, " to swap horses when
you are swimming a stream." When
some weak brethren of the party
MbJAVSj -U DMV V V A AVDll&UAAUa
and besought Mr. Jefferson to come to his aid
in the Cabinet, he replied, and that, too, at a
time of extreme despondency in the publio
mind: "From three-and-thirty years' trial, I
can say, conscientiously, that I do not know
in the world a man of purer integrity, more
dispassionate, disinterested, and devoted to
genuine republicanism; nor could 1, in the
whole scope of America and Europe, point
out an abler head, lie may be illy seconded
by others, betrayed by the Hulls and Arnolds
of our country for such there are in every
country, and with sorrow and suffering we
know it but what man can do, will be done
by Mr. Madison. I hope, therefore, there will
be no difference among Republicans as to his
reelection."
Supported thus by the venerable chief of
the Democrats, and aided by cheering vic
tories upon the ocean, Mr. Madison was re
elected by one hundred and twenty-eight
electoral votes to De Witt Clinton's eighty
nine. When the war closed in a blaze of triumph
at New Orleans, in 1815, the Federal party
was a thing of the past. It may be laid down
as a rule, that a political party which gives a
doubtful support to the administration during
a war in which the honor and safety of the
country are at stake, and from which the
nation issues triumphant, will never regain
power under its old name and organization.
This law has been twice exemplified in the his
tory of the United States. The Federal party
ceased to exist in 1815, and James Monroe suc
ceeded to the Presidency in 1817 and was re
elected iu 1821, with the nearest approach to
unanimity the country has seen since the days
of Washington.
Another law of politics may be laid down:
whenever a political party has practically ex
tinguished the party in opposition to it, it will
speedily divide. Even if there did not exist a
necessity for this in human nature, it would
occur sooner or later from the ambition of
rival chiefs.
If James Monroe had been a man of com
manding character, or even a thorough-going
partisan, it would have been easy for him to
continue the Jeffersonian dynasty by choos
ing his successor. But he was neither. So
moderate had he become, that he was disposed
to give one of the places in his Cabinet to a
Federalist. "While I am here," he wrete to
General Jackson a few days before his inaugu
ration, "I shall make the Administration, first,
for the country and its cause; secondly, to
give effect to the government of the people,
through me, for the term of my appoint
ment, not for the aggrandizement of any
one." In this spirit the good-natured and
hospitable old soldier conducted his adminis
tration, and consequently neither of the able
men who aspired to the succession was able to
use the Administration for the promotion of his
views. .. . .
The leading competitors were six in num
ber, and each of them possessed some signal
advantage over the others. John Quincy
Adams, as Secretary of State, was in the line
of succession which the usage of twenty-four
years had established. William II. Crawford,
by withdrawing his name from the caucus of
lfclC in favor of Mr. Monroe, had acquired a
kind of rignt, which was acknowledged, to , a
nomination by the caucus of 1824; and he was
indeed regarded as the rightful candidate of
the party. Henry Clay, the first orator of his
time, who had carried the war of 1812 upon
his shoulders the favorite of the House of
Representatives, over which he had presided
for fourteen years could form well-founded
hopes of success before the people. Calhoun
and De Witt Clinton were also prominent can
didates; and, in distant Tennessee, there wa3
Andrew Jackson, the most popular man then
living in the country, whom the Legislature of
his State had plaoed in nomination. 1
As Mr. Crawford was the predestined candi
date of the Congressional caucus, neither of
his rivals could hope for the prize unless the
caucus syBtem were abolished. Accordingly,
euch a clamor was fomented in the country
against "King Caucus," that the prestige of
that potentate was destroyed. It was in vain
that the party managers admitted the publio
to witness the deliberations of the caucus. On
the evening appointed for its meeting, while
the galleries of the House of Representatives
were crowded with spectators, there were but
sixty-six members of Congress upon the floor,
who nominated Crawford, amid the derision of
the country, and without
strength U 7 section of it.
increasing his
JUNE 27, 1867.
King Caucus was thna dethroned without
leaving an heir to succeed hitn, and, for the
next eight years, there was no settled and re
cognizt d plan of nominating candidates. An
drew Jackson, first recommended to the people
by the Legislature of Tennessee, endorsed by
State Conventions and publio meetings, was a
name of magio with the people, and required
little artificial aid. Mr. Adams' battle was
fought chiefly by the press and the usual local
machinery. Thi3 want of system in nomi
nating candidates so divided the electoral vote,
that the people failed to elect a President, and
the election devolved upon the House of Re
presentatives, which set anide the favorite of
the people and chose Mr. Adams.
For the election of 1828, no preliminary
caucus and no other system of. nomination
was necessary. There could be but two can
didates the incumbent of the Presidential
chair, and the popular Boldier whose friends
had industriously disseminated the false
hood, that he had been cheated out of the Presi
dency in 1825.
General Jackson was elected. He received
one hundred and seventy-eight electoral votes,
and Mr. Adams eighty-three. Thus, the
powerful Republican party, triumphant and
united since 1801, was divided, and the two
divisions soon adopted new names. The
party of which Andrew Jackson was the
idolized chief was called Democratio, and that
which looked np to Henry Clay as its head
took the name or VV tug.
General Jackson, as every one knows,
brought into the Presidential chair the pas
sions which five years of political strife had
generated and inflamed, and the two darling
objects of his policy were to keep Henry Clay
out of and bring Martin Van Buren into the Pre
sidency. Scarcely one important act of his
administration was performed which had not
Borne bearing upon one or the other of these
objects. We, however, have only to do with
the measures taken to prepare the way for
the elevation of Mr. van Buren.
General Jackson, we can positively assert,
came to Washington in 1829, intending to
serve but one term. He brought with him in
his pocket a paper of rules for the conduct of
his administration; which rules he had read to
several of his friends in Tennessee, and he had
pledged himself to abide by them. One of these
rules was, that no member of his Cabinet
should be a candidate for the succession. The
object of this, as he said, was to prevent a re
currence of the intrigues which had taken place
in the Cabinet of "Jim Monroe," as he was
wont to style his old friend; almost every mem
ber of which had been an active candidate for
the succession. This' famous rule was read to
the members of General Jackson's Cabinet,
and they all admitted its reasonableness, and
promised a compliance with it. There waa.
however, but one member of the Cabinet of
sufficient prominence to be thought of as a
candidate, and that was Martin Van iiuren,
Secretary of State. To him alone the rule
could be supposed to apply.
Andrew Jackson was hot a man to let a slip
or writing paper interpose an obstacle to the
execution of his will, and means was readily
found of removing Mr. Van Buren from the
list of the excluded.
On General Jackson's inauguration day,
his most intimate friendss could not have
foretold who would finally stand high
est in his regard, Vice-President Calhoun
or Mr. Van Buren. The events which
led to the President's speedy and total
estrangement from Mr. Calhoun, and which
induced him to dedicate himself, as it were, to
the elevation of Mr. Van Buren, are too well
known to be related here. It suffices merely
to remind the reader of the fact; and by that
fact the politics of the United States were not
merely influenced, but controlled for a period
of thirty years. From the Northern Monthly, or
jVcto Jersey Magazine for July: to be continued in
the August number.
LEGAL NOTICES.
1 N THE ORPIIAKS' COURT FOR TUB CITY
J AUD COUNTY OF PHILADELPHIA.
Kstate ol DAVID K. JONKS, deceased.
The Auditor appointed by tbe Court to audit settle,
Dd adjust tbe ai count tot- MARY ANN JON KM,
AdminlNtratrix of the estate or DAVID K. JONKS,
deceased aud to report distribution of tbe balance I u
tbe bands fcof the accountant, will meet tbe parties
Interested for tbe purpose or bis appointment, on
TUKbDAY, July 2. A. 1). 1867. at o'clock P. M., at
vue oiuce oi a., ai. jjecneru jtsq., jno. 2U boutn
liiiu nweei, seconu story, in me city ot .rniiaaei'
Pbia. 6 22stulhSt
IN THE COURT OP COMMON PLEAS FOB
J. TtlK U1Y AND UUUKTY OF fttluADKLr
1'HIA In Divorce.
LAW litis CJK 11. THOMPSON TS. MARY C.
THOMPSON. December Term, ltltf. No. 64.
To MAhY C. THOMPSON. Respondent. You will
please take notice of a rule this day granted on you
to sbow cause why a divorce a viuculo mutriinonll
should not be decreed. Returnable Saturday, June
i, 1M7, at 10 o'clock A. M. personal service ot notice
on you having tailed on account of your absence.
CHARLKS W, BROOKE.
THOMAS MULLKN,
6 21 2t2S274f Attorneys tor Libellant.
TN THE ORPHANS' COURT FOR THE CIT
JL AND COUNTY OF PHILADELPHIA.
Estate of PHILIP REAP, deceased.
The Auditor appointed by tbe Court to audit, settle,
and adjust the account ot JOBKPH LANE and
ROBERT ORKFI.L. Executors of tbe last will and
testament of PHILIP REAP, deceased, and to report
distribution of the balance In the hands ol the account
ant, will meet tbe parties Interested lor tbe purpose
ot his appointment, on MONDAY, July 8, IW, at 4
o'clock P. M at his office, No. 433 WALNUT Street,
hi the city ot Philadelphia.
THOMAS J. WORRELL,
1 22 BtuthPt Auditor.
pi MTOVEtt COB
COOKING AND HEATING,
1IT HAS AKDAIIi COMBINED.
T II E J A R!
The Best, tbe Cheapest, the Surest, tbe most Reliable,
tbe most easily cleaned, the Belf-sealing, leir-iestlng,
Flexible Cap I'AKLISLE JAB. .
THE REPEATING LIGHT,
PRICE, 75 CENTS.
PATENT ICE CREAM FREEZERS
CIIABLES BIB SI HAM A CO.,
NO. 119 kUHII TKJVTII STBEET, '
6141m Corner ot Hansom.
fm G. ROBIN GO rJ,
No. lO OHESNUT STREET,
Is In receipt to-day of an Invoice of '
FINE CHROMOS, ENGRAVINGS.
KTC. ETC.,
Which are now open for examination.
"Peace and War,' by O. Doree." "Last Rose o
bummer." "Cromwell and ianilly," "Romeo aud
Juliet," "Star ot Bethlehem," are well worthy the
attention of tbe admirers of arL 15
PATENT MOSQUITO CAR.
JTJBTI8SUED. ,
EVERY FAMILY bHOULD HAVE ONE.
i
Fortune to be made in every Btate. Call ana see
oneot them,
Can be manufactured very low,
BTATE RIGHTS FOR BALE BY
I
i IIOIXINUAIIIBIIS,
NO. 191 BBOWN TUET.
tioua
V
MILLINERY, TRIMMINGS, ETC!
SPRING AND SUMMIT
FASHIONS
0?
BOHRE1II
IIATN,
ILOffEBS,
FEATHERS,
B1BBOH
LACEA,
BXAMEXTS,
FBABIES
ETC. ETC, ETC
NOW O P E U , !
I
THE ABOVE SrEESDlD ftTOCK
OF
MILLINERY GOODS.
!
AT THE ESTABLISHMENT OF i
9-
MAD'LLE KEOGH,
lo. 004 WAL3NTJT St., '
WHOBE ELEGANT BHOW ROOMS have already v
been visited by numerous purchasers: and she respect.'
fully announces that she Is constantly receiving- NEW
STYLES, and selling always at LOW PRICES. 1
MOIUMXC 511LLIXE1SY
BECEITES AT ITER ESTABLISHMENT
MOST SPECIAL ATTENTION, AND
T1IEBEFOBE SHE OFFEB TUB BEST
STOCK OF
MOURNING BONNETS
IN THE CUT.
MAD'LLE KEOGII,
4 11 thstu8m NO. 804 1YAE.NDT STBEET.
ftflOURNINC MILLINERY,
ALWAYS ON HAND A LARGE ASSORTMENT Off
MOURNING BONNETS,
AT NO. 904 WALNVT STBEET,
827 6m MAD'LLE KEOCH.
MKS. It. DILLOA.
i;
Y" NOW. tax AND ttl OCTUBTBEET,
MB handsome assortment of BPRXNu iiiT.TfT-
Cl Jut X
Ladles', Misses' , and children's Btraw and Fan
Bonnets and Hats of tbe lateet styles. autj
Also. Bilks, Velvets, Ribbons. Crapes, Feathers,
Flowers, Frames, etc 71114
9 07 -LADIES ABOUT LEAVING THE
JC I city lor the bummer can find a lame aud
handsome assortment of Velvet aud Cord Kilns 1 Dresa
Trimming Ribbons, In all tbe desirable shades tor
bummer I)ress Trimming. We sell these ribbons b
the piece at less than Jobbers' prices.
6 thBtu i2t MARKLAKD, No. 237 SOUTH St.
937 8TB AW GOODS! STRAW GOODS!
IUI We have received from recent auction
sales a large and fine assortment of Hats and Ron
nets, for Ladies, Minces, aud Children, which we are
selling at a greater reduction than ever before
ollered, wholesale and retail.
6 6 thBtu Ut MARK LAND. Ko237BOUTH St
FURNISHING GOODSSHIRTS.&C.
JB W M. H OF MANN,
NO. NORTH EIOUTU STBEET.
HOSIERY GOODO.
A LARGE ASSORTMENT OF HOSIERY OF
ENGLISH AND GERMAN MANUFACTURES,
For Ladles', Gents', and Children's Wear,
EAUIEM'MEBIKO AND SIEBINOUAC1V
VEMTM. ' lT-
MISNEH' HEBINO AND 1IEBINO OAC.'
CENTS' HEItINO, BIEBINO OAVZE, Col ,
TON, AND HEAVY ALE-H UOL KUIBl
AMD DBAWKBM. I
YOUTH' BIEBIN COTTON, AND Ml
vm m. bmim rw 0 0 11111
T W. BOOTT & Od
SHIRT MANUFACTURERS.
Afiit DJCALJCKS IB?
MEN'S FUKNIBHINQ GOOD
K. 814 CIIE&NUT HHKkt.
FOUR DUORH BELOW TJB.E "CONTLNKNTa!
IVMrn . ...... . r
PATENT SHOULDER-SEA
SHIRT MANUFACTORY.
AND ENTEK5IEN'N -7BN4UINSToJ
JTlUUrUCT FITTINU SHIRTS AND DRAWEl
All other articles ot GENTliEllEN'b DEl
w wjja ui lull ywuLvtjt
WINCHESTER A CO..
1 111 No. 70S CHKKNUT Btreefl
BILLIARD ROOMS.
J.J A iter several months' preparation, Mr.C. RUB
bus opened his new aud sitacioua Miuliiiuiimnnt A
tbe entertainment of his friends, aud the publlofL-J
general, at Nob. 606 and U07 ARUii Street. ""l
1 lie nrst and second floors are titled up asRIIliitr
Rooms, aud furnished with twelve first-class tul .
whlie the appurteuauces aud adornments comoiii
everything which can conduce to the comfort, uu
convenience of tbe players. In the ba.iemeu iu
four new and splendid Bowling Alleys, for IUosh w
wish to develops their muscle la anticipation ot fc'
base-bull season. A Restaurant Is attached, ht
everything Iu the edible line can be hnti ot tne u
quality, and at the shortest notice. The tolio.vll
well-known gentlemen have been secured as A- k
auts, and will prebldeover the various departtuui -it
I'RKsh. O. WOOUNUTT, ,
BAMUKL DOUULAbd, I '
, JOHN HOOD, ' ,
WILLIAM K. OII.LMORE,
I1KNKY W. IH'NCAN. ' j? I
PHILIP GHUMliKKC JIT. Restaurateur. M
'While Mr. BIRD will bold a careful super y d
over all. He ventures to suy that, take u all t i j 1
there has nothing ever been Blarted lu Phllade: A
approaching this estahllNhineuc lu competent 4
arraOKemeuc and atleullou to the couiort ui
public , ,
. 61Blm O. BIRD. Pronrlt i
QEOnCE PLOWMAN,
CARPENTER AND BUILDER
X: t CABTEB STBEET,
And No. Ml DOCK Street
Machine Work and MUlwrlghtlujiprompOy a
ended to.
1