THE NEW YORK PJIESS.
DITOBTAt OHIHONB OF THB LEA.DIN8 JOCBNALB
tPOK CPBKKKT TOPICS COMPILED EVKBT
PAT FOB IH KVBNIMO TBLKOBJUPH.
Thl
Hork of ttaa Special Stiilon.
From the Times.
The Chloago Tribune, like Its namesake of
Ihis city, has unreservedly acknowledged the
progress made towards reconstruction at the
Bouth, and the disposition evinoed by the
Southern people to comply with all the re
quirements of the law. It has from time to
time published, as from its special correspond
ents and friends, ample evidence upon both
these points; and it has used them in opposi
tion to the demands of the extreme faction for
confiscation and other penalties antecedent to
the restoration of the excluded States. Never
theless, our Chicago contemporary permits the
anger excited by the President's adoption of
the Attorney-General's conclusions to override
its previously expressed views, and to make
the reasBembUng of Congress a pretext for en
tering upon new and in the meantime unneces
sary work. Its tone and aims may be gathered
from a couple of paragraphs which we take
from an article on the subject:
"Since an extra session has been rendered
nececsary by the attempt of the President to
reinvigorate bis pocket Governments In the
Kebel blates, we are of the opinion that the
very first act of Congress should be to abolish
those bogus Governments altogether. To be
Bure, CoDgress has already declared them to be
illegal;' but that does not avail agalntit the ob
Ktlnate determination of the Administration to
nullify the law; for we find it solemnly deolared
ty the Attorney-General that these so-called
Governments, wuloh. Congress has declared Ille
gal, are actually legal, and that the civil ollloers
whom Congress Intended to be entirely subor
dinate to the military arm, are superior to it;
that the military commanders and forces In
the South are. In fact, only auxiliary to the
civil power; and that John T. Monroe has a
right to command General Sbeildan, and Gene
ral Bheridan has no right to Interfere with John
T. Monroe.
"To abolish these Governments 1b the un
doubted right of Congress. If Andrew Johnson
shall attempt to lesltt or nullify such an act,
through the legal quibbles and sophistry of
Btanbery, or otherwise, then It will be the
hnnnrfjin Hut nf rnirrpKfi ta 1 mnpflih him ftnd
remove blm from oOlce for that offense. Nor
Will Congress hesitate to pursue such a course,
nor will the people fall fully to sustain them In
It. The very suspicion that the President in
tends to Interfere with reconstruction has
already aroused a feeling In the country in
tensely hostile to him. Let him once meddle
With reconstruction In clear violation of law,
and the unanimous cry of the people will be,
OIT with his olllcial head !'"
We have quoted enough to show the ten
dency of a proceeding which doubtless origi
nated in the President's desire to befriend the
South. Now, as from the first, his attempts
to thwart the intentions of Congress, and so to
lighten the disabilities it has imposed, only
add to the difficulties of the position, and in
tensify the bitterness of the contest to which
he is a party. This further experience waa
not needed to exemplify the cruelty to the
Southern people of those who in their name
wage indiscriminate war upon the policy of the
dominant Dartv.
Inludging of the work called for at the hands
of Congress, it is desirable to note correctly
the facts which form the ground of accusation
against the President up to the present time.
The Executive's action has been confined to
the Attorney-General's opinion in regard to
the business of registration and the definition
of the classes disfranchised. The circular of
instructions"issued from the War Department
relates exclusively to this branch of the sub
ject. The opinion of the law officer as to the
relative authority of the local eivil power and
the military commander, and the action of the
latter in respect of removals and appoint
ments, has not yet been adopted by the Execu
tive. There is a probability, after all, that
the determination on which the Chicago jour
nalist bases his argument may not be pro
nounced. It is but a possibility, we fear,
Binoe all the information received from Wash
ington indicates that the District Commanders
will be notified that the removing and appoint
ing power is not vested in them, whether the
particular instances in which it has been exer
cised be acted upon or not.
Let it not be forgotten, however, that though
the President nullifies the spirit of the law,
and to a certain extent frustrates the intent
of Congress, he does it in obedienoe to the
nterpretation furnished by the Attorney
General. This interpretation was not obliga
tory on him, nor will it excuse him in the
Judgment of the Republican party. But he
assumes it to be a legal rendering of the Re
construction law, and acts upon it on the plea
that he is bound by his oath of office to ad
minister the law as he understands it.
There is no necessity for going behind the
plea of the President, and challenging its
honesty. Until the publication of the Attorney-General's
opinions, the feeling had been
universal that the President's administration
of the law was marked by good faith. Cer
tainly he neither obtruded his views upon the
military commanders, nor impeded the opera
tion of their plans. Their discretionary autho
rity has been unlimited, and their exercise
of it has suffered no hindrance from him. If
he interferes now, it is because he is advised
that they have misconstrued the law. The
advice proceeds on merely technical reason
ing, and on hypotheses which are not seldom
absurd. But it implies no resistance to the
law; only an unfortunate perhaps an obsti
nate misunderstanding of the letter arising
from a disregard of the spirit in which Con
gress legislated.
Evidently, then, all the requirements of the
case will be met by a declaratory enactment,
Betting forth the will of Congress, both as to
disfranohisementjand the power of the Gene
rals, ia terms so plain and emphatio that Mr.
Btanbery may no longer find room for doubt,
nor the President for interference. Mr. Stan
nary interprets the scope of the disfranchising
clauses and the duties of the registers more
loosely than Congress intended. He over
looks the manifest denial of legitimacy to the
civil governments of the South, their reduc
tion to a provisional status, and the temporary
upremaoy of the soldier, and professes to dis
cover in the law evidence that the latter is not
Invested with powers which Pope, Sheridan,
and Sickles have exercised. Well, there is no
Insuperable difficulty in either case. No new
ground is touched, that it should be inoum
bent on Congress to raise fresh issues, or to
legislate more specifically in reference to the
existing Southern Governments. Only let the
purpose of the law be made so manifest that
neither the President nor the Attorney-General
can any further misunderstand it. The
work of reconstruction will then go forward
as it has thus far gone satisfactorily. The
Oonerals will be practically absolute in their
epliere, and the Southern people will be
spared the disturbing influences which legis
lation of the kind suggested by the Chicago
Tribune would inevitably entail.
This view appears to be entertained by Mr.
Bchenck, the Chairman of the Executive Con
gressional Committee. In his circular to
members, urging their attendance at Wash
ington on the 3d of July, he adduces as
THE DAILY- EVENING ' TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, TUESDAY,
reason Hie necessity for "some declaratory
act oft the subject of reconstruction." The
same purpose was incorporated in his speech
as Chairman of the Ohio Republican State
Convention, and it is also embodied in the
resolutions of the Iowa Republican Con
vention.
As an act of justice to
the South, more
. If ,it were refrao-
should not be attempted,
tory, unyielding, luxolent,
Bome jnstiflcation
might be found for widening the operation of
the law. The opposite state of things being
acknowledged on the testimony of radical Re
publicans, it would indeed be unjust to con
vert a special session held to counteract Exe
cutive action into an opportunity of creating
fresh punishments for the South. To teach
Mr. Stanbery the meaning of the law, and to
tell Mr. Johnson that Congress chooses to be
its own interpreter, may be expedient and
even necessary. But the errors or short
comings of either or both afford no reason
for reopening the whole question, and add
ing to the difficulties of a people who are
confessedly complying with the law in good
faith. Their penalties are sufficiently severe,
without making them suffer for the sins of
the Executive.
Chase on Rebellion
From the Tribune.
Chief Justice Chase delivered at Raleigh, N.
C, on the 17th, an opinion, in the case of
Shortridge & Co. vs. Macon, which declares
and defines the law of the land on a very im
portant question arising out of our late civil
war. The plaintiffs were Pennsylvanians, the
defendant a North Carolinian, but whether
personally a Rebel or not, we are not advised,
and it is not essential. He owed Shortridge
& Co. a debt, and had given a note therefor;
but this note, during the ascendancy of the
Rebellion in North Carolina, he was obliged to
pay into the Confederate treasury, whether
willingly or not. We may safely presume that
he did it willingly, as the fact that he owed
the note might otherwise have been concealed.
Suffice it that he owed money to Shortridge &
Co., which he paid to the Confederacy and
took its discharge from the debt, considering
that the end of the matter. But Shortridge
& Co. could not see the matter in that light;
so after the Rebellion collapsed, they brought
suit against Macon in the United States
District Court, where Judge Chase has just
decided that Macon must pay hi.? debt, and
that his Confederate discharge from it isn't
worth a rush, though it would have been if
the Rebellion had succeeded, so that Campbell
or Sharkey had now been holding Confederate
District Court at Raleigh for the trial of this
case. All this is simple common sense, and
the Chief Justice's statement of the facts and
the law is signally lucid and forcible. If any
reinforcement were needed, the consideration
that Rebellion is not quite a "A New Way to
Pay Old Debts" would afford it. We know
that a very general and severe pressure of
debt at the South in 18G0 was one of the main
incitements to secession. Thousands, goaded
to madness by the pressure of their liabilities
to the North, said "Civil war cannot make
our situation less endurable than it is" and
rushed in. Now let it be established that an
insurgent population could discharge their in
debtedness to their loyal creditors in the way
Macon supposed he had paid his debt, and we
may have rebellions fomented on purpose to
square off debts, and given up when that end
is achieved. That won't do.
But the Chief Justice sees fit, without
obvious necessity, to argue as follows:
" Courts have no policy. They can only de
clare the law. On wbut sound principle, th in,
call we tar judicially that the levying of war
ceases to be treason when the war becomes
formidable f that, though war levied by ten
or a thousand men is certainly treason. It Is no
longer such when levied by ten thousand or
one million ? that the armed attempts of a
few, attended by no serious danger to the
Union, and suppressed by slight exertion of I tie
public force, come unquestionably within the
constitutional definition ; but attempts by a
vast combination, controlling several States,
putting great armies Into the field, menacing
with imminent peril the very life of the Ue-
fiubllc, and demanding immense eilbrts and
mmecse expenditures of treasure and blood
for their defeat and suDoression. swell beyond
the boundaries of the definition, and become
Innocent in the proportion ofthelr enormity."
Answer. The Chief Justice here overlooks
the very grave difference between a Govern
ment based avowedly on the right of the peo
ple to modify or radically change their political
institutions, and one founded on the doctrine
of divine right or legitiinacyas are the Old
World monarchies. In the view of this doo
trine, the more formidable the rebellion the
greater the crime; so that to have four-fifths
of the people in sympathy with the rebels
would only aggravate the wickedness of their
outbreak.
But in a republic based on popular consent,
the case is bravely altered. Here the conspi
racy of a few argues a culpable design to sub
ject the many to despotic sway; not so the
arousing of millions, "a vast combination con
trolling several States, putting great armies
into the field," etc. etc. Such a rallying of
millions implies either the existence of real
grievances to be repressed, or the sincere
though .mistaken conviction that they have
wrongs that they can only right by the sword.
And this is why our earlier statesmen, down to
and including Webster, have held a doctrine
regarding formidable insurrections which seems
to us the opposite of that above enunciated by
the Chief Justice.
But it is said. "If the disaffected are so
numerous, they may peacefully secure a re
dress of their grievances." Generally they
may; yet not always. If our Revolutionary
fathers had been fairly represented in the
British Parliament, they could not have there
obtained justice; if Ireland were allowed her
fair quota of members of Parliament (we be
lieve she has it now), she would Btill be sub
jected to oppression. A fair and full vote of
the British people would not have given our
fathers the independence they demanded; such
a vote in Spain would not have permitted the
separation of' Portugal; such a vote in the
British kingdoms to day would not do Ireland
justice, though the time is coming when it
will.
We cannot deem it necessary to repudiate
the axioms which underlie the righteous
struggle of our fathers for independence in
order to demonstrate the wrong of the Southern
Rebellion. We hold that Rebellion to have
been impelled by slavery by the hateful
spirit of caste by a conspiracy to degrade
and depress labor a conspiracy essentially
anti-popular and aristocratic, and which was
obliged to plunge the country into civil war in
order to secure for itself that ascendancy over
the South which it could not gain by argu
ment in peace. There never was a day, prior
to the bombardment of Fort Sumter, when a
majority even of the Southern whites desired
a dissolution of the Union. The clash of arms
was precipitated expressly to "fire the Southern
heart," and thus give the Confederacy a hold
on the masses which it had hitherto failed to
acquire. It is easy to prove that inaugurated
bv South Carolina in 1800 the most causeless
and unjustifiable of rebellions; but it is neither
necesfiarv or wise to maintain that twelve mil
lions of people in the Southern States have no
right to be governed otherwise than as twenty
millions in other States may see lit.
J ha New Mexlran Mlnlitir,
From th lit raid. ' .
We published yesterday a defense of Mr.
Otterbourg by a friend of his, who disolaims
the report that the newly appointed . Mexican
Minister ever made any attempt to have the
empire of Mexico recognized. It is not our
intention to make misstatements of any kind,
and mavhap, in the hurry of the telegram,
mistakes crept into it; if so, jt is to be regretted.
The appointment, however, of Mr. Otterbourg
is, at this junctnre of Mexican affairs, most
inopportune, and Mr, Seward could not have
made a worse blunder. The naming of Mr.
Campbell was sufficiently unfortunate. This is
the worst blow yet struck at our Mexican
affairs, and threatens to throw them into an
even worse condition than they were before.
With all reppect to Mr. Otterbourg's pri
vate character as a citizen, he is the
last man who should have reoeived
the appointment. He is a foreigner, speaks
the Spanish language imperfectly, and
even the language of the country he is to
represent is not iluently at his command. Had
the appointment been for some other country
we could not have complained; for we know
that Mr. Seward is little disposed to have as a
foreign minister any one who dares to think
for himself, and who 1b other than a mereolerk
of the State Department.. The present appoint
ment is nothing but ruin to our Mexican inte
rests, and Mr. Otterbourg can only show his
good sense by refusing a commission which the
Senate cannot ratify if they have the slightest
respect for our relations with our sister repub
lic. At this delicate point in Mexican affairs,
when a Minister has to grasp and shape the
policy of our Government for the next century,
we want one of our best, our ablest men. We
want a man, moreover, who stands high with
the Mexican people one whom they can re
spect, and whose dignity of character and per
sonal attributes will enable him to handle the
great questions that are to arise in our Mexi
can contact. The Liberal Government,
although spurred almost to desperation by the
demands of the nation to shoot Maximilian,
have risked being overturned by the popular
clamor, and, at our request, have retained him
a prisoner, evidently awaiting the arrival of a
proper Minister from the United States to
confer with us relative to the fate of the royal
filibuster. The first thanks we give them for
acceding to our request is a gross insult, by
the appointment of a man for whom they have
but little respect, who cannot represent us as
we should be represented, who speaks neither
our language nor theirs, who understands
nothing of the great questions which are wait
ing for settlement, who can only damage
American interests throughout Mexico, who
will not receive from the Mexican people that
honor due to our national representative, and
who can only, in fact, misrepresent the United
States. We already have a sufficient number
of ministers abroad to damage our contact and
commerce with other countries more than the
next ten administrations can repair; but this
last act of the State Department, in reference
to a country that requires one of our ablest
men, is worse than all the rest combined. Mr.
Seward must have experienced an unusual
scintillation of genius when he made this ap
pointment. If the brain of the United States
Senate is hit by the same spark, truly we shall
despair of the nation.
Rational Bank Monopoly and Corrup
tlom.
From the Herald.
Our exposures of the rottenness and corrup
tion of the national banks have had the double
effect of arousing public indignation against
the infamous system, and of alarming the
monopolists connected with it. This system
has been weighed in the balance and found
wanting found to be full of corruption and
oppression, and those interested in it see their
doom, like Belshazzar of old, in the hand
writing on the wall. In their alarm for the
fate of their monopoly, they are preparing to
head off exposures and the growing disgust of
the people by a combined effort to buy up
Congress. We have been informed that a cir
cular, emanatincr from a New York national
banking house, has been sent to the national
banks throughout the country, assessing them
one-sixteentn or one per cent, on their capital
for this corruption fund to buy up members
of Congress, with a view to defeat opposition
and perpetuate their monopoly.
This is just what we might expect. Such
corrupt institutions can only exist, if they
can exist at all, through corruption of the
national legislature. The amount proposed
to be raised for this purpose ia probably only
the nucleus of a larger corruption fund, for
the banks can afford to spend many millions in
this way. We have little faith in the integrity
or patriotism of many members of the present
Congress, and have no doubt that they can
be bought. What the price of some may be
we cannot tell ten thousand dollars or a hun
dred thousand but whatever it may be, the
banks have ample means, and no scruples
about using them. Besides, a great many
members are interested in the banks as mana
gers, stockholders, or directors of them, or in
the ready accommodation they get from them
to secure their favor and votes. Then that
fourth estate of the republic, the Washington
lobby, which the banks have been using for
some time past, will be largely subsidized
through1 the corruption fund.
But we give the monopolists warning that
all their money, schemes, and appliances will
be of no avail. Their fate is fixed. They
cannot buy the independent press, and it will
continue to pour hot shot into their rotten
institutions till they are Bunk under the waves
of popular indignation. They may buy up
Congressmen, subsidize the lobby, rally capi
talists to their support, and enter into politi
cal combinations with Chief Justice Chase,
or other Presidential aspirants and wire
pullers, but common sense will prevail. The
honest and industrious masses must see and
feel the evils of this monstrous and oppres
sive monopoly, and will demand its speedy
destruction.
Every day or two we have to record the col
lapse of some national bank. The system has
only been in operation two or three years, and
already about twenty banks nave collapsed.
Latterly they have been going under more
rapidly than at Urst. it required a little time,
but not long, as we have seen, to develop their
character and condition. The last smash heard
of was that of the National Bank of Vicks-
burg, which occurred only a few days ago
Just before that banks at New Orleans, Mem
t)his. and other tiarta of the oountrv broke.
We need not enumerate all these failures or the
bad character of some of them. The public is
familiar with the facts. Prom the astounding
and reliable disclosures made by the special
correspondent of the Herald in the West, we
may expect to hear soon of a goneral crash in
that part of the country. Several of the banks
there have been driven to the last extremity to
meet the aemand for even a portion of the
Government funds deposited with them. It Is
known that generally they have been specu
lating very extensively in grain, flour, and
other provisions buying up everything they
could get now oi ior tue purpose of forestall
ing and controlling the markets.
This was tho real cause of the high price of
Hour and provision, for there was plenty In
the West. Thev have been using the people's
money deposited with thom by the Treasury
Department, and the currency, which rightly
belongs to the people, but which the Govern
ment has giveu to them, for raising the price
of the neoessaries of life. The working mil
lions of our people have been paying for flour
and other things a hundred per cent, or up
wards more than they should have paid, be
cause the national bank monopolists forestalled
the markets. But these speculators of the
national banks have overreached themselves.
With large stocks on hand and with the pros
pect of an abundant crop everywhere, the
price has fallen, and continues to fall, in spite
of them. The consequence is they are embar
rassed and on the verge of bankruptcy. They
are struggling desperately, as our correspond
ent has shown, to keep their heads above
water, but, if we mistake not, a good many of
them must soon sink. We have heard the
rumbling of the storm which must burst over
them before long.
All this shows that great monopolies, fos
tered by the Government, only create reckless
speculation. The more privileges they have,
and the more they make, the more extrava
gant,oppressive,and reckless they become. The
national banks have a clear gift of twenty mil
lions a year in profits on their currency, every
dollar of which belongs to the people, and
should be husbanded by the Government, be
sides other enormous privileges, swelling their
income to an incredible amount to an amount
approaching, perhaps, a hundred millions a
year yet with all this many of them are on
the brink of bankruptcy. There is reason to
fear that, through the shortsighted
stupidity of Mr. McCulloch in trusting
to these rotten institutions, the Gov
vernment will soon find its deposits swept
away by the coming storm. It is highly pro
bable, too, that the crash will be so general
that Mr. Spinner will not be able to realize
enough from the securities deposited with him
to pay the note-holders, and that the Govern
ment may have to make them good if it should
be able. Talk of repudiation t Why, we
may be nearer that than many imagine, look
ing at the condition of these national banks,
at the increasing burdens of the Government,
and at the declining revenue. One of the
first things Congress should do on assembling
in July should be to institute a thorough in
vestigation into the condition and working of
the national banks. It will not take long to
find out the monstrous evils connected with
them. In fact, we can furnish the evidence.
Then let the act creating them be repealed at
once, and the whole luminous system be swept
away.
The Approaching Dilemma of tb a Radi
cal 1'arly.
From the World.
Once upon a time a California hunter trapped
an enormous bear. The trap proved iuseoure,
and the hunter, who had left his gun at a dis
tance, conceived the novel idea of laying hold
with all his might, and keeping the animal a
prisoner until he became tired out or starved
to death. The hunter himself was rather
fatigued by this process of starving the bear,
and, being at length surrounded by several
other bears, was compelled to let go and re
treat. As the imprisoned bear immediately
burst out and joined his kindred in a simulta
neous rush upon the enemy, the result of the
struggle may be imagined.
Thaddeus Stevens and his men, who have
got the Southern bruin in a similarly uncer
tain trap, and who have about all they can do
in attending to their prisoner, had better take
warning from this little anecdote, and either
choke the victim finally and quick, or loose
their grip in time. There are sundry menacing
growls around the horizon certain long-
neglected dangers, hovering, like beasts of
prey, upon our borders and in our very midst.
An Indian war, which, if these careful keepers
had not been employing the whole strength
and means of the country in the oppressive
torture of the Reconstruction act, might have
been long ago prevented, is actually waged
throughout the West. The condition of Mexico,
and the growing oontempt of the Mexioans for
the American Government as at present carried
on, are mortifying and alarming symptoms.
The interests of hundreds of American citizens
in that country are being jeopardized if not
ruined by the anarchy that has followed the
success of the so-called Liberal arms. The
Isthmus of Panama, a transit for an immense
American commerce, is the prospective prize
of British gold; while the construction of the
Pacifio Railroad, upon which this nation relies
as a rival and profitable transit for the treat
trade between Europe and the East, is hindered
and made costlier by the savage outbreak in
our distant territories.
As the Indian riot has got to be quelled; as
Mr. Seward is understood to be anxious to
reconstruct Mexico; and as American interests
must be attended to in the tropics as well as
among the snows of Sitka, it is pertinent to
consider how the sinews are being now ex
hausted which are to cope with these porten
tous evtls. Hie expenses of military reoon
at ruction in the South are sufficient in them
selves to constantly increase the national debt
More than $10,000,000 will be needed to de
fray the cost of mere registration. Probably
tfLO.UOO.OOO will not suffice lor the Froedman's
Bureau business. General Sickles asserts
that $500,000 is required to execute the Re
construction acts in the Carolinas alone
The expenses of the military establishment
almost defy calculation; but as the
bulk ol the army is quartered in the South,
some idea may be had from reference to the
expenditures of the War Department last
year, which were &2o4,64!),701. The support
of starving white people in many Southern
States is an additional drain upon the national
treasury and the purses of citizens. Aside
from the cost of maintaining this monstrous
tyranny which is at work under the guidanoe
and in the selfish political interest of the
radical leaders, it is scarcely necessary to
revert to the other enormous internal ex
penses of the country which have raised our
taxes to a high-water mark, and which are
now to be doubled by a barbarous war.
The radicals will either be compelled to
let co the captive they have caged, and
face the evils they have brought upon the
couutrv. or be utterly devoured by the dis
asters which are impending, and the public
opinion they have so long and so per3istently
set at naught.
ftu 8, ROBI NGOFJ,
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I1LTXB-WARR,
ETC. ETC
ICE PITCHERS In great variety.
A large assortment of small BTTJES, for eyelet
boles, just received.
WATCHES repaired in the best manner, and
guaranteed. Bl4p
FRENCH CLOCKS.
. RUSSELL A CO.,
KO. 2g NORTH SIXTH STREET,
Have Just received per steamship Europe, an
it. voice ot
MANTLE CLOCKS,
Purchased In Paris since the opening of the Expos!
tion, which for beauty or design and workmanship,
cannot be excelled, and they are offered at prices
which Invite competition. 5 26
JOHN BOWMAN
No. 704, ARCH Stroo.
rHILADKLPHIA,
If ANTJTACTUKEK AND DBAXKB Ot
SILVEB AND PLATEDWAB2&.
Onr GOODS are decidedly the cheapest in theclti
TRIPLE PLATE, A WO. 1. ri i
WATCHES, JEWELUl.
W. W. CASSIDY,
Mo. IS SOUTH SECOND STREET. ,
stSSof U enUrelJ new nd roost carefully select
A1IEKICAH AND GENEVA WATCHES,
JKWELBY,
SILVER-WARE, AND FANCY ARTICLES
EVERY DESCRIPTION suitable for
BRIDAL OB HOLIDAY PHFrT
An examination will snow my stock to be onsni
fWUculftr tutentlon paid to repairing.
Bit)
C.&A.PEQUIGNOT,
Manufacturers of
Gold and Silver Watch Coses,
And Wholesale Dealer In
AMERICAN WATCH CXVB,
HOWARD A CO. '8,
And TREMON1
AMEXIXP-AJV WATCHES
1 1 NO. SOUTH FIFTH STREET.
HENRY HARPER,
No. 5QO AROH Street.
Manufacturer and Deaer la
WATCHES,'
FINE JEWELBT,
SILVER-PLATED WABE, AND
8 It SOUP SILVER-WARN
Q. A M STOVES FOB
COOKING AND HEATING,
DT AS AKUAIB COMBINED.
T H E J A RI
The Best, tbe Cheapest, tbe Sorest, tbo most Reliable,
tbe moat easily cleaned, the self-sealing, self-leailng.
F.ezlble Cap CARLISLE JAB.
THE REPEATING LIGHT,
PRICE, 78 CENTS.
PATENT ICE CEEAM FREEZERS
CHARLES RUBNHAH A CO.,
NO. 11 SOUTH TENTH STREET,
6 14 lm Corner of Bansom.
PATENT MOSQUITO BAR.
3VBT ISSUED.
EVERY FAMILY SHOULD HAVE ONE.
Fortune to be made In every State. Call aud see
oneot them.
Can be manufactured very low. ', "
STATE RIGHTS FOR SALE BJ j
holla wn .t mims,
eioim no. 'V-ow i''Vrr.
E S T C O TJ & CrOilCE.
pmiir; Wilson co
1 V VoJTKB AS DKALkBS UK
CvrHJI RIFLES. CRICKET, AND
HANK BALL IMPLEMENTS,
u TACKLE. SKATES, CROQUET
ARCHERY, ETC
NO. 40 lUlANUT STREET
3k
tlltm
music
STOCK.
OP
. i
ncriovED.
OUIl BEDDING STORE
IS BEHOVED
FROM THE OLD STAND TO
No. 11 South NINTH Street.
27 B. Im KNIGHT A SON.
INSTRUCTION.
BUSINESS COLLEGE'
N. E. COBNEB FIFTH AND CHESNUT STS
Established Nov. i, 1861. Chartered March 14, 1885.
BOOK-KEEPINO.
Course of Instruction unequalled, consisting of prao.
Ileal methods actually employed In leading bouses 1
this and other cities, as Illustrated in Fairbanks'
Book-keeping, which ia the text-book ol this Institu
tion, OTHER BRANCHES.
Telegraphing, CammerclBl Calculations, Business
and Ornamental Writing, the Higher Mathematics,
Correspondence, Forms, CommerclalLaw, etc ,
XOUNtt MEN
Invited to visit the Institution &nt inilira n (ham.
selves of lis superior appointments. Circulars onap.
piicaiion. l t AiKUAJNJiB, A. M., President.
HOOP SKIRTS.
fiOQ HOOP SKIRTS, OQ
JjO HOPKINS' "OWN MAKE." OZlCi
PRICKS RKUUOEDIII
It afforOs us much pleannre to announce to out
numerous patrons and tue public, that in conse
quence of a slight decline in Uuop Bklrt material,
together with our Increased facilities for ruauafuo
i",?!0"! JiP2 "' adherence to BUYING and
,.r,1v,f?r,?,A,15H',;e.a,eenable1 10 offer all our
iVSSH? KLKBRATEU HOOP fcKIKT at RE
JUCi.D PKICKS. And our (jklrts will always, aa
beretolore, be found In every respect more desirable,
and really cheaper tban any single or double sprlna;
Hoop bklrtln the market, while our assortment U
unequalled.
Also, constantly receiving from New York and tbe
Eastern States full lUes ol low priced Hlclrts, at very
low prices; among which ia a lot of Plain Hklrls at
the following rates; 16 springs, 55c; 20 springs, e&o.;
springs, 75c ; So springs, 850.; US springs, Vic: and
springs, il-00.
bklrts made to order, altered, and repaired. Wbol
sale and retail, at ifce Philadelphia Hoop feklrt En
porlum, No. tC8 ARCH Street, below Seventh.
6 10 8m rp WILLIAM T. HOPKINS
NtW PUBLICATIONS. -A
KEY TO THE
BAlSITiXJI?T ACT,
I
THE BANKRUPT ACT. I
Printed from the Official Copy, Annotated;
Digested, and provided wltb a ooploua Index,
Legal Profession and of Business Men. B
O. MORGAN ELDRIDGE, of the Philadel
phia Bar. Octavo, paper covers, prloe 50 cents,
cloth, L
A most perfect, complete, and eornprehenslv
work, embodying all that 1 la essential to knew
on this all engrossing subject. It is well worthy
the careful study of every citizen of the United
Stales, and the more so from tbe fact that la
certain cases power Is given the creditor to
lorce bis debtor luto involuntary bankruptcy.
Bent to any address, postage paid, on receipt
of prloe, by
JOHN E. POTTER fc CO.,
PUBLISHERS, I
NO. CI I AND 917 SANSOM KTBEET.
5 30 thstu!2t PhlladelDhla.
No. 1101 U HKdNUT (Street.
E. 171. NEEDLES & CO.,
ST W. Cor. Eleventh and Chesnut,
OFFER AT A
G It EAT SACRIFICE
WHITE FRENCH BRILLIANTES.
Ladles who have used THESE GOODS will
I not full to appreciate them at the prices,
5, 80, 35 Cents.
leoJlfl XflKTBSHf) I0II "OS
JOHN CRUMP,
OAItPENTEIl AND BUILDEIV
kUOrli NO. tlS LODGE STREET, AND K
1788 tllEajNVT allttEIi
X0 2t PUILADELPU Hi
CO.A
I