THE NEW YORK MESS.
JDITORIAt OnWIOKS OF TBI LKAPINO JOCRSAI
EPOH COBliKKT TOPICS OOMFILF.D BVBBT
DAT FOB TBI BTBSIKO TKLEOBAPH.
Sectional Relations-Practical Progress
of IlecoustrncUon.
'JVom the Tinwt.
In Judging of the progress of reconstruction,
Ve are accurtoroed to consider the subject with
too exclusive reference to the formal action
required bv the tortus of the law. lijr that
action, of course, the time and form of South
ern reconstruction will necessarily be gov
erned. The law prescribes conditions and
provides the power to apply them, and the
Jaith of Congress and of the Republican party
Is pledged to abide by thom as the only condi
tions of restoratioh. In this sense their para
mount importance justifies the care with which
each' succeeding step of the military com
manders is watched, and the anxious scrutiny
tvhich Is bestowed upon every fresh manifesta
tion of local opinion.
And yet the law cannot reach more than the
form and technicalities of reconstruction. It
rnay insure regularity and in a manner com
pleteness; it may provide the stipulated guar
antees lor futuie ptaco and l7alt7i and ma7
thus do all that was contemplated by legisla
tion to make reconstruction Just, safe, and
effectual. After all, however, the essence of
true unity and safety must be sought in other
directions, and must be promoted by other
mTMiriiH. 1 'The letter killeth. the BDirit riveth
life." Behind the law, and beyond the sphere I
of its influence, lies the feeling of tne people,
hlch alone will afford the measure of success
or the evidence of failure of the Congressional
plan. For all genuine purposes of the Union,
it is essential that the great majority of the
Southern people be converted Bod in spirit
conciliated, with a view to the roestablishmont
of sectional harmony, and the cultivation of
those friendly relations which Imply a commu
nity of sentiment and interest. Otherwise,
reconstruction will bring back elements of dis
cord and a renewal of contests which every
Unionist desires to render impossible.
It is from this point of view that the crimi
Xial' folly of those who are inventing new
demands and forging fresh fetters for the
South becomes apparent. That course were
Tvell enough if the understood policy of the
country were to treat the Southern States as
conquered provinces for an indefinite period.
It would be perfectly in accordance with a
fiolfoy designated to foster irritation by pro
onging an era of coercion. Inasmuch, how
ever, as this policy has been in effect repudi
ated by Congress, and is most assuredly repu
diated by the country, the result to be aimed
at is the promotion of reconstruction under
the law, with no further exercise of coer
cion than may be absolutely needful. How
juuch is needful, and how it will be applied,
are questions which each Military Commander
Kust in a great degree determine for himself;
this fact being always remembered, that the
exercise of undue authority, or the gratuitous
display of military rule, is calculated to im
pede that real work of reconstruction which
is to be measured by the temper of the people.
We have the testimony of competent and
Slot over-friendly witnesses, that the disposi
tion manifested at the South Is indicative of a
Snore thorough and gratifying change than
might at first sight appear probable. Of the
formal progress of reconstruction we learn
from official sources, and it is nearly all that
could be desired. Of the practical and abiding
progress which is measured by the current of
popular sentiment, Senator Wilson and J udge
jCelley speak, after enjoying ample opportuni
ties f observation; and they testify that the
great body of the Southern people return to
the Union, not sullenly and reluctantly, but
ith a heartiness that implies a sincere accept
ance of the situation. They realize the terrible
blunder of the Rebellion, and honestly accept
the conditions which precede restoration. We
infer from the reported remarks of Messrs.
"Wilson and Kelley that, in their Judgment, the
real reconstruction of opinion, as distinguished
from technical reconstruction in obedience to
the law, is progressing satisfactorily.
This change is undoubtedly strengthened by
the pressure of material interest and by the
growing acquaintance with Northern men.
5'he South has learned that rebellion is ruin,
and it is rapidly learning that recovery from
xuin can be attained only through the Union.
Its people feel that the North is able and will
ing to relieve them from the distress which
overshadows them, and that nothing hinders
their approach to prosperity but the obstaolea
which stand between them and reconstruction.
The response to appeals for Southern
Telief has helped to produce this altered feel
ing. It has shown that the North is neither
tiarsh nor ungenerous, and we believe the
Charleston Mercury when it states that the
circumstance is appreciated by the South.
The needs of industry and business in that
Section are exerting an influence yet more
powerful. Its people see that the money they
lack is idle because of its abundance at the
North, and they see also that Northern capi
talists are ready to assist them the moment
a restored , Union becomes an accomplished
fact. A conscious identity of interest is, there
fore, spreading at the South, and its influence
promises to be more potent, because more
universal, than that of the politicians. Even
now it is bringing forth good fruit. Virginia,
the Carolinaa, Alabama, and other States, find
themselves the theatre of shrewd observation
and practical inquiry which promise to be the
prelude to an influx of capital and enterprise.
They discover that the means and the will are
waiting to develop their vast mineral resources,
to people their farming lands with workers,
and to turn to profitable account the magnifi
cent water power, in the possession of which
the South is superior to all other portions of
the country. In a word, tuey are linaing out
the available worth of the resources which
Were never more than fractionally profitable
Tinder Blave-labor, but which will insure pros
perity so soon as the removal of political dif
ficulties shall make the interests of North and
South in all respects identical.
This increasing personal inter-communication
produces a corresponding effect upon the
minds of a largv and influential class at the
Js'orth. From several States, especially from
Virginia, we hear of parties of capitalists search
ing for investments, and amazed at the oppor
tunities which meet them on every hand.
Northern farmers, too, are buying lands freely
in Virginia and North Carolina, and the
Stream seems likely to swell into a torrent ere
many months paB over. For it is found that
the indifl'erente, not to say hostility, which
immediately after the war deterred Northern
immigration, has passed away, and that in
stead of coldness an unaffected friendship is
anifested towards Northern settlers. The
ei'ent is naturally beneflical. Each section
l gins to understand that it has misjudged the
o' her, and that only the politicians now ob
fct ,-uct the friendly relations which will con
ti ibnte so quickly aud so largely to the pros
peiity of both.
THE DAILY
Thl Presidency and Oeneral Orant
Popular Arlloa and the tnron1 ttlnnal
pnrranrirr of the Politician tne Urt
Necessities.
From the Herald.
Our citizens should immediately, by a grand,
universal, resolute expression, put. General
Grant before the country as their choice for
l'resldent. He is the man whose name should
stand against the World with the American
people. Tried in the terrible ordoal of a war
that would have carried to irretrievable ruin
any Government but our own, the nation was
sifted through and through for its best men;
and to the last trial this mau alone stood so
well all tests, that his qualities and achieve
ment have needed no other assertion or de
fense than the perusal of those great chapters
of our history in which his name is the domi
nant word. Rising from absolute obscurity,
from the unchronioled ranks of the masses,
from the sympathy and fellowship of the ster
ling common people stepping from beside his
wagon-load of wood on the Missouri roads to the
first place in the marshalled genius and prowess
of the greatest people of the age neither the
wondrous figures of fable nor the remarkable
characters of history supply adequate parallels
to his career.
Besides his story the stories of Theseus,
Iloratius, and Cincinnatus become tame and
puerile; Cresar's battles and victories were
small to his. lie carried the country success
folly through a contest more tremendous than
that which destroyed the power and empire of
the first Napoleon. Nor did patriotism and
modesty show with more splendor and purity
in the career of Washington than they will
shine in the history of the soldier who, hav
ing done so much, has given the most indu
bitable evidence that it was all done for the
country that the glory of his actions was
never stained by a thought of advantage to
himself at the expense of freedom.
Shall we so far wrong oursolves, do violence
to our history, and swindle posterity, as to
put any other man than this at the head of
the nation f We cannot answer for what will
happen if the people wait for the party pettifog gers
or show any unwillingness to dance attend
ance on ringleaders, lobbymen, jobbers, and
other vermin of our political system. Conven
tions should not be given time to open their
mouths on this great topic, either on the one
hand to scandalise the nation by opposition in
favor of some other candidate, or to come
between the people and their great leader, to
cheat them of the chance of honoring him, and
to galvanize the convention system into a new
life by the credit of this act. Conventions are
the packed juries of our history. Stauding be
fore the world with the pretense of hearing
and trying impartially the great issues of the
time, it is notorious that their verdict is always
made up in advance, and we have had too
much evidence that it is as a rule atrociously
and shamefully wrong. Shall we suffer Grant's
chance to take his natural place at the head of
the nation to stand upon the action of a packed
jury a deliberately prepared cheat? Shall
we suffer the one grand opportunity to pacify
the nation by giving it a head who can com
mand the respect of all sections, to be dis
gracefully traded away in the barter for small
offices? If we would not, the people must ig
nore the politicians, and move themselves;
and the movement should begin with the
people of this city, the national metropolis,
the vital starting point of the great actions of
the country, whether for defense in war or de
velopment in peace.
No one can positively say how the South
stands on the Presidency. It is so full of the
imperative necessities of social reconstruction
that it has no disposition or time for discus
sions of less obvious interest to itself, however
important, and will hence follow in the course
that may be distinctly marked as the will of
the mass of the Northern people. This is,
perhaps, the condition of the Southern white
vote. Undoubtedly the negro is iu the bauds
of the party that has made him the most ex
travagant promises, and that must not be
trusted with the destiny of the nation. We
must not stand to be swayed by any
indications drawn from thepossible control
of the nigger vote. That is the only oppo
sition that can be raised in the South
to a bold expression of the Northern people,
made in the interests of peace, harmony,
and honest reconstruction. Grant is the one
man whose election will give North and South
confidence and faith in the future, and will
insure to the country that permanent tran
quillity which is now the real want. He is the
man for the occasion. His elevation will be
the logical end of the war, will destroy fao-
tion, will gather around the Government all
the elements of our national strength, and, by
invigorating our foreign polioy with something
of the spirit that put down the Rebellion, will
enable us to take our proper position as one
of the leading powers of the earth. Let the
people, directed by the substantial men of the
city, take steps to initiate this real movement
for the nomination of General Grant. Now is
the time. Let New York declare her will, and
the country will echo the utterance with one
magnificent acclamation.
Co-operation Is Pear.
torn the Tribune.
Our old adversary, chattel slavery, now in
the last hours of an ill-spent life, is probably
entitled to the honor of having been the ear
liest form of systematic, daily, plodding indus
try. Outside of the Garden of Eden, man
was first a hunter and fisher. As population
multiplied and game grew scarce, he gradually
became a wandering shepherd and grazier;
not till after famine and war had supplied the
thrifty and powerful with slaves did any give
their days to constant toil never till then
was the construction of pyramids practicable.
Man learned to labor regularly only when he
must.
Work for wages slowly succeeded; aud, with
all its faults, was and is an immense improve
ment. The laborer for wages is measurably
free; he has a choice of pursuits and of em
ployers ; he has some voice in fixing the com
pensation of his service ; his wife and children
are his, and not another's ; he has the stimu
lus of hope of the knowledge that he may,
by skill, industry, andjmgality, improve his
condition and give his children a better start
in life than his own. He Is, in the average, a
far more intelligent, efficient worker than a
slave ever can be.
But the wages system has this radical vice
it does not adequately interest the laborer in
the perfection of his work. To get through
the day, the week, the mouth, the year, with
as little exertion, as little fatigue, as may be
to get the most money for the least work
possible such is too often the sum of the
laborer's aspiration. Let the demand for his
service become intense, he is quite likely to
"strike," and refuse to work furthor unless at
far higher wages. A month or two of Indus
trial paralysis and sterility follows; and,
whether the "strike" succeeds or fails, the in
cidental loss of wealth to the community is
vast and irrecoverable. The relation of em
ployer to Journeyman is, in important respects,
antagonistic Inoradicaldy so. No matter which
EVENING TELEG R APH PHILADELPHIA, TUESDAY,
party is In the right and, quite commonly,
neither is wholly exclusively bo both are
heavy losers by their collision, and the wholo
community along with them. Thus the re
cent pudtllerB1 strike in the iron works of
l'ittsburg threw out of work thousands who
were willing and eager to go on at the wages
offered; but, in the absence of the puddlers,
they could do nothing.
If iron rises in price, the masters postpone,
so long as may be, any increase of wapes; if it
falls in pi ice. the workers, in like ppirit, refuse
to work at lower wages no matter whether
"the bosses" are making money at current
prices or not. So Iron-making is arrested,
and the works suffered to decay when they
ought to bo kept steadily going.
Last winter the iron-moulders of Albany and
Troy were idle for weeks, because no one would
pay them what they thought their services
were worth. But the cooperative moulders kept
steadily at work throughout, and earned
f700O more than 1(M) each when other
foundries were closed, other moulders idle and
running behindhand. That f 7000 was clearly
so much added to the national wealth by co
operation. Now let us suppose the whole business of
making iron were prosecuted by cooperation
after the pattern of the Yankee whaler dis
patched to the d'acifio for oil and bone. Let
us suppose the iron produced to be theoreti
cally divided into a thousand parts, whereof
it is mutually stipulated that the ore shall
have a specified number the coal or wood so
many, the manager or engineer so many, and
so on till every person and thing employed
or used in producing the iron should have
a stipulated share. Henceforth, every one
who contributes either labor or materials to
wards that production knows that it is his
nterest that the iron shall be good, and that
t 6hall command when sold a full price.
And, if the market price should fall, he
does not "strike" nor exact wages too high
to be paid; he goes right on with his work.
and receives without a murmr his share of
the proceeds. He is not so blind as to imagine
that he can earn as many dollars per week
when bar iron sells for $50 as he could when
it was worth $80; but he knows that bar iron
can hardly fail to be worth more than the
cost of materials, so that there will always be
some recompense for his labor, besides the
probability that, if iron rules too low this
month, it is pretty euro to be higher before
the close of the next.
Judge Kelley forcibly reminded the South
rons, during his late speaking tour, that
whereas, under their old system, they were
accustomed to put forth frantic exertions to
arrest and recover any old, rheumatic negro
wiio ran away, they let millions of dollars'
worth of water-power run away daily, and
never even attempted to profit by it, as they
easily might have done. We presume the loss
to our country daring the last year from
strikes and fruitless searches for employment
must have amounted to many, many millions.
Were labor organized on the basis of coopera
tion, all this would be saved and added to the
national wealth. How long must we wait for
so desirable a consummation ?
The Disgrace of Victory.
LYom the Tribune.
That war is an evil is admitted, but it is
often forgotten that it is also a disgrace. That
with all their civilization and Christianity,
nations commonly, and as a matter of course,
decide their disputes by brutal force, and per
vert railroads, telegraphs, mechanical skill,
and modern ingenuity to aid the destruction of
life, is simply a disgrace to the intelligence of
the human race. Seriously considered, the
needle-gun and the monitor are more truly
marvels of man's stupidity than of his genius.
A gun that sends half-a-dozen souls to the
other world in a minute, and makes half-a-dozen
families miserable; torpedoes that blow stately
fleets into fragments; discipline that converts
a harmless mob of men into a terrible column
of invaders; bullets that explode in the body
these are inventions not one particle less
shameful to man than the poisoned arrow of the
Indian or the bloody war-club of the Fiji. In
the forms of civilization they conceal the
spirit of barbarism. When we flatter ourselves
That we are better than our fathers, that
England and France and the United States
stand on a higher grade than Assyria or Per
sia or Rome, a proclamation of war makes
ronio comment on the boast. Caesar and
Alexander are repeated by Napoleon and Bis
mark. A year or two ago we were threat
ened with a war with England about the Ala
bama claims; that is, two great nations, speak
ing one language and professing one religion,
were about cutting each Other's throats in a
quarrel about a few ships. Iu what respect is
such a clumsy attempt to settle a dispute bet
ter than a fight of two savages for a string of
beads, or of two dogs for a bone? Perhaps
the bone is of no use to the dog, as the Ala
bama claims are comparatively unimportant to
us, and in both cases the fight is for the right.
That is very good we honor the brave cur
who defends his well-gnawed bone, and in the
same degoee honor the nation which defend
its right; but, so long as we fight, we stand on
the same level with other lighting animals,
and, in modesty, should not affect too great a
superiority. Hamilton and Burr were to the
ants and beetles as angels are to monkeys,
yet, when they fought their duel at Hoboken,
they found no better way to settle their dis
pute than the ants and beetles have employed
from immemorial time.
But now, when one man fights another, it is
held in civilized countries an offense against
society. The Courts are open to decide all
questions, and the solitary case in which mur
der is lawful is that where it is committed in
self-defense against an outlaw. We can shoot
the burglar or the assassin without dauger of
the gallows, but two gentlemen who quarrel
in Wall street over a gold speculation cannot
safely disturb the peaceful process of stock
gambling by a campaign on the curb-stone.
The Courts are open, we say. Have you been
cheated by your grocer, betrayed by your
tenant, ruined by your best friend, your
domestio peace destroyed, your wife run off
with, your hat knocked over your eyes, your
pocket picked, your house robbed iu each
and every case the law will redress the wrong.
You must not fight it out with your enemy
and so far, at least, we have made slight pro
gress from the utterly barbario ages when
Cadis, Patriarchs, and Judges of tly Civil and
Criminal Courts were unknown. We have
discovered that the wrong that may be done
by arbitrament is less than the good that it
insures. Disinterested society decides the
quarrel between man and man, aud the general
moderation of humanity meliorates the just
or unjust indignation of individuals.
But for nations no such rule practically
exists. It is true that the common sense of
Governments frequently interposes to prevent
wars, a striking instance of which was the
effect of the late London Conference, when
Prussia and France, with swords half drawn,
were pacificed for a time by the remonstrances
of the other great powers of Europe. So the
moderation of England aud the United States
resulted iu keeping the Alabama question from
the rude deoisiou of the army mi navy and
referring it to arbitration. But these are ex
ci ptional eases. Generally, when nations
quarrel, either the big country bullies the
littl one into submission, cr they go to war,
and in this respect Great Britain is no letter
than Afghanistan, America as bad as
Dahomey.
It must not bo supposed that we consider
all wars unnecessary. On the contrary, we
admit the necessity of such a war as that the
United States has just ended, and assert that
to have made peace with the Rebellion would
have been to betray mankind. But what a
disgrace and shame that such necessity oan
Lei We do wrongly when, as monuments of
victory, we erect statues of great generals
placidly seated on raging steeds, like calm
upon tempest: we should rather place upon
tall columns effigies of wooden-leg ?ed veterans
and of women prostrated in grief. Of patriotism
or courage we may be proud, but not of war
in itself. It is more shameful now than of old,
for now its brutality, and cruelty, and clumsi
ness are brought into terrible contrast with
the splendid civilization and superb moral and
social development of the modern era. The
race has so far raised itself that great thoughts
and principles are almost nature to the child
of the nineteenth century, which were abso
lutely unknown to the sages of Greece and
Rome. But we fight on the grand scale still.
There is no world's court of appeal to which
the fierce disputes of nations may be carried.
The Prospects Abraad.
From the World.
"Agglomerations," to use the word which
the Emperor of the French substitutes for
the long-favored term of "nationalities" bid
fair to become the universal law of political
organism. With the unification of Italy and
of Germany small States have been almost
entirely erased from the map of Europe, and
an immense stride has been made towards the
realization of the doctrines, based partly on
ethnological theory, partly on patriotio ex
altation, which Kossuth, Mazzini, and the
advanced school of reformers in general, so
zealously proclaim to be the sole means of
political regeneration and social advance
ment. At the antipodes. Australia is growing
up into one of the future great empires of the
earth. On this side of the Atlantic, the cen
tripetal and centrifugal forces, which since
the close ot the Revolutionary war have been
struggling with more or less intensity, have
linaliy met in a death-grapple, and so com
plete has been the victory of the one as to
render it doubtful whether our governmental
orbit has not been completely changed, and
t that we are not doomed to terminate our
career in the central fire of despotism. How
ever this may be, the principle of aggregation
is in America, as in the rest of tbe world,
triumphant over the tendency to division aud
to contracted labrics of government.
Thus far the victory of "nationality" has
not been productive ot those fruits of univer
sal brotherhood and beatitude which have
been predicted. The great changes of territo
rial distribution have been effected by the
time-honored method of arms, not by moral
suasion or the preachings of republican exiles.
Consequently, the new nationalities have
taken the shape of military monarchies. The
exertion of force has rendered it more difficult
to keep the ways of peace in future. Alarm
at the display of newly awakened powers agi
tates jealous potentates, and causes additional
exertions to increase military efflcienoy. The
first result of German unity is to convert
France into an arsenal and a camp. , The
great nation, of which Frederick said, were he
the King, not a gun should be fired in Europe
without his consent, cannot tamely resign
the European hegemony to this king
dom of yesterday. Hence, on the one
side somewhat ostentatious reports of
the marvellous performances of the
Chassepot gun and the copper field
piece, while the other, not less significantly,
points to the attested efficiency of the needle
gun and the contemplated application of its
principles to artillery. France is sanguine of
repeating Jena,and Prussia, fresh from Sadowa,
dreams of Rosbach and Waterloo, whioh the
Berliners regard as no less a victory of Blucher
than of Wellington. With such ideas floating
about in the heads of two nations, and worse
still, of two great armies, a bloody trial of
strength can Jiardly be avoided at a more re
mote period, notwithstanding the adjustment
of the Luxembourg question.
In a logical extension of the ideas of "na
tionality" fertile causes of quarrel are to be
found when occasion suits. Doubtful and
obscure as the whole question of race is to oae
who reflects how inextricably blended are the
successive waves of migration and of conquest;
how various, and even how antagonistic, are
provinces of the same nominal nationality;
w hat opposite characteristics mark the Lom
bard and the Sicilian, the Andalusiau and the
Catalonian, the Tyrolese and the Hanoverian,
no faltering hesitation will arrest the progress
of an iron-willed statesman like Bismark, or
prevent his marching straight on to the fulfil
ment of his work, until the fatherland embraces
all the regions where the Teutonic speech is
heard. Holland and Denmark, niay, when the
time is ripe, be brought into the fold in virtue
of common origin and similar language. The
same plea will serve France for incorporating
Belgium, while the insatiable appetite of Russia
will demand the provinces to which the
Sclavonic tongue or the Greek religion gives
her a claim of affinity. Under these legitimate
consequences of the principle of nationality
and of races, there are seeds enough of future
warB to explain the ardor with whioh kings
and kaisers are arming, and to justify an indefi
nite postponement of the millennium.
In whatever way the trial of strength may
end, there is little prospect of any increase of
rational freedom. A continuance or even in
crease of gigantio armaments, and a constant
state of hostile watchfulness, are not likely to
be favorable to internal reform or constitu
tional education. Should Prussia overcome
Fiance in the wager of battle, and succeed in
fusing the whole German-speaking people into
one compact and manageable power, she will,
with her admirable martial organization, and
probable future maritime development, become
undoubtedly the most formidable of European
States. The remarkable vigor of her growth,
and the elan with which she has seized her
present positon, seem to indioate the upward
couise of one of those great States which have
at different periods overshadowed the rest of
Europe, and provoked coalitions to restrain
their inordinate ambition. All the great
powers have had alliances formed against
them. The House of Austria, both in its
Spanish and German branches, was thought
dangerous to national independence, aud both
Henry of Navarre and Richelieu strove to form
a general combination against it. France
under Louis XIV aud Napoleon, Great Britain
in our Revolution, and Russia in the Crimean
war, have had to contend with the united
forces of jealous rivals. Prussia, wielding the
power of the mediieval German empire, and
guided by the genius of Bismark and Von
Moltke, may well appear formidable enough
to call forth a new coalition.
In the old days, when the balance of power
was carefully watched, the small States acted
JUNE 11, 1867.
1 HE LARGEST. AND BEST STOCK OF
FIWE OLD RYE WHISKIES
IN THE LAND IS NOW TOSSESSI P BY
SHEW BY S. HARSftJiS & CO.,
Nos. 218 and 220 EOTJTH FRONT STREET,
WHOOrrmTllEIAMETO THE TltAOE.IK LOTH, OX Vl.HX ADVANTAUEOIT
TKimaj.
Their Ptoclt of lly Whiskies, IN BOND, csmprliti ill lh. f.. -
eilant, a fed runs llMoagh the -various months ot lHOS.'VO. and bran
ptiml iliu. ' "" hia year, up ta
Liberal contracts made for lots in arrive at Pennsylvania R.ti...
Krilc. son Line V barf, or at Bonded Warehouses, as p.,11 "m.",itl Pt,
Carpetings, Canton Mattings, Oil Cbtlr.
Grdat Variety, Lowest Cash Prices.
B15EVE L. KNIGHT & SON,
NO. 807 CIIKMK.TJT STBKliT,
(Belt w the Glrard House).
as buffers to prevent collisions, or as auxilia
ries in war to the great powers. Holland was
then an important ally, and even Savoy, under
the skilful diplomacy of her dukes, was not
only courted, but derived such accretions of
power as to become the germ of the kingdom
of Italy. Now that so few small independen
cies are left, and that military science demands
so great an expenditure, and wields suoh enor
mous masses as are compatible with the re
sources of a first-class power only, the small
bits of independent territory can scarcely hope
for better things than to form part of the spoil
of the victor in the great contests of the mili
tary giants who, by their own expansion, are
brought face to face.
Altogether, with the various questions ready
to ripen into war; with the tranquillity of
France dependent on the life of a single man;
with the people of half the continent, and even
of England, in a semi-revolutionary condition;
with the Governments intent only on repres
sion, or studying the most feasible mode of
trebling their armies, Europe cannot be said
to present a hopeful promise. If at home we
are exempt from many of these evils, the
European may console himself by reflecting
that even in war he does not pay as high taxes
as the citizen of the model republio in time of
peace; that he is not foroed to buy their goods
lor the emolument of rich manufacturers; and
that if the conscription seizes him, it id against
a foreign enemy that he is marched, not
hounded on by spoil-seeking demagogues
against his own countrymen. In the economy
of the world, if we look closely, we find a good
many marks of a compensatory system.
SPECIAL NOTICES.
tST UNION LEAGUE HOUSE.
MAT IS, 1867.
At a meeting of the Board ot Directors of the
CNION LKAODK OF PHILADELPHIA, held
Murcb 12, 1867, tbe following Preamble and Reeolu
tions were adopted:
Whereas. In a republican form ot government It Is
of tbe highest Importance that tbe delegates of the
people, to whom tbe sovereign power Is entrusted,
should tee so selected as to tiuiy represent tbe body
politic, and there belug no provision ot law whereby
the people may be organized for the purpose of suoh
selection, and all parties having recognized the neces
sity of such organization by tbe formation of volun
tary associations tor this purpose, and
Whereas, There are grave detects existing nnder
tbe present system ot voluntary organization, which
11 is believed may be corrected by suitable provisions
ol law; now, therefore, be It
Resolved, By the Board of Directors ot the UNION
LEAQTJUOF PHILADELPHIA, that the Secretary
be and Is hereby directed to oiler eleven hundred dol
lars In prizes for essays on the legal organization of
tbe people to select candidates for oUlce, the prizes to
be as follows, viz.:
Tbe sum of five hundred dollars for that essay
which, In tbe Judgment of the Board, shall be first In
the order of merit; 4
Three hundred dollars for tbe second;
Two hundred for tbe third, and
One hundred for the fourth.
The coudltlous upon which these prizes offered
are as follows, viz.:
1'irat. All essays competing for these prizes mcst be
aUdreB&ed to QKUHOK II. BOKKR, Secretary of the
Union League of Philadelphia, and must oe received
by blm before the FIIWT PAY OF JAjNUAKY, iw
and to Communication having tbe author's name at
tached, or with any other Indication of origin, will be
considered.
Second. Accompanying every competing essay, the
author must enclose his naiue aud address wubln a
sealed envelope, addressed to the becretary of the
Union League. After the awards have been made, the
envelopes accompanying the successful essays shall
be opened, and the authors notitlod of the result.
Third. All competing essays shall become the pro
perty of the- Union League; but no publication of
rejected essays, or tbe names of their authors, shall
be made without consent of tne authors in writing.
By order ol the Board ot Directors,
CiCOUUtl 11. UUKEB,
6161m SKCHHTARY.
K2T
EE PUBLICAN STATE CONVENTION
Hakbthhuho. April IS. 1887. The "Kenabllcan
Htult? Convention" will meet at tbe "Herdio House,"
lu WllUumsporl. on Vt KDMusDAY, the 2th day of
June next, at IU o'clock A. M., to nominate a candi
date lor Juuge of tbe Hupreme Court, aud to initiate
proper measures fur the ensuing Mate cauvass.
As bereioiore, the Convention will be composed of
Keireneuiutlve aud beuatorial Delegates, cuoaeu In
the usual wuy, and equal lu number to the whole of
Hie benulors aud BeprosentaUves In tbe Uenural
Assembly.
By order of tbe State Central Committee.
' F. JOKDAN, Chairman.
J. Bom-icy DiiNuiiHoN, "ecretanes. 20 8it
fcgr UNION PACIFIC RAILWAY COMPANY, E. D.
OFFICE, ISO. 411 WALNUT STBEET,
t PiixLADKLPHlA, May 21, 1867.
The INTEREST IN GOLD, on the FIRST MORT
GAGE BONDU OF TUK UNION PACIFIC RAIL
WAY COMPANY, KAOTKRN DIVISION, DUK
JUNE 1, will be paid on premutation of the Coupons
therefor, on and alter that date, at tbe Banking
House ol
DABNET, HonUAN CO.,
No. 63 iXCHANOE PLACE, New York.
(Signed) WILLIAM J. PALMER,
1 21 tullislot
Treasurer.
irjSf N O T I C K.-kS ELECTION OP
Dliecmrs of the CHKHNLT HILL
ORE COM I'AN Y will be held at No. fa WALMJIJ
bind. l'hllaUelibiu, ou the 17th June, lsti7, at H
6su:t P. R. PYNE, bocretary 1
REMOVED.
OUR BEDDING STORE
IS HF.ttOVED
FBOn THE OLD STAND TO
No. 11 South NINTH Street.
6 27 V. I.. KMUIIT ot SOW,
SPECIAL NOTICES.
PjkT OFFICK OF THE MAtOtt Of THE
Cily ol 1'biladelphlM, June s, im.
F1VK HUNDKKU DOLLARrt RKWARD.
Whereas, Colonel WILLIAM RIODLK.a respeota
ble citizen 01 Philadelphia, was brula ly beatn by
ae'-eral 1 ersons, on tbe 7th of May la t, at the bouse
of William Ovens, Twentieth street, below Pine, la
tbe Seventh Ward of this city, in consequence
whereol he has since died, be it known that, In pursu
ance of the Resolution or ibe Councils or Philadel
phia, approved this date, the sum of five hundred
dollars will be paid lor the arrest and oonvlctlon of
the murderer, or murderers of Colonel William
Riddle, and or tbe accessories to his murder, and of
the perons In any way encased In tbe attack, made
upon him, which resulted In his death.
HBAi.1 MORTON MoMICHAEL.
t Mayor of Philadelphia.
frsf- OFFICE OF THE PHILADELPHIA
OA a WORKS. Junk 1. 1867. 1
Proposals will be received at this ofllce. No. f8.
Sli-Vi-NTH street, until noon of the 1st day ot July,
for Ibe sale 10 the Trustees ot tbe Philadelphia Uaa
Works of tbe Stock In tbe Oermantown, Richmond,
Manyunk, and t-outhwaik and Moyainenslug Oaa
Companies, to be used as Investments lor the Blak
U'gKuod ot said Companies.
Mlm B-fcNJAflUN a RILBT. Cashier. 1
STOCKHOLDERS' MEETING. THE5
,r FABMJLRb' AN1 MtCHANICtt' NATIONAL
BAii,
. . PHii.ADRi.PHrA, Msy 88, 1807.
A General Meeting or the stockholders of The
Farmers' and Mechanics' National Bank or Phila
dephlawlll be held at tbe BAN KINU HOUSE, on
SATURDAY, tbe Wlh day of June next, at twelve
o'clolk, noon, lor Ibe purpose of taking luto consider
ation and deciding upon amendments ol the Third
and Filth of the Articles of Association of the said
Bank.
By order of the Board of Directors.
8MtJ2 W. RUSHTON, J B,. Cashier.
MtW PUBLICATIONS.
A KEY TO THE
UPT ACT.
THE BANKRUPT ACT.
I'rlnted from tho Official Copy, Annotated,
Digested, and provided with a copious Index,
Tor tbe easy and convenient reference of tbe
Legal Profession; fend of Business Men. By
G. MORGAN ELDItlDGE, of tbe Pblladel
pbla Bar. Octavo, paper covers, price 60 cents;
clotb, L
A most perfect, complete, and comprehensive
work, embodying all that it is essential to knew
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tbe careful study ot every citizen of tbe United
States, and the more so from tbe faot tbat la
certain cases power Is given tbe creditor to
lorce bis debtor Into Involuntary baakrnptoy.
Bent to any address, postuge paid, on receipt
of price, by
JOHN E. FOTTEK & CO.,
PUBLISHERS,
NOS. 611 AND 017 bJANSOH HTKEET,
6 80tbstul2t
Philadelphia.
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