the daily evening telegraph philadelpiiia, Monday, june 3, 1807.
THE NEW YORK PnESS.
EDITORIAL OriNIONB OP THR LBAWNO JOCRWAL8
PFOK CCRBENT TOPIt COMPIMiD KVBBI
DAT FOB THR KTKMSO TBLBUBAFH.
Th Harllrals IVorklusj their own Ruin.
From the Herald.
Wendell rhillipa wanls to put a nlgr on
the Presidential ti. ki-t with (General Grant.
This is tlio latest limit of radical movement
the most advanced position of the most ad
Tanced man and shows like a Wacon the ton
dencj and direction of revolutionary thought
moving onward wave hj wave. Mr. Phillips'
nomination of a nigger for Vice-President
is in our revolution exactly analogous to one
of the most characteristic facts of tho French
Revolution, the crowning of an immoral
woman as Goddess of Reason. The deiflca
tion of the nigger, the apotheosis of that
great cause of the war, is the necessary
sequence ot success; it is the necessary party
ref ult of the terrible contest that party leaders
look upon as having been purely and simply a
nigger war. Phillips sees this, and is con
sistent. Reasoning on the bare facts, look
ing at the matter purely in its logical forms,
lie sees that the inevitable next step for
the party that has gone so far is to exalt the
jiigger to the highest pessible point of power
and dignity; and, seeing this, he states it
boldly and broadly, not debarred by any such
trashy commonplaces as a sense of what it
may bo judicious, decorous, or even decent
Sot his party to do. In the French llevolu
inn nil fli snrrnundiniTH of the event we
have alluded to make it an t-act parallel
to this exaltation of the nigger, fcacn was
the same defiance of commonplace propriety,
the same natural next step of revolutionary
movement.
The only thing that is impossible flJf arep-.s
lution is to stop. Incessautly and inexorably
to go forward, working out its Me, is the law
of its life. Attempts to stay revolution at any
point short of its ultimate end only expose
those who make them to be crushed under the
onward-moving wheels. Revolutions of modern
history have illustrated no point so distinctly
as this. The great one that annihilated the
whole ancient system of France bore at its
opening the harmless appearance of a move
ment tor reform; but, sweeping forward, it
goon left the most advanced philosophical ex
tremists far behind, and at its close was seen
to have left nothing unchanged in the nation,
and to have spared no person or party that
Lad attempted to stay its course, until it fairly
rau into the counter revolution of military
despotism. Barnave had fulminated like the
rest against aristocracy, against royalty, for
the liberty of the people; but the day came
when this extravagant Democrat ventured to
8ay that the revolution was going too far
ventured to warn the country that it was de
stroying not merely royalty, but government;
not privilege, but property; and tor such wise
warning liarnave, once a foremost man of
the Revolution, went to the guillotine, as the
aristocrats had gone so plentifully before.
This is the history of nearly all the men of
the French Revolution, its authors and
abettors who at any time raised a voice
against its dangerous tendencies. They who
urged one series of executions were the vic
tims of the next. With the Girondists went
down the attempt of a great party to stay the
movement. Thence there was no restraint.
It was only a question for how trivial an oppo
sition a man should die. Camille Desmoulins,
a Jacobin, was guillotined for proposing a
committee of clemency a committee em
powered to set at liberty persons who were
merely "suspected" of evil intentions. The
great crime of the age wa3 to attempt to
modify the revolutionary extravagance. This
is, in a party sense, the great crime now, for
we are only repeating that history; radical
leaders are working out in essentially the
Borne way their own destiny and ruin. He
who is not willing to go to any extremity in
the great direction of universal nigger-worship
must go down, and will go down, so far
as party position is implied. General Pope is
a ruined man if he had tiny party views.
lie has just suppressed a newspaper in Mo
lile for merely giving the niggers some lessons
in killing, "instructing them how, when, and
where to use firearms." This interference
with the amiable recreation of Republican
Toters will send him to the political guillotine.
On the other Land, the Superintendent of the
Freedmen's Bureau in Virginia is in the line
of promotion. He has made the Bureau
openly a party machine, by instructing his
subordinates to see that every negro '"is regis
tered and votes." He appreciates the fact that
the revolution is going on, and that the point
at which Wendell Phillips has now fixed the
party standard is not very far in advance of
the present party line. He is right. How
ever moderates protest and demur, that is the
next great point; and it will be but a little
While before we reach it, for we go through
a revolutionary cycle in much less time than
it required in any of the famous European
revolutions.
Reconstruction of Politic.
From the Citi&.-n.
The Independent is already breaking ground
on the question of "the next Presidency." It
avoids the advocacy of any individual, though
it squints strongly towards Ben. Wade, whom
it styles "one of the grandest of our public
men." The abstauce of tho article is a
vigorous protest against the adoption by the
Republican party of General Grant as its can
didate. "In God's name," cries Tilton, "let
ns have a great man for President," to which
pious adjuration we say Amen 1 with all our
heart.
The question of the Presidency is one that
it is well to consider betimes. Open discussion
is the best means of squelching the plots of
the coteries of schemers that are about every
man whose name may, by any possibility, turn
p in connection with the Presidency, and who
Lave their own little ventures ia his elevation.
J here is nothing these men fear so much as
discussion, or even the mention, publicly, of
their lavontes in connection with the position.
It has come to be a maxim that the surest way
to kill oil a candidate is to give publicity to
the fact of candidacy, it u of the lirst ininor
tance that the plots of all such men should be
defeated in the contest, which already begins
to loom up as the absorbing un r
ing year and a half. The next administration
Ehould witness the final disutmit
every
question vuiii. una cusyuruea our domestio
11.1 1 J! . . .
cord, the consolidation and settling f
con-
finances and of industry. Its close should find
the ghastly seams and fissures made by civil
war finally healed, and the social and civil
polity throughout the whole extent of our ter
ritory homogeneous, and the country moving
easily and naturally on its grand career.
But to this end a man must be at the helm
who oan shape a policy, who has a heart in
pympathywith the liberal humanity of this
generation, and a mind comprehensive enough
to take in all the peculiar ciremnstannes re
lating to the ditlerent sectious of the country,
which will make the work of administration so
complicated for the next four years. We want
no narrow bigots of the school of Wade or
8unmer if the coming man ii to be a Repub
lican and no hard-shelled, machine fossil of
the Connecticut Seymour-lTymor-Vallan lig
hain sort, if he is to be a Democrat. There
must be a union of the patriotic, moderate
elements in both parties. Such a union every
body knows lias lxen possible and imminent
two or three times in the last three years; but
in every case has been defeated not on its
merits, but through tho pig-hea led obstinacy
of a few machine managers on ono side or the
other. But these men will be powerless in the
coming contest. The young Democracy will
not be whipped into a support of the por
petuation of tho dynasty of blind old fossils,
who don't know that anything remarkable
has been going on the last six years. And
on the other hand, the considerate Republi
cans are becoming alarmed at the centralizing
tendencies of the radical Rump, at its wild
legislation in all matters of revenue, currency,
and everything relating to the substantial in
terests of the country. They know that no
party can stand on such a record nn th last
radical Congress has made on these great ques- j
tions. The letter of Secretary McCullooh written
evidently from a plain business stand-point, is
a terrible arraignment of the radical leaders.
Two years after the restoration of peaco, the
publio debt increasing through the wild prodi
gality, and the reckless blundering of these
radical legislators; the restoration of specie
payments and the lowering of prices indefi
nitely postponed for the same reasons; two
years alter the close of the war, and industry
still paralyzed throughout the South, and the
North beai ing the whole burden of taxation I
the radical leaders apparently thinkiug of
nothing but the securing of the negro vote in
the Southern States, while industry is languish
ing, enterprise is deadened, and the whole
machinery of society is laboring painfully.
" If the Democratic party can be reformed and
"purified, it will draw to it the sensible Re
publicans; but if not, then the Union Demo
cracy, who will hold the balance of power in
the next contest, must force the nomination
by the Republicans of a patriotio ticket, which
will command the support of the moderate
elements of both parties, and the success of
which will exclude from influence the wild
theorists who have kept the country disorga
nized and chaotic, both in its politics and in
its material interests. What sincere Repub
lican is there that cannot stand on a platform
Laving for its cardinal principles equal rights
for all; the restoration, on this basis, of the
right of self-government to every community;
the re-enfranchisement of those who cordially
accept tho new order of things, and the decen
tralization of the National and State Govern
ments 1 What patriotic party will not gladly
co-operate with a body ot fellow -citizeus,
under whatever name, having the accomplish
ment of such ends as the object of association ?
Is there any Republican that can arraign as
false to the principles of freedom men who
proclaim such purposes and principles f Is
there any Democrat who can charge with
want of fealty to true Democratic doctrine the
men who arraign the blind old fossils who
repudiate these principles and purposes ?
We declare these principles; we labor for
these results; we go with that organization
through which they cau be attained. The
name of Democrat has no charms for us, if it
bears with it hostility to these; the name of
Republican has no terrors, if under this name
their triumph can be assured.
It is with supreme reference to these ideas
that the etl'orts of thoughtful men, in all Presi
dential discussions aud combinations, should
be directed. The country needs at the helm
the coming four years, more than at any
previous period, its wisest, purest, aud least
partisan man; the one who can harmonize and
combine, in the largest degree, the elements
in the two old parties whose combined action
will give steadiness to the movements of poli
tics'and of legislation, and tranquillize passions
that ought ere this to Lave Iwen laid asleep.
As a means to this end, we welcome such did
"cussions as that in last week's Independent,
and agree with its general principle, however
widely we may differ from its estimate of indi
viduals. Democracy New vs. Old,
From the lYibune.
The World sums up a sweeping argumen
against what we call protection to Lome indus
try as follows:
"The Industries which produce commodities
for exportation deserve as much encourage
ment (und no more) than those which proiliice
commodities for domestic use. Tho ultimate
aim ol both is precisely the same, namely, to
aiipply articles for the home market. Curtain
Industries export only becauae tiiey can im
port; tliey transmute their products Into other
goods by commerce, as different Industries
transmute raw materials into other goods by
manufacture. In both cases alike, domestio
industries kupply tbe domestio market; and
Justice requires that the race between these
competing domestio Industries should be equal,
'i lie industries tiiat cau tmpply the clie.ipest
goods are fairly entitled to the market, aud 11 is
lor the interest of the whole body of consumers
thHt they should have it. It is not, as the pro
tectionists ate never weary ot asserting, a com
petition between native and foreign industry,
but between rival domestic) Industries which
seek, by different inethoits, to furnish the home
market with the same kinds of goods. 'Protec
tion,' therelore. is merely a discrimination
against the home Industries which produce the
cheapest goods. We should be Rlud to Bee the
Tribune' reply to this argument."
The Tribune's reply to "tkis argument"
must already be familiar to the World. If
ever a proposition was demonstrated, we hold
this to be: The apparent cheapness of im
ported wares and fabrics is factitious, unreal,
delusive, being accompanied by a great dimi
nution if not absolute destruction of value in
the articles whereby the domestic wares and
fabrics would be paid for. Thus, we have seen
in Iowa City, when that city was the capital of
the State, long strings of farmers' wagons piled
high with Indian corn which the growers were
vainly trying to sell at fifteen oents per bushel
of shelled grain. That same corn, we are as
cure as we are of onr own existence, would
then and there have been worth at least fifty
centsjper bushel, Lad the metals, wares, and
fabrics required and consumed westward of the
river Wabash been mainly produced at the
nearest points where ore, coal, water-power,
etc., invited their production.
The economic truth here indicated is all
pervading. We have helped burn wood, which
had no commercial value, into charcoal, within
ten miles of the present manufacturing oities
of Manchester and Nashua, N. H. The char
coal, when sold for the most it would fetch, did
not pay fifty cents per day for the work neces
sarily required to produce it, there being then
but a few liahermen's huts where Lowell and
Manchester now are, and perhaps two stores
and a mill where riashua is. Jo-day, wood
growing on that very ground where we made
charcoal (and it is too rocky and sterile for
any other use) must be worth $3 per cord a3
it grows, finding an ample market at the
neighboring seats of manufacture. In other
words A hundred cords of wood as it grows
will now buy more iron, cloth, or wares thau
ten thousand cords of just such wood could
be sold for while we kept our workshops iu
Europe. So of the apples which we helped
make Into cider which sold for 1 per barrel
just about the cost of picking an I making
whereas, they can now e Hold from the or
chard for ten times their value while Europe
made our cloth and wares. So, measurably,
of vegetables, etc. etc.
Have we, or have wo not, squarely met the
World's "argument?"
Now let the KorMfnce the doctrines of
the fathers of Democracy, viz.:
Thomas Jefferson, in hit second Annual
Message (December 15, 102), pays:
"To cultivate pence, and iinilnl iln commerce
and navigation In their lawful enterprises; l
foster our IlKherleft as numerics of navigation,
and protect the man ti fact ur 8 adapted to our
clrclinintnncrn these, fellow-citizens, aro
the landmark by which we are to guide our
selves In all our proceedings, lly continuing
to make these the rule of our action, we Hhall
endear to our countrymen the true principles
of the Constitution, and promote a nniori of
sentiment and of set Ion equally auspicious to
their happlneHS aud 8 itety.
That Mr. Jefferson meant by protection pre
cisely what we do, is proved by his Message
of December 2, lNhj, when, anticipating the
payment of our debt and a surplus of revenue,
he asks:
"To what oilier objects shall these Burplloes
be appropriated. and the whole surplus arier the
entile discharge of tho publio debt? Hiiall we
mppress the iiuiKMl, and give that advantage
to foreign over domestic manufao'.ures?"
So, in his last Annual Message (November
8, 1808), Mr. Jefferson says:
"The situation Into which we have thus (by
foreign hostile policy) been forced, lias com
pelled ns to apply a portion of our Industry and
capital to Internal manufactures and Improve
incuts. The extent of this conversion is dully
ucreanlng; aud little doubt remains that the
establishments formed and lormlng will, under
Ihe auspices of cheaper materials and snbslst
euce, the freedom of labor from taxation witu
us, end of protecting duties aud prohibitions,
become permanent."
Sophistry cannot make this language mean
anything else than what it has always been
understood to mean a full indorsement of the
policy of protection.
James Madison bore so large a part in the
Convention of 177 that he has been called by
admiring Democrats "The Father of the Con
stitution." His Messages abound in argu
ments and recommendations like those just
quoted from those of his predecessor. In his
Special Message of February 20, 1815, an
nouncing the Treaty of Ghent, he says:
But there Is no subject, that can enter with
greater forci and meilt In o the deliberations
of Coneress than h ciiiHl 'oration of the means
required to preserve and promote the mauufac
tuies which have npuiu;r Into existence, and
Kttained as unparalleled growth and maturity,
during the period of the Kuropean wars. Tills
source of national independence aud wealth I
anxiously recommend, tuereloie, to the orompt
and constant guardianship of Congress."
In his next Annual Messaee ("December 5.
1815), Mr. Madison thus confronts one of tho j
World's favorite theories: 1
In adjusting the duties on imports to the
object ol revenue, the l iflueii .e of the tariff on
inanulacture will necessarily present Itself for
consideration. However wise the theory may
be which leaves to tho mgiictty and luterest of
Individuals iko application of their industry
and resources, there aro In tnls, as In all other
cuses, exceptions to the general rule. Besides
the condition which the theory Itself implies of
a reciprocal adoption by other nations experi
ence teaches that so many circumstances must
concur in Introducing and maturing manufac
turing establishments, especially of the more
complicated 111 una, that a country may lontj
remain without tbem, although K.itHciently ad
vanced, and in some respects even peculiarly
fitted, for carrying them on with success."
Mr. Madison's last Message, aud nearly all
of Mr. Monroe's, proffer lucid aud cogent argu
ments in support of the policy of- protecting
home manutactures by discriminating duties
on their imported rivals; but we can only refer
to them. Nor will we harrow up the feelings
of the World by compelling it to bungle
through another attempt to explain away
General Jackson's famous letter to Dr. Cole
man, taking the broadest possible ground in
favor of protecting home manufactures as the
surest and best way to provide markets for
the products of agriculture. We prefer to ask
its attention to the views of the earliest and
most illustrious leader of the Democracy of
our own State, Governor George Clinton, who,
in Lis Message of 178G, urges the impolicy
and peril of depending on foreign nations for
an article so indispensable to national security
as iron; and in that of 173 returns to the
subject as follows:
"The profuse use ot luxuries brought from
abroad drains us of our wealth, and is the
source Irom which most of our present dillicul
Ue8 proceed. I would, therefore, submit to the
wisdom of the Legislature Ihe propriety of
limiting the consumption of foreign articles by
encouraging the manufacture of our own pro
ductions, ns far as may be consistent with our
situation ana a due regard to beneficial com
merce." The Messages of Governor Daniel D. Tomp
kins abound in such avowals of sentiment as
the following from that of February 2, 1810:
"It Is a proposition too plain to require any
observation to enforce It, that no nation can be
really and substantially independent which
relies on any other for Its essential supplies of
clothing. The maintenance of our manufac
tures la, in my view, of deep interest to tue
present and future prosperity of our country,
and I confidently recommend them to your
patronage and protection."
We might quote abundantly to the same
effect from the Messages of De Witt Clinton,
William L. Marcy, etc., with the responsive
reports and votes of successive Democratic
Legislatures; but need we ? The lawyer whom
the Judge attempted to silence explained that
he was not arguing against the correctness of
Lis Honor's decision, but only showing what a
stupendous fool old Blackstone was. We close
with the single question, If free trade is so
manifestly, iucontrovertibly wise and benefi
cent, how came these great men to be so blind
and besotted, especially since there was no
great manufacturing interest in their day to
bewilder and mislead them !
lb! Imperial Prisoners of the Mexican
Liberals.
From (Ac Hera Id.
The cable news informs us that there is the
greatest excitement in Europe about the fate
of Maximilian. It is very much feared that he
Las gone to look after the filibusters who have
preceded him; but we feel quite certain that
he is now a prisoner in the Lands of the Re
publicans. The Herald long since informed
the public, through its special correspon
dent, that orders were issued from the Mexi
can War Department to General Escobedo,
when the siege of Queretaro commenced, that
"under no circumstances was Maximilian to be
shot, but to be made a prisoner to be dealt
with according to the disposition of the gene
ral Government. The only thing that can
have changed these orders is the stupid inter
ference of Mr. Seward; but we hope that the
Juarez Government will take into considera
tion that Mr. Seward is in his dotage, and not
entirely responsible for everything that ho
does. There is too much good sense in the
Liberal party to shoot a man who can do them
no more harm, aud wLom they have always
considered a miserable tool in 'the hands of
Napoleon and the Mexican retrograde party.
The probability is that his life will be
spared not so much in justice as In policy;
for if justice were meted out the barbarous
decrees of Maximilian, which disgrace the
civilization of this century, would, in a trul,
tell very heavily against him; not to mention
the carrying out of thcRe decrees, which has
resulted In the wholesale massacre of thou- 1
sands of the Liberals of Mexico and tho deso
lation of their country. But the Liberals, in
saving the life of the man who has contributed
largely to all this, will act wisely. That they
will do this is shown by tiie action of Porfirio
Diaz, who lately lilierated all his prisoners
taken at Miahuatlan, LaCarbnnadaand Puebla.
Although among these were six hundred Euro
peans of various nationalities, they were set at
libel ty, and will probably never lie disturbed
if they keep peaceable. It is the intention of
the Liberals to Bhoot only those noted leaders
of the reac tionary or Church party who, appa
rently without any political creed except the
union of Churoh and State, are bent upon the de
struction of Mexico, providing they cannot rule
it. Among these men are Marque z, Miramon,
Castillo, and others, who have, by their whole
sale robbery and bloodshed, brought down
the execration of the civilized world upon
their country, and caused the very interven
tion which plunged Mexico into this long and
terrible war an intervention which supported
the leaders, men whose crimes gave them the
jdea for a restoration of order. It is thoso
men whose heads are not safe, and no amount
of intervention can save them; even the in
fluence of Horace Greeley would be ineffectual.
We expect soon to entertain Maximilian in
New York, where he will probably stop on Lis
way to Canada. It is probable that an
arrangement is making to give straw bail for
him, 'and that, this effected, the two men who
went Land in hand for a general revolutionary
movement against Southern North America
will in Canada consult as to their future.
Greeley, the cup.bearerto an America Jupiter,
will be there to do the honors of tbe occasion.
It is then proposed that, as the careers of all
three are ended, they take General Sherman's
lace, and make a final pilgrimage to the Holy
and, after the manner of the aucients, who,
when they Lad discovered by defeated Lopes
Low uncertain all things are here below,
picked up the pilgrim's staff, and resolutely
turned their footsteps towards Mecca. Jeff.
Davis, with a map of the Confederacy, and
Maximilian, with a map of Mexico as a votive
offering to the Old World, may travel arm in
arm, and, still leaning on each other for sup
port, traverse the desert sands; while Greeley,
carrying a bale of straw upon which to lie,
may bring up the rear.
Productive industry a Condition of
Financial Safety.
from the Time.
Mr. McCulloch's letter to Lis Boston friends
may be composed of commonplaces, as its
assailants allege, but its suggestions are not
on that account less appropriate or just. In
deed, there is an urgent necessity for common
sense rather than theorizing or rhetoric as a
means of helping the country out of its diffi
culties." The prevailing tendency is to cure
all ills by the application of nostrums of which
plain sense is rarely an ingredient. Thus,
business deression it is proposed to remedy
by protective tariffs; tight time3 by more cur
rency; general poverty by an increase ot debt.
The Secretary of the Treasury, with his vulgar
habit of calling things by their right name3,
term3 these prescriptions quackery, and no
other word could more fitly describe their
character.
The stress the Secretary lays upon the
growth of productive industry as a condition
of financial safety does not reveal a new or
brilliant idea. Everybody Las beard of it
many times. But it is timely because our
law-makers and large numbers of our people
appear to Lave forgotten the fact, and it is im
portant because its adoption is essential to the
avoidance of national bankruptcy.
Just now, the productive forces of the
country have not lair play. In the South,
where they should be most vigorous, and
where in ordinary circumstances they would
be most profitable, they are impaired and
crippled by political intluences. No single
consideration would aid them half so much as
speedy reconstruction. The want of means,
of enterprise, of heart, of hope, which now
paralyzes every interest, would disappear
were the South restored to the Union. Capi
tal would find its way thither in amouuts
equal to its necessities, and trade and the
Treasury would be invigorated as by magic.
Judged simply as a financial measure, the
earliest possible completion of the reconstruo
tion policy is of vital importance as a guaran
tee against disaster.
To relieve industry further we mast make
up our minds to overhaul and radically amend
the present system of taxation. As now it
operates, it is a worse enemy to American in
dustry than the most formidable of foreign
competitors. It is in effect a system for in
flicting the greatest amount of injury upon
industry with the smallest gain to the Trea
sury. So considered, it is a success. But the
country cannot afford to risk its continuance.
The taxes must therefore be reduced, simpli
fied, and so adjusted that they shall no longer
crush enterprise and industry. The Treasury
need not suffer from the change. On the con
trary, it is possible to combine a reform and
reduction of taxes with an increase of revenue.
One of tho worst features of the existing sys
tem is its wastefulness and cost in respect of
collection.
The Disappointment In France.
From the Time.
Our latest French exchanges display nume
rous proofs of the accuracy of the statements
made by our Paris correspondent about the
feeling of the French people on the recent
peaceful settlement of the dispute with Prus
sia. They are not satisfied with the way the
affair has been patched up. It was so unlike
Fiance to swallow the insults of Prussia, and
to back down before the defiance of Bismark.
They call on the Government to assume even
yet a bolder attitude in continental affairs, and
they demand that France shall show to Europe
that her supremacy will be maintained here
after, whatever may happen. "The whole
nation," says our correspondent, "wants to go
to war with Prussia, and certainly expects
soon to do so."
We do not place a great deal of value upon
this as affecting the relations of France towards
Prussia. Something of the kind was to be
expected after the balking of the war spirit,
which had become so highly aroused in France.
The attitude of Bismark not only excited the
French people, but led to the universal oou
viction that war was inevitable. The military
action of the Emperor's Government strength
ened the opinion, and the gigantic warlike pre
parations made it appear certain that hostili
ties would be opened in any event. When
such feelings are established in a nation, they
cannot be allayed at once. And when the
opportunity for their gratification is suddenly
checked, there will certainly be anger aud dis
appointment. The French have now begun
to talk of what they would surely have
achieved and gained in a war. With all their
battles victories, and all their Holds glorious
with every disputed point settled in their
favor with French territory extended, aud
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TERM.
Their Block of By Wliliklii, IS BOND, comprises all tho favorite brand
Hant, and lull through tha various months or 1H03,'G0, and of this rear, in to
pitiitl date.
Liberal contracts mads for lots to arrlvs at Pennsylvania Railroad Deoot
Eriliiiou 1.1ns Mharf, or at llondcd Warehouses, as paitles may elect.
Carpetings, Canton Mattings, Oil Cloths.
Great Varietv, Lowest Cash Prices.
BE EVE L. KNIGHT & SON,
NO, 807 CIIEMKVT NTRKET,
(Below the Olrard House).
not only Luxembourg but other coveted
regions secured to France how resplendently
would French arms have shone before the
world, and how grandly would French power
have loomed above the clouds which have of
late threatened to obscure it 1 Such considera
tions as these are working deeply in the French
mind, and it will necessarily take some time
for them to pass away.
If Kapoleon does not desire to obliterate
such feelings immediately and altogether, he
certainly wishes to repress them for the time
being. He has one agency at hand, so far as
Paris is concerned, in the Exposition, but he
has a far larger and more powerful means in
the forthcoming grand visit of sovereigns to
the French capital. lie is already amusing
the people with Belgian and Portuguese Kings
and Queens, and with British, Swedish, and
Japanese Princes. But when the monarchs of
Russia, Prussia, Austria, Italy, and possibly
England, shall assemble in Paris, it will not
be difficult to make such use of the great
event, and perhaps to work out such results
from it, as'will not only affect the current of
French feeling for the moment, but give it a
new channel in which it can run for at least
another year.
SPECIAL NOTICES.
UNION LEAGUE HOUSE,
MAT 15. 1S67,
At a meeting ol tbe Board of Directors of tha
VNION I.KAOUK OF PHILADiLLPIlIA, held
March 12, 18C7, tbe following Preamble and Resolu
tions were adopted:
Whereas, In a republican form ot government It Is
of the highest Importance that tbe deli gates of tbe
people, to whom the sovereign power Is entrusted,
should be so selected as to tiuly represent tbe body
rolitic, and there being no provision ot law whereby
tbe people may be organized for tbe purpose of such
election, and all parties having recognized tbe neces
sity of such organization by the formation of volun
tary associations tor this purpose, aud
'Whereas, There are grave delects existing under
the present system of voluntary organization, which
It is believed may be corrected "by suitable -provisions
of law; now, therefore, be It
Resolved, By the Bward of Directors of the UNION
LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA, that the Secretary
be and is hereby directed to offer eleven hundred dol
lars in prizes for essays on the legal organization of
tbe people to select candidates for olllce, the prizes to
be as follows, viz.:
Tbe sum of five hundred dollars for that essay
which, In the Judgment of the Board, shall be first In
tbe order of merit;
Three hundred dollars for tbe second;
Two hundred for tbe third, and
One hundred for tbe fourth.
Tbe conditions upon which these prizes are offered
are as tollows, viz.;
First. All essays competing for these prizes must be
addressed to GEOKGE H. BOKER, Secretary of the
Union League of Philadelphia, and must De received
by him before tbe FIRST DAY OF JANUARY, 1S68
and no communication having the author's name at
tjched, or with any other Indication of origin, will be
conbldered.
Second. Accompanying every competing essay, tbe
author must enclose bis name and address within a
sealed envelope, addressed to tbe Secretary of tbe
Union League. Aner tbe awards have been made, the
envelopes accompanying the uoceanful essays shall
be opened, and the authors notified of the result.
Third. All computing essays shall become tbe pro
perty of the Cuion League: but no publication of
rejected essays, or tbe names of their authors, shall
be made without consent of tbe authors lu writing.
By order ol tbe Board ot lJlretuor.
CiJLOliUE II. IIOHEB,
5 16 1 m SECRET A R Y.
REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTION.
JiAntiism'KO, April 18, 1887. The "Republican
Stute Convention" will meet at tbe "Herdic House,"
lu V ill hiujf port, on WEDNESDAY, the Miu day of
June next, al JO o'clock A. M., to nominate a candi
date lor Judge of the Supreme Court, aud to initials
proper measures for the enduing Stale cauvaas.
An heretolore, the Couveuliou will be composed of
Iteireaeiilatlve and Seuatorial Delegates, cboseu lu
tut usual way. and equal lu number lo the whole of
lite benutora aud Representatives In the General
Assent tly.
By order of the State Central Committee.
V. JORDAN, Chairman.
flKOKOK W. HAMKBHI.KV, I (.,,..
J. KoiiLky Jjcmuhwin, oecreiaries. 520 H
ISST" STOCKHOLDERS' MEETING. TH8
tX FARMERS' AND AlKCHANJCb' NATIONAL
BANK.
Philadelphia, May 23, lw,
A General Meeting of the stockholders of Tne
Furmern' and Mechanics' National Bank of Pblia
do I'ltlu will beheld at tbe BANKING HOL'SK, on
SA 1 L'HDA Y, Hie '-jib day of June next, at twelve
o'clotk, noon, lor the purpose ef taking lulocounliler
ation aud deciding i'on amendments ol the Third
and Filth or the Articles of Association of the said
Bank.
Bv order of tbe Board of Directors,
8 28 tJ JM W. RUSH ! ON, Jb., Cashier.
rggT" CITY TREASURER'S OFFICE,
1'iui.ADlcLi'HiA, May si, 18(17.
NOTICE TO LOAN HOLDER3.-Cltf Loans,
maturing July 1. 1607, will be paid on presentation at
tins olllce, with accrued Interest to date. By order of
the Commissioners of the Sinking Fund.
HENRY BUM XI,
5 31 it City Treasurer.
fnT A SPECIAL MEETING OP THE
fc' Meek holders of the PARK Kit PKTKOI.KUM
COMPANY will he held at lliu Gllice, .No. 4.U WAL
NUT street, on the loth ot June at. li M to take luto
consuleiutiuu the leaking ot tlie properly.
6 1 1 61 ItOlIT, TIIOM P&uN, Treasurer.
OFFICE OF TIIE TREMONT COAL
COMPANY.
No. lb 1 mi Ai.h.i.i'iiiA Eju iianok, May SO, 1817.
The lull-rent l'timih on Hie Morlnl-'e Bonds of the
TlthMOM (DAI, COMPANY, due June 1, will ia
paid ou preaeulatiou at this otlloe, uu aud after that
Uaic.
6 no 8t OEOltOE U. C'OLKKT.Tieasurer.
REMOVED.
4
OUR BEDDING STORE
IH BEHOVED
FBOH THE OLD STAND TO
No. 11 South NINTH Street. ;
5 27 0. I. KNIGHT A SOW.
OFFICE PENNSYLVANIA RAILROAD
' COMPAN Y.
. Philadelphia, May 4, 1867.
The Board of Directors have this day declared a
semi-annual Dividend ofTUKEK PERCENT, on tha
Capital Slock ol the Compuuy, clear of National and
Stute Taxes, payable in Casu ou and alter May so.
They have also declared an EXTRA DIVIDEND
of FlVK PER CENT., baaed upou profits earned
prior lo January 1, M7, clear ol National and Slats
'1 axes, payable In Slock ou and alter May 30, at its
par value of Fifty Di IIuih per share the shares fur
Stock Dividend to be dated May 1, lttt7.
Scrip Certificates will be hwmed lor fractional parts
ol Shares; said Sci Ip w ill not be entitled to any lute
rest or Dividend, but will be convertible into stock
when presented In sums ol Fifty Dollars.
Powers of attorney lor collection ot Dividends can
be bad on application at the Olllce of tha Compauy.
N o. liS8 a THIRD S treet.
6 4 act THOMAS T. FIRTH, Treasurer.
OFF1CL OF THE LEHIGH COAL AND ,
NAVIGATION COMPANY.
Philadelphia. May 2.1, 1867.
The Board of Manairera have tbls day declared a
dividend ol THREE PER CENT., or ONE DOLLAR
AND A HALF per sltureon tiie Capital Slock 01 this
Company , clear ot United states and Mate taxes, pay
able on demand. SOLOMON SHEPHERD,
2 6t Treasurer.
fgSp" HOLLOWAY'3 PILLS AND OINT
J MKNT. Abscesnea of many years slandiug,
have yielded under a short course of these asiisepttc
aud detergent medicines. The Jlntmenl cleanses tbe '
sore ol all irritating purulent matter, and Imbues lbs
bbres.and tlHsues wun new lil'e and vigor, wbtte tbe
Pills, purilylng the blood, neutralize ihe noxious
humors ar.U expel Diem Irom tbe Hvslera. In sklu
diseases ot whatever character, minora, old sorea.
ulcerated legs, sic., tbe uctlou ot these remedies is
sate and certain.
Sold by all Druggists. 1 smfs4t
tciF BATCHELOK'S HAIR DTE.-THI8
S anlendid Hair llvn la tliu hMi tn i.
1 be only true and perfect JJye Harmless, Reliable. In
stantaueous. No disappointment. No ridiculous tlnta.
I Natural Black or Brown. Remedies the 111 etleou of
I ;Bul Jmtt. Invigorates the hair, leaving it soil and,
( beautiful. The genuine is slkueu WILLIAM Jl.
BA'ICHELOR. All others are mere Imitations, and
should be avoided. Sold by all Druggists aud Per-
rumers. factory, Ho, bl BARCLAY street, New
York.
4 6fmw
N 0 T 1 C E. AS ELECTION OF
Directors of the CHKSNL'T HILL IRON-
ORE COMPANY will beheld at No. M WALNUT
Street. Philadelphia, ou the Will Juus, itKi7, at U
o'clock M,
j6 81121 P. R. PYNE, Secretary
MILLINERY. TRIMMINGS, ETC.
V50 URNI NO MILLINERY.
j ALWAYS ON HAND A LARGE ASSORTMENT 01
t MOUItlSIlXG B01Y1NEXJ3,
AT NO. 01 WALNUT STREET.
8276m MAD'LLE KEOCH.
MliS. It. DILLON,
DOS. lil AND S81 SOUTH MTBEET,
Baa a handsome assortment of SPRING MILLI
NER. 1 ad ies', Misses', and Children's Straw and Fane
Bouuets and Hals of the lateai atyles.
Also, silks, Velvets, Ribbons, Crapes, Feathers, .
Flowers, Frames, etc 7 lu
FURNISHING GOODS, SHIRTS,&C.
p( HOFFMANN, J R..
NO. 883 A It I II STBEET,
FURNISHING GOODS,
- (Late O. A. Horlmau. formerly W. W. Knight,)
FINE ftlllltTB) AND WHAPPEBN,
IIOMEUY AUD U LOVES
SILK, LABIUM' WCOL AKUJMEIilNO
BSfmwsm VNlltUCLOTUINll,
Jt W. SOOTT & CO.,
SHIRT MANUFACTURERS,
AS it DJCALKRS IM
MEN'S FUltNIBJllNG GOODS,'
No. 814 ClltftNUT STHKKT,
"OUR DOORS BUXOW TI1K "CONTINENTAL,)
PATENT 8U0ULDER-SEAM
SHIRT MANUFACTORY,
AND UENTUESlKNN t'UBNsMIIINttsJTOBB
PKRFiXT FITTING SHIRTS AND DRAWKHS
Oiaile irom measurement al very short nonce.
All otber articles of UJb.NTLiilKN'H DRIBS
GOODS lit full variety.
WINCIIESTEB A CO.,
1 HI No. 7M CHE3ANUT Street.
LEGAL NOTICES.
IN THE ORPHANS' COURT FOR TIMS CUT.
AND COUNTY OP PHILADELPHIA.
I slate of JOHN MORRIS TA YLoR. Oewased
The Auditor appointed by the Mourl lo auilil, settle.
nd adjust the account ol ARTHUR W. COR1KK,
ACminittrator of lie estate of JOHN MOKUli
TAYLOR, deceased, and lo report distribution of
the balauce iu tbe nanus of the accouitLmit. w.u
j the iiaillua interested lor the uurpoaeN ol his au
' F ",m"a' OU y'-l.KSl)AY. JuneS, livi7.HUoolo.-lr
t v",,le ui saaiinnr, LOuli, Mo. 8 OS.
ill IH. bluet, iu tut uv ol Philadelphia, viism