TIJE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, THURSDAY, MAY.. 30, 18G7.
THE NEW YORK PRESS.
IDITOBUIi OPIKIOKlf OF THB LBAPIWO JOURNALS
CrOH CDBRBNT TOPICS OOMni.BD EVRBT
PAT FOB TUK BVBNIBO TKLKORAPH. f
Rrrori Corrected.
From the Tribune.
Terliftpa it is alwajs the wiser course to
leave misstatements und miMFpreheDstons to
the Blow but sure correction of time. If you
sbow that a charge is without foundation, you
are held to admit that the offense would be a
grave one if It were well founded; when that
may be Just what you would most strenuously
deny. Usually, the refutation of one falsehood
will serve as a pretest for uttering two or
three new ones.
Thus when I returned from Richmond, I
found the press ringing the changes on the
allegod officious, superservioeable, utterly
needless interposition of those Republicans
who signed Jeiforson Davis' bail-bond. That,
according to many, was the most aggravating
feature of the case. I was so good-natured as
to explain that the fact was the reverse of what
was thus asserted that Oerrit Smith and I
went to Richmond and Bigned that bond be
cause the counsel at whose request we acted
deemed it important that we should do so felt
that the Demooratio or Southern names they
could so abundantly proffer would not answer
ca wallthat some Republican names were, if
not absolutely requisite, at least exceedingly
desirable. Thus the charge of "rushing to the
resoue," "thrusting themselves in," "seeking
notoriety," etc., was utterly baseless.
"Oli, this is no exouse, etc. eto. etc, clamor
dozens is chorus. Why, gentlemen I it was not
offered as excuse, palliation, or anything of the
sort; but simply to refute your assertion that
this notoriety had been sought or courted by
these bondsmen.
So with the story that there were congratu
lations, eto. etc., on the part of those bonds
men that I had held a secret conference with
Davis, eto. eto. I never had any conference
or communication at all with him, save a few
Voids of thauka on his part in a crowded hall,
and a civil response from me. I had never
seen him to know him before, and never had
had any sort of communication with him.
Those who talk of this matter as concerning
only or mainly Jefferson Davis, take a very
narrow and shallow view of it. No individual
is of sufficient consequence to Justify a hun
dred newspaper paragraphs. But Jefferson
Davis in jail, awaiting a trial for treason which
no urgency, no importunity on the part of his
counsel could procure for him, stood as the
representative, the hostage, the scapegoat, of
several millions of our people, who, it had
been decided by force of arms, rightfully were
and must remain a part of us. It did not, and
does not seem to me desirable to brand the
crime of treason of felony on the brows of
these three or four millions of our country
men. May: it did not seem wise or well to
try thus to brand them, whether the attempt
was or was not likely to be crowned with suc
cess. There may be honest difference on this
point to-day; but who can believe that there
Will be any such difference five years hence ?
I felt confident that the bailing of Davia in
part by Northern Republicans would exert a
pacifying, reconciling influence at the South,
and was willing to incur some personal oblo
quy to this end; but I already realize that it
has done far more good than I anticipated,
l'rom every part of the South but Texas, I
Lave already trustworthy assurances that it
has been generally hailed as an overture to
conciliation an earnest of Northern goodwill
ana Kindness, mere is sun an lmpiaoably
Rebel faction in .the South which persists in
f rumbling and sneering; but this faction is
aily melting away; while a great aud increas
ing majority of tnose wiio nave been Rebels
are inclining tewards a prompt and hearty
compliance witn tne terms or the Military Re
construction act, and are anxious to return to
loyal self-government at the very earliest day.
Of the many radicals who have returned from
the South within the last ten days, I have not
met the first one who did not hail the libera
tion of Davis as fraught with healing in
fluences, and of beneficent promise to every
part of our country.
Some Journals have talked of my "com
plaining" of adverse criticism and the impu
tation of unworthy motives. I beg leave to
assure them that I complain of nothing, depre
cate nothing. Let every one free his mind
as to him shall seem good. There never
yet was an act so useful and noble that a
mean soul could not conceive a base motive
for it. The fitting answers to such detractors
are given by silence and time.
Those who are waiting for some defense,
explanation, or apology from me will wait
forever. My action in the premises has done
more good than I expected, and at less per
sonal cost. I may never again have an
opportunity to do so beneficent an act, but
should I have, I shall certainly be encouraged
by this experience to improve the opportunity.
II. a.
Thi Jeff. DtTli Bull Bond Seeds
of a
Revolution.
From the Herald.
Seven years ago, when Jefferson Davia and
his Southern colleagues arrogated to them
selves the right to withdraw from the confede
ration of States and break up the Union, on
the principle of the absolute sovereignty o
the individual States and the natural right of
revolution, they found a certain set of coadju
tors in the North who aided them in the pre
liminary movements which produced the
bloody four years' war of the Rebellion.
Theso accessories before the fact were distinct
from the Copperhead Democracy, whose politi
cal affiuities put them in direct sympathy with
the Rebels, and induced the latter to count with
confidence upon their active co-operatton. The
assistance to which we allude cams frrxu a
different source from Greeley, Chase, and
fetanton, who were strongly identified with the
opponents of the South, and reoognized as
leaders in the anti-slavery party of the North.
These men Justified secession, and their aotion
was the more dangerous because of the ser
vices they had rendered in the cause of uni
versal freedom, aud on account of their pro
minence in the Republican party. While the
Democrats tremblingly hesitated to fulfil the
expectations they had held out to the South,
Greeley and his associates openly concurred in
and supported the Southern arguments in
favor of the right of secession. They declared
that if a majority of the people of a sovereign
State decided to withdraw from the Union
they had the power and the right to do so and
protested against compelling the allegian'oe of
any State by the power of the bayonet.
The secession they had Justified came upon
ns, and was followed by the terrible war which
Involved so much loss and suffering upon the
nation. The people of the loyal North resolved
that the Government should not be destroyed,
and their voice was so unanimous that the
radical Northern advocates dT the right of
secession were compelled to give way, The
Copperhead Democracy, it is true, continued
to make a feeble effort to paralyze the power
of the North, and to aid the Rebel arms; but
their sympathy was unproductive of any real
benefit to the Southern cause, and exhausted
itself in a foolish declaration in the Chicago
Convention that the war was a failure. Gree
ley, Chase, and their associates became the
fiercest denouncers of treason, and insisted not
only on putting down the Rebellion and pre
serving the Union, but on dictating to the
army and managing its campaigns.
Hut now that the war is over, instead of
acting on the principle upon which it was
carried on, the right of the nation to crush a
rebellion and punish the traitors who oreated
it, these same men have associated themselves
with a very singular set of persons in se
curing the reloase of Jeff. Davis, the repre
sentative head of the whole Rebellion, on
straw bail, and his escape from punishment.
Chase, as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court
of the United States, has quietly suffered the
great culprit to slip through his fingers, while ,
Greeley has united with Gerrit Smith, Bon
Wood, John Minor Boots, and othora in a
curious hotchpotch calle4 bail bond, in
order to effect the liberation of the ex-leader
of the Southern Confederacy from jail.
Here Is a proceeding liberating the greatest
criminal this country has ever seen on similar
sort of bail as would be required in a case of
petty larceny. Aa a legal event it is most
singular, aud shows the extraordinary skill
with which one of the greatest lawyers of
our State has managed to make the same men
who got up and justified the Rebellion come
together again on a common ground, and de
clare that it was only a venial offense, and de
serving no more severe punishment than
might be awarded to petty larceny. But in
another view the act of Greeley, Chase, aud
their associates is creating great excitement
all over the States, and laying the ground
work of a sweeping revolution. Kvery one
may be willing to give Greeley, Ben Wood,
Gerrit Smith, and John Minor Botts all the
credit for humanity they may desire; but it
is clear that the Republican party regard
this act of one of their prominent leaders in a
very serious light.
It stultifies the whole war for the suppres
sion of the Rebellion, aud leaves the conviction
on the publio mind that the three thousand
millions of dollars and the half million of
lives which it has cost the North have been
thrown away to no purpose. It makes the
loyal people ask themselves why there should
not be a blotting out of the penalties of the
war in the North as well as in the South. It
suggests the question, if the Rebels of the
South, who brought this war upon the coun
try, are to be granted universal amnesty, and
the negroes of the South are to be endowed
with the right of suffrage, why should the
loyal masses of the North, who have fought
aud suffered to preserve the Government, be
subjected to bear the heavy burden of the war
debt, and to see their hard earnings wrung
from them by the hundreds of millions every
year by the tax gatherer f Why, in short,
should the Southern leaders the real crimi
nals in the wicked Rebellion be protected and
released from all punishment, and the North
ern people the victims of the treason be com
pelled to bear all its pains and penalties ?
More of the Fenian Nonitnic,
From the Times.
It is not altogether easy to comprehend the
purport of the recent telegrams we have been
receiving in regard to the fate of the Fenian
convicts in Ireland. The extraordinary an
nouncement was made the other day that one
of the prisoners whose sentence had been
commuted to imprisonment for life, was, on
second thought of the British Fremier, to be
hung after all. This statement was sufficiently
absurd not to mislead any one above the intel
ligence of a subscriber to the Fenian five
twenty loan. On Monday there came a variety,
not of facts, but of opinions as to the inten
tions of the British Cabinet all of a sort more
or less confounding. On Tuesday again we had
to make room for further speculations ; first,
as to the determination of the Queen's advisers
in regard to the ultimate disposition of the
convicts ; next, as to the views of the press of
England and Ireland, and, after that, as to
what Mr. Adams might do if certain other
things should be done.
If there were any danger of a Feniau, either
of high or low degree, being hung in Ireland
or elsewhere for taking to the pastime of re
bellion, it would be proper for us all to get,
perhaps, more or less sentimental over these
cable reports, unintelligible as they are. But
as no one of ordinary sense believes that the
convicted Uead Centres are in greater danger
of being hung than Jefferson Davis' friends are
of having to pay the forfeit of his bail, we can
restrain our anxieties for another occasion.
The mail will bring us some translation of the
wild story of a prisoner who was let off with
imprisonment for life, being ordered back to
the scaffold by the Queen's principal adviser.
At present it is only translatable, thus far,
that it is transparent nonsense almost as
transparent, in fact, as the stories we get here
of every second Irishman's house in New
York having been turned into a Fenian
arsenal.
It ought to be nearly time to get rid of all
this rubbish. The industry of the country is
in none too forward a state. The taxes weigh
heavily upon us all, employers and employes,
producers and consumers. We shall have all
the fighting we want for the next decade, at
least on the plains; or, if we should have to
take an extra turn outside of the Indian Ter
ritory, our people will insist on choosing their
own time to open the quarrel. They will not
accept the responsibilities of a declaration of
war by a set of swindling adventurers,
whether they come from Ireland or anywhere
else.
Disfranchisements Under the Recon.
Itmctlon Act.
From the Tribune.
The interpretation given to the Reconstruc
tion act by Attorney-General Stanbery is prac
tically as important and authoritative as if it
weie pronounced by the Supreme Court, since
no appeal can possibly be taken from the
action of the military commanders, who will
be guided by the opinion just published. It
therefore merits a very careful consideration;
for upon this basis the entire work of reorga
nization will proceed. The opinion of Mr.
Stanbery on all matters other than those re
lating to disfranchisement ia not likely to be
the subject of dispute, and need not be re
viewed at length. He holds that the decisions
of the Board of Registration are final; that
every applicant for registration must be
twenty-one years old when registered, but
need not have been one year in the State until
the election, and that none but citizens of the
United States can vote.
The disfranchising clauses of the aot, added
to the original Sherman amendment by Mr.
ShelUbarger, were doubtless Intended to have
a broader operation than the rules of legal in
terpretation will allow. These -clauses were
drawn up in great haste, and adopted as a
compromise, without the benefit of debate,
which might have drawn attention to their
loope expression. Why the error should not
have been corrected In the Supplemental act,
which was framed with more delilmration, it la
not easy to explain, unlesa by supposing that
Congress was so anxious to show good faith in
adheiing to the aot of the previous session aa a
finality, that it preferred to leave a defect un
cured rather than expose itself to the charge
of vacillation. However this may be, it is cer
tain that both acts profess to exclude from the
right of suffrage all "who may have been dis
franchised for participation in the Rebellion,"
and yet that no one is so disfranchised in any
of the States affected by this act otherwise than
by other clauses of the act itself. This is very
clearly stated by Mr. Stanbery; and the excep
tion which he suggeste may exist in Virginia
was, we are very confident, abrogated in 18(5.
This clause is, therefore, substantially a nullity.
The remaintng text of the two statutos them
selves ia the only authority for excluding
from the polls any one who formerly had a
right to vote. The oath prescribed by the
Supplementary act declares in effect that the
applicant for registration has never engaged
in rebellion against the United States, nor
given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof,
after having been a member of a State Legis
lature, or an executive or judicial officer of a
State, or after having taken an oath as such,
or as a member of Congress, or as an officer of
the United States, to support the Constitution
of the United States. The Attorney-General
holds that this oath does not exclude members
of a State Convention as such, that body being
entirely distinguishable from a Legislature
In this he is perfectly right, and we only re
gret that he could not have so instructed Mr.
Johnson in 1SG5, and thus have saved the
latter from the error of assuming, as he did,
that electors of a Convention must necessarily
have the same qualifications aa electors of
Lecislature.
The State officers who, in Mr. Stanbery's
judgment, are disfranchised, are only those
who, in a proper sense, are officers of the
State, and not mere officers of a municipality.
lie does not cite any authority for this propo
sition, but there ia a very respectable decision
directly in point in the 3d of Harrington's
(Delaware) Reports, in which it was held that
a provision in the Constitution forbidding
clergymen from holding office did not extend
to municipal offices. Mr. Stanbery may find
it desirable to reler to this case (the btate act.
Wilmington) in preparing his opinion upon
the questions he has reserved. Militia oluoers,
and. persons who have held offices of a purely
non-political character, such as notaries, State
directors of public institutions, eto., are held
not to be disfranchised by the act. But the
officers of the United States, of every species
and grade, civil or military, executive, legisla
tive, or judicial, are held to be within the ,
statute, though whether mere commissioners
to take acknowledgments, or similar officials,
are within this class, Mr. Stanbery does not
say. They are so few, however, that the ques
tion is uniiaportaut.
Farticipation in the Rebellion, it is held, j
must have been voluntary, in order to dis-,
franchise, and must have consisted of some
thing more than mere co-operation in preserv
ing the usual forms of local government.
Judges, sheriffs, county clerks, mayors, etc.
etc., are not to be considered as engaging in
rebellion, or even as giving aid and comfort to
Rebels, by performing the ordinary duties of
such offices during the Rebellion. The result
of the Attorney-General's interpretation of the
law is to reduce the scope of the disfranchising
clauses to very narrow limits. Unless those
who hold the policy of exclusion and disfran
chisement to be necessary can persuade Con
gress to amend the law in July, which is very
improbable, they will have to accept pretty
nearly the programme of impartial; suffrage
which the Tribune has constantly advocated.
The people of the South, both white and
colored, are now relieved from a widespread
misapprehension as to the extent of disfran
chisement. We trust that all classes will be encouraged
thereby to pursue the right path, which ia
clearly that of loyalty to the Union, combined
with forbearance towards each other. There
has been rather too much reliance placed upon
disfranchisement as a means of securing
majorities for loyal men. It seems to us an
undesirable source of power, and while in par
ticular States it has been, and perhaps still is,
a necessity, it ought not to be universally
required. It cannot last, and has an unhealthy
effect while it does last. We hope to see large
Union majorities secured in the South, not by
the exclusion of classes from the polls, but by
the free action of the whole people. We ex
pect to see political privileges abused by large
numbers of malignant men; but they would
not be excluded by any conceivable interpre
tation of the law; while their evil tempera
would be only aggravated by restrictions which,
they would be conscious, were aimed at them,
but fell short of the mark.
Capture of Maximilian Dominion of the
Old World In the Mew.
From the World.
It now lacks nine years of a century since
the whole American Continent, from the
Arctio Ocean to Cape Horn, was subject to
European domination. It is quite possible
that before a full century from the Declaration
of Independence has elapsed, every claim to
sueh dominion in every part of America will
have been extinguished. The failure of France
to establish a throne in Mexico merely de
monstrates the futility of any reactionary
movement against the tendencies which have
well-nigh emancipated the continent. The
great work of independence ia steadily pro
gressing in the order of nature, and the fall
of Maximilian will probably accelerate
its completion by convincing &H the powers
which retain oolouial claims in the
Western hemisphere of the impossibility of
a permanent tenure. Russia has just
given up hers for a satisfactory compen
sation; Great Britain, in establishing the
"Dominion of Canada," asserts iu words an
authority which she is preparing to relin
quish in fact, and it is rumored that she is
negotiating with our Government for the
cession to us of her American possessions on
the Faciflc coast. Everybody sees that the
consolidation of the Provinces must result in
their early independence; and with the new
confederation independent, Great Britain
would find her strip of coast on the Faciflo
a troublesome incumbrance always ready to
drop, like a ripe pear, into the lap of the
United States. It is therefore quite credible
that her statesmen are willing to follow the
example of the Czar, and transfer, at a good
price, what she cannot expect long to hold.
So far as our country is concerned, there are,
of course, objections to increasing our colos
sal national debt; but the Russian purchase
has cost less than three days' army expendi
tures at some periods of the war, and it is
far better to spend money in buying territory
than in slaughtering American laborers, and
abridging the productive power ef the nation.
When Europe shall have been completely
excluded from the American continent, it la
not in the order of nature that her joverelnns
should retain the outlying islands. Hie
islands are natural appendages of the conti
nent, and should be embraced in the same
political system. It is as contrary to fitness,
that the American islands should belong to the
political system of Europe, as it would be for
the Urllisn isihiius vu im liiciuueu m mo
political system of America. Outlying islands
are a sort 01 satellites 10 meir comments; moy
should go with them politically, as they do
geographically. The reason why European
dominion has greater longevity in the islands
. . 1 1 ! 11... 1
tban on mo mainland in, uutv uie wars oy
which the English and Spanish colonies wou
independence were land struggles, none of the
colonies, at the time of achieving thoir free
dom, having had a naval lorce capable of
coping with the mother country on the ocean.
None of the American islands is large
enough to become an independent country,
and the naval superiority of Europe has kept
them subject to the original claimants. The
United States ia the only American power
that has ever had a considerable navy; but
with the exception of the Bermudas there are
no islands near our coast belonging to any
power with whom we have ever been at war,
and at the time of our last war with Great
Britain we were not strong enough on the
ocean to seize these. Our proximity to the
Bahamas is the result of our subsequent acqui
sition of Florida. We have peacefully extin
guished, by purchase, the European title to
large areas of territory adjacent to our own.
but we have taken no active interest in any of
the American islands, except L-uba. To thia
our Government long ago asserted a reversion
ary claim by declaring that it should never
pass from Spain to any other sovereignty than
our own.
We have made one or two unsucoossful at
tempts to purchase it, ana we suppose no
American doubts that it will ultimately be
ours. The abolition of slavery in the United
States, Russia, and Brazil, betokening its
sreedy extinction everywhere, is favorable to
our early acquisition of Cuba. Spain cannot
long resist the universal tendenoy of the age,
and with the example of Jamaica before her.
she cannot expect the island to continue profit
able after the emancipation 01 the negroes. It
is probable, therefore, that altered clrcum
stances and prospects will abate her reluotanoe
to sell it. But when we have aonuired Cuba.
and when Mexico and the South American
nations come to have navies, manifest destiny
will speedily displace the island dominion of
Europe in this hemisphere.
There is no hazard in predicting that the
whole American continent and neighboring
islands will be emancipated liom European
control; but ia it equally clear that republican
ideas of government are to predominate in the
independent New World f This is a question
to which no thoughtful person would assume
to give a dogmatic answer; but all the main
tendencies, so far aa they are yet disclosed,
point toward s the universal prevalence of re pub
licanism. We do not overlook the existence
of monarchy in Brazil, the incipient tendency
to kingship in Canada, nor the great strides
towards centralization in the United States
But all these are abnormal. They are against
the predominant current of American ideas.
The Brazilian monarchy ia a consequence of the
original absurdity of making that vast terri
tory a satellite of an insignificant patch of the
Spanish peninsula. It is a relic of that sub
jngation to Europe from which the American
continent is not yet quite tree.
"Now half appeared
The tawny lion, pawiuu to koi free
His binder parls; then springs as broke from
bonus.
And rampant shakes his brindled mane."
In like manner, the Canadian monarchy, if
there should be one, will be a mere navel
maik left by the peaceful -severance of the
umbilical cord which binds that vast country
to Britain. Mischievous as some recent ten
dencies are in the United States, they do not
bear in the direction of monarchy. The nulli
fication and almost complete prostration of
executive influence, and the supremacy
claimed for the elected representatives of the
people, point rather to the absolute tyranny
of political majorities than to the despotism of
an individual. We have not and never can
have on this continent (certainly not in the
next century or two) an aristocracy of birth
and blood, which, in the Old World, forms
one of the chief supports of a throne. Our
aristocracy on this continent is an aristocracy
of wealth, and the equal division of estates
prevents the building up of great families.
The openings for enterprise on a new conti
nent enable parvenus to eclipse our oldest
houses. The levelling political tendency also.
stronger at this moment than it has ever been
before, is an active force operating for the per
petuity of republicanism.
The -very principle which called for the
severance of this continent from political de
pendence on Europe, contains the essence of
the republicanism of which America is the
natural home. We commenced our Declaration
of Independence by proclaiming human equal
ity, meaning no more by this fruitful dogma
than that men on the Western Continent
rightfully owe no more subjection to men on
the Eastern, than men on the Eastern Conti
nent do to those on the Western. But if the
dogma be true as a justification for throwing
off the Old World yoke, it is equally true aa
a ground for disputing the control of one
class, order, or race of men over an nuel, in
the same country, or, at all events, this is
the chief practical use which has been made
of it. From which it appears that the germs
of republicanism were deeply planted in the
very fact of separation, and that one of the
supposed logical consequences of continental
independence ia institutions founded on equal
ity of political rights.
REMOVAL.
R
A..
E M 0 V A U.
Sc II.LEJAMBRE.
Late No. 1012 Cbesnut street, have removed their
FURNITURE AND UPHOLSTERY WAREROOMS
Wo Mo. 1103 CIIKBHCT STHEKT,
UP BTA1R&
420 3m
b 0. ROBI NOON
No. OlO OII12SNUT STREET,
Is In receipt to-day of an Invoice of
FINE CHROJIOS, ENGRAVINGS,
ETC. ETC.,
Which are now open for examination.
"Peace and War,' by G. Doree." "Last Rose ot
Bummer." "Cromwell and Family," "Borneo and
Juliet," "Blar ot Bethlehem," are well worthy the
attention of the admlrei of arU 16
T.
it ZIMMERMAN'S
HOTEL AND BGmVBlaT,
(tATE P. HKBMBYKR'S), , '
S. W. COB.aBTEB A WO EXCHANGE NTS.
PUILADKWUIA. SUlm.
Carpctings, Canton Mattings, Oil Cloths.
Great Variety, Lowest Cash Prices.
HEEVE L. KNIGHT & SON, .
KO. 807 CIIESNUT STBKET,
(BeUw the Olrard House).
SPECIAL NOTICES.
&ST UMON LEAGUE HOUSE,
MAY 15. 1867,
At a meeting ot the Bonrd ot Director of the
UNION LEAUUK OF PHILADELPHIA, held
March II, 1807, the following Preamble and Resolu
tions were adopted:
'Whereas, In a republican form ot government It la
of the highest Importance that the del gates or the
people, to whom the sovereign power is entrusted,
should be so selected as to truly represent the body
I. oil tic, and there being no provision oi law whereby
the people may be organized for the purpose of such
selection, and all parties having recognized the neces
sity of such organization by the formation of volun
tary associations tor this purpose, and
Whereas, There are grave detects existing under
the present sjBtem of voluntary organization, whloh
It Is believed may be corrected by suitable provisions
of law; now, therefore, be It
Resolved, By the Beard of Directors of the UNION
LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA, that the Secretary
be and la hereby directed to offor eleven hundred dol
lars la prizes for essays on the legal organization of
the people to select candidates for oOlce, the prizes to
be as follows, vis.:
The sum of five hundred dollars for that essay
which. In the Judgmeut of the Board, shall be Ural In
the order of merit;
Three hundred dollars tor the second;
Two hundred for the third, and
One hundred for the fourth.
The conditions upon which these prizes are offured
are as follows, viz.:
First. All essays competing for these prizes must be
addressed to GEORGE II. BOKER, Secretary of the
Union League of Philadelphia, and must be received
by him before the FIRST DAY OF JANUARY, 1868.
and no communication having the author's name at
tached, or with any other Indication of origin, will be
considered.
Becond. Accompanying every competing essay, the
author must enclose his name and address within a
sealed envelope, addressed to the Secretary of the
Union League. After the awards have been made, the
envelopes accompanying the successful essays shall
be opened, and the authors notified of the result.
Third. All competing essays shall become the pro
perty of the Union League; but no publication of
rejected essays, or the names of their authors, shall
he made without consent of tne authors In writing.
By order ot the Board ot Directors.
UEORUE II. BOKER,
5181m SECRETARY.
REPUBLICAN 8TATB CONVENTION.
Habfikbcrg, April 16, 1867. The "Republican
Slate Convention" will meet at the "Herdlc House."
Iu Willliimsport, on WEDNESDAY, the 28th day of
June next, at iu o'ciocic a. oi., to nominate a candi
date lor Judge of the Supreme Court, and to Initiate
proper measures for the ensulDg State cauvass.
As beretolore, the Convention will be composed of
T I .. a..,. U ...... I .... t I nuUnalo. ,
the usual way, and eiual tu number to the whole of
tne beoniors ana .ttepreseniuuves in me uenerai
Assembly.
Uy order of the State Central Committee.
J. Kohlicy Dunolisow, "secretaries.
S20 31C
K5F UNITED STATES ASSESSOR'S OFFICE,
MM DISTRICT PENNSYLVANIA. No.
224 a FOURTH Ktret. jyotlce la bertby given tliaC
the Annual LLsts, Valuations, and Enumerations, con
sisting of incomes tor the year lata, articles comprised
In Schedule A, aud Special Taxes for the yeur ex
piring May 1. 1868, made and taken In this District Iu
I urhunnce ol the provisions of the United Slates c x
c:se Laws, will be open tor examination on WED
NKtsDAY, May 20. 18U7, and remain epen uutll
THURSDAY, Juna 13, 1867.
Appials relative Uitreto will be heard and deter
mined by the Assessor during the above period be
tween the hours oi V A. M. and 4 P. M. of each day.
All appeals must be In writing, specilytnic the particu
lar csube, matter, or thing respecting which a decision
Is requested, and must lurther stale the ground or
principle ot inequality 'complained of. Sworn testi
mony will be required. Any person, firm, company,
or corporation exercising or carrying on auy trade,
business or profession, upon which a Special i ax has
been Imposed by law.wlibout payment thereof, are
reminded that, besides beiug liable for the tax, a
penally ot not less thau ten nor more tban Ave bun
drtd dollars will be Imposed lor each otlV'nse.
6 28 3t JOHN W. FRAZIEU. Assessor.
3T UNION PACIFIC RAILWAY COMPANY, E. D.
OFFICE, NO. 491 WALNUT HTBEKT,
.. Philadelphia, May 21, 1807.
The INTEREST IN GOLD, on the FIRST MORT
GAGE BONDS OF THE UNION PACIFIC RAIL
WAY COMPANY. EASTERN DIVISION, DUE
JUNE 1, will be paid on presentation of the Coupons
therefor, on and after that date, at the Banking
House ot
DAB9IET, MOHAN A CO.,
No. S3 EXCHANGE PLACE, New York.
(Signed)
S 21 tulhsiot
WILLIAM J.
PALMER.
Treasurer.
EST THE OFFICE OF
The Liverpool, New York, and Phila
delphia Steamship Company,
"Inman Line,"
Has been removed from No. Ill WALNUT Street, to
. NO. 411 t il ESN UT STREET.
8 82ftrp JOHN Q. DALE. Agent.
KSBr OFFICE PENNSYLVANIA KAILK0A1
COMPANY.
Philadelphia, May 4. 1887.
The Board of Directors have this day declared a
seiul-annual Dividend of THREE PER CENT, on the
Capital block ot the Company, clear of National aud
biute Taxes, payable In Cash ou and alter Mnv so.
They have also declared an EXTRA DIVIDEND
Of FIVE PER CENT., based upon prolits earned
prior to January 1, 1807, clear ot National and State
Taxes, payable In Stock ou and alter May 80, at Its
par value of Fifty Dollars per share tho shares for
Stock Dividend to be dated May 1, 13o7.
Scrip Cenliicutes will be lsxued lor fractional parts
ot shres: said Scilp will not be entitled to any lute
rest or Dividend, but will be convertible lulo block
when presented In sums of Fifty Dollars.
Powers of attorney for .collect Ion ol Dividends can
be had on application at the Ollice of the Company.
N o. IUH S. THIRD Street.
6 4 itut THOMAS T. FIRTn, Treasurer.
irr?r OFFICE OF THE LEHIGLI COAL AND
IW NAVIGATION COMPANY.
Philadelphia, May 28, 1867,
The Board of Managers have this day declared a
dividend of THREE PER CENT., or ON E DOLLAR
AND A HALF per shure on the Capilul Slock ot this
Company, clear ot Ulilted btutes aud Ktate tuxes, pay
able ou demand. SOLOMON SHEPHERD,
28 Bt Treasurer.
NOT1CE.-PT. LOUI3. ALTON. AND
TEKRE HAUTE RAILROAD nillPlNV
The Anuuul Meeting of the Bondholders and stock
holders ot this Compuny will be held at tneir oUloe,
In the City of r-T. LOUIS, on MONDAY, the 8d day
of June next, at 3 o'clock In the aiu-moon ot that day.
for the ELECT ION of THIRTEEN DIRECTORS lor
the ensuing year, and tor the transaction ol auy other
business which may be brought before them.
The 1 ranster Hooks of the Company will be closed
on SATURDAY, the 4th day ot May next, aud will be
opened on TUESDAY, the 41 U day ot June. Dated
oi. j.oniB, April jsi7.
a 10 1st By ordor. II. C. BRYANT. Setfy.
KZ5J STOCKHOLDERS' MEETING. THE
, FARMERS' and MECHANICS' NATIONAL
BANK,
Philadbi.i'hia, May 29, 1867.
A Oenertfl Meeting of the stockholders of The
Farmers' aud Mechanics' National Hank or Pl Ha
de rh'a will beheld at the HAN KINO HOU8K, on
SATUUDAY, the 2Ulh day of June next, at twelve
o'cloik, noon, tor the purpose of taking Into coiinuier
alion and deciding upou amendments ot the T'nird
aud Filth ot the Articles of Association of the said
Bank.
By order of the Board of Directors.
H8tJi W, RUSUTON. JB..Caihler,
REMOVED.
OUR BEDDING STORE
I! BEHOVED
FKOJI THE OLD STAND TO
No. 11 South NINTH Street. ;
8 27 I KNIGHT fc HOST.
MILLINERY, TRIMMINGS, ETC
cjp, SPRING AND SUMMER
FASHIONS
or
HONS ETA
II ATS,
IXOWEBS,
FEATIIEBS,
BRIDAI. WBEATIIft, BIBBOMS,
LACES,
OBNANEHTS,
FBA9IBS
ETC. ETC. ETO
NOW OPEN,
THE ABOVE SPLENDID STOCK
OP
MILLINERY GOODS,
i
AT THE ESTABLISHMENT OF
MAD'LLE KEOGH,
IVo. 004 W-A.L1NTJX St.,
WHOSE ELEGANT SBOW ROOMS have already
been visited by numerous purchasers: and she respect
fully announces that she la constantly receiving NE W
STYLES, and selling always at LOW PRICES.
MOrRiTOG MILLINER!
BECE1VES AT II Eli ESTABLISHMENT
HOST SPECIAL ATTENTION, AND
TIIEBEFOUE SUE OFFEBM TUB BEST
STOCIi. OF
MOTJR1NI1XG BOIYINEXS
IN TUB CITY.
" MAD'LLE KEOGH,
4 U thsto8m NO. 004 WALK UT STBEET.
O URNI NC MILLINERY.
ALWAYS ON HAND A LARGE ASSORTMENT OIT
MOURNING BOININISXS,
AT KO. 004 WALNUT STBEET. .
MAD'LLE KEOCH.
31 US. It. DILLON,
NOS. S28 AND SSI SOUTH STREET,
NKRY l,nl80,n "ortment of BPRINQ MTLLX-
1 adles', Misses', and Children's Straw and Fancy
Bonnets and Hat of the latest stylos.
Also, bilks. Velvets, Ribbons, Crapes, Feathers.
Flowers, Frames, etc. 7is
FURNISHING GOODS, SH1RTS.&C.
.1 W M. HOFMANN.
KO. NOBTII EIU1ITU STBEET, '"
HOSIERY COODO.
A LARGE ASSORTMENT OF HOSIERY OF
ENGLISH AND GERMAN MANUFACTURES,
For Ladles', Gents', and Children's Wear, ;
LADIES' 9IEB1NO AND 1IEBINO UAUAfl
VESTS.
MISSES HEBINO AND 91 EH IN O fiAVU
VENTS' HEBINO, S1EBINO AUIE,COT.
TON, AND HEAVY ALL-WOOL SIIIBTS
AN I DBAW EBM.
YOUTHS' HEBINO COTTON. AND JI6
BlHtt UAIIU1 fcUlUT sttutha
J W. SOOTT & OO.,
SHIRT MANUFACTURERS.
AMD V1LAJLK.HM IM
MEN'S FUHN1SH1NO QOOD8,
n. 814 chesnut stbeet,
four doors below the -continental.)
.. . lUII.Alllfl.FHlA-
7rj
PATENT SHOULDER-SEAM
SHIRT MAWUFACTORY, t
AND UENTLEMEN'M FUBNaSHINOSTOBJI
PERFECT FIT-UNO SHIRTS AND DRAWERS
made from naeasureuieui al .very ' l" ?;,',2,,tti oss
All oilier articles ol UENILEMAJN'S DRIBS
GOODS In full variety.
WINC'UENTEB COM
No. 7U CHEHNUT Stn.
I 111
BOOK AND JOB FBIITTINO,
v
v OF ALL, KINDS.
EXECUTE WITH NEATNESS AND D ESJMJJ
JOMS & THACIIER, b'10 MINOR
IWba . '