THE NEW YORK PRESS.
BP1TOTHAL OPINION OF TUB I.KADTHO JOCRSA.IJS
CPOH CURRENT TOPICS COMP1LKD KVKRT
DAT VOH THE EVENING TEI.KGRATH.
Peace Prospects In Knrojtt-A Congress
of Soy erclgus.
From the Time.
Those who are willing to believe in a sign
Of enduring peaco may find some gleam of
lomfort in the cable telegram published in
iLo Times of Sunday. The sovereigns of all
the leading European powers and the Sultan
of Turkey are to be in Paris at an early day.
For what speciQc purpose we shall learn anon.
The Exhibition must be an attraction, but
it is difficult to see how it should bring to
gether such an august company, Just at one
particular moment for the date of their
appearance in Paris is almost definitely fixed
n the despatch. The Emperors of Hussia
and Austria, the King of Prussia, and the
"sick" sovereign of Turkey are advertised at
the Tuileries in about two weeks from Satur
day last. The Queen of England's presence
was pledged for the Exhibition seme time
ago. She is not, however, named in con
nection with the present gathering of crowned
heads; but the omission may be accidental.
Or, if it is not accidental, the meeting may be
of none the less political significance.
The part which England seems desirous,
hereafter, to fill in the settlement of conti
nental disputes, ia probably a less ambitious
one than might have been supposed, looking
to the r6le which Lord Stanley was believed to
have played in the Luxembourg drama. The
text of the treaty which was the result of the
London Conference rather releases the British
Government from obligations which have ex
isted since the settlement of Vienna, than
imposes upon it any new responsibilities. The
guarantee for the final disseverance of the
German relationships of the Duchy, and for
making it a permanent appanage of Holland,
Bo far as England is concerned, is not one
either of an individual or separate character,
but is collective in its nature. If the whole of
the tntorvening powers can agree to act, in the
event. of future disputes, then England has
pledged herself to act. If not, not.
There can be nothing clearer than the terms
In which Lord Stanley put the case when ques
tioned in the Commons as to the work of the
Conference. Lord Derby's language in the
Upper House was also unambiguous. The
Queen's Government, in short, hold them
selves, under the. stipulations of the London
treaty, to be absolved from pledges of active
intervention, which have long been morally
binding upon them. Referring to the text of
the treaty as quoted by the Marquis de Mous
tier, in the French Legislative body, the
French Minister very clearly desires it to be
understood that, while the formal plea for a
Conference on the Luxembourg question was
made by the King of Holland, the inspiration
of that plea came from the Sovereign of
France. In the Minister's speech whether
by design or not we cannot say the part
taken by the British Secretary and his Royal
Mistress in the matter of the Conference is
entirely ignored. The friendly intervention
Which led to the Conference is credited, in
terms as explicit as diplomatio politeness
Would permit, to the Grand Duke who pro
posed to make merchandise of his province,
and to the Imperial capitalist who was ready
to bay it.
From this development of the situation we
gather that it is decidedly agreeable to France
that England should be taken at her word,
when she disclaims all desire to intervene
actively in the future regulation of the politi
cal divisions of Europe. And if Lord Stanley
and Lord Derby are sincere, as they must be
assumed to be, in protesting that the British
Government has now its feet clearer of the
'enarl and trammels of continental politics
than before the recent Conference, the presence
of the Queen at the promised meeting of
Sovereigns in Taris would hardly be looked
for, even were it in accordance with British
constitutional tisages to assign ministerial
duty to the sovereign in person. The Queen's
direct appeal to her royal relative in Prussia,
When the war crisis seemed to have been
reached, was a timely, but altogether an extra
constitutional act. Its influence vrm more
purely personal than political, and was just
one of those exceptional acts in the working
of responsible government which justify them
selves only by results.
The meeting of the "four leading sovereigns
Of the Continent of Europe with the head and
representative of the power whose position
gives most cause of uneasiness to day through
out Europe, is a fact to which more than ordi
nary significance will be attached. It is true,
as everybody remembers, that within little
more than two years after the first "World's
Fair," when the nations seemed to have begun
to fraternize in earnest, the war between Rus
sia and the Anglo-French allies broke out.
J3ut the policy of Western Europe was then
controlled by traditions, and by a class of
statesmen that have passed away for good.
The dread of Russian aggression has no such
hold on the English or the French mind as it
had fifteen or twenty years ago. A proposal
to discuss the real position of the "sick man"
would not, to-day, occasion the shout of alarm
that it did when the Emperor Nicholas ven
tured to open his mind to Sir Hamilton Sey
mour. Englishmen and Frenchmen, equally
With Austrians and Italians, could sit down
and calmly contemplate the whole subject, not
only in the light of that most fruitless of all
conlliots the Crimean war but in view, as
well, of the recent struggles of the Christian
, races to release themselves from the rule of
the Mussulman. At Paris if the Sultan
Should go thither he is sure to hear what the
decided opinion of Europe has come to bo on
the Cretan insurrection. There, if the East
ern question is not brought to a final and per
fect solution, it may, at least, be looked at in
its plain, naked aspect, and without unduly
exciting jealousies of territorial aggrandize
ment by any one of the leading powers.
Simple Taon-Tlie Iuue Between
UrseUy ud th. Republicans.
From the SeraUL
Greeley justifies the release of JeiT. Davis on
.Straw bail, because he has been lying in jail
for two years "unindicted for anything but
Simple treason." This "simple treason." in
the eyes of Greeley, is nothing but a venal
transgression, for which two years' imprison
ment is sufficient atonement. If coinplicitv
in the assassination of President Lincoln one
fiinsrle victim out of the hundreds Of illMl
sands sacrificed to the Rebellion oould !.
Leen established acrainst Jeff. Davis, or if ha
could have been held "in any maimer respon
sible for the murder or our capiurea soldiers,"
that would have been altogether a different affair
Lut as he was "not even indicted" for those
flenses, and only stood charged with "simple
treason." Ureeley considers mmaeu iunyjus
tided in aidinz to set him free on straw bail
and proclaiming to the world his innocence of
any serious crime.
TIIE DAILY
This is precisely the point upon which the
great nws of the loyal people of the Union
will take issue with Greeley and his stra bail
oixration. While very few pcrsous bdieve
that Jeff. Davis had an active share in the
assassination of President Lincoln, everybody
of common sensp, and Greeley among the
number, knows that the crime was the natural
e fleet of the Rebellion and its exciting appeals
to the prejudices and passions of reckless men.
Jeff. Davis may not with hia own hands have
snatched the food from the starving Union
soleiers at Andersonville, Salisbury, and
Millen, or shot them down wheu in their
despair they cast themselves beyond the "dead
lino" of their prison-pens; but as the head of
the Relel armies and the ruler of the Con
federacy ho had supreme power over his
subordinates, and was responsible for the
treatment ot his prisoners. If the captured
Rebels confined in the loyal States had been
left to rot and die by the ten thousand
in Northern prisons, would the Copper
heads who now pat Greeley on the
shoulder and pour sixty thousand dollars'
worth of Corporation advertising iuto his lap,
have acquitted the Republican President of all
responsibility for their murder? The people
' hold that the Rebellion was a great crime, and
not a "simple" and venial offense; and out of
it grew the heavy sufferings of the nation; the
loss of millions of treasure; the desolation of
hundreds of thousands of homes; the horrors
of the Confederate prison pens; the assassina
tion of Lincoln, and all. They are not willing
to allow the master spirit of the Rebellion to
go unpunished, and the arm of the law to be
paralyzed by the special p!ea3 and quibble3
put forth by Jeff. Davis' straw bail. An in
cendiary who sets fire to a dwelling does not
directly take the live3 of the victims who
perish in the flames; but he is nevertheless
held responsible for their fate, and suffers the
penalty awarded to wilful murder.
The cry of the Republican party, and Gree
ley among tho rest, has been "punish the
Rebel leaders and let the misled masses go."
The principal count in their indictment against
Andrew Johnson is, that he has shown too
much leniency and sympathy towards the
leading Rebels. But now Greeley turns round
and stultifies his party and justifies Johnson
by fawning upon the great head of the Rebel
lion, the arch-traitor of all traitors, the auto
crat of the treasonable Confederate Govern
ment, and securing his release from jail and
his escape from punishment. It is for this
offense that the Republicans of the West, and
of the whole country, indict Horace Greeley
as a black sheep in the flock; and all the "narrow-minded
blockheads" of the Union League
Club cannot release him from the charge on
straw bail.
Treason lu Civil War.
V-om the Tribune.
Can a Government which, after a long and
arduous struggle, has put down an organized
and formidable Rebellion, proceed to try and
punish its defeated adversaries as traitors 1
This question is readily answered in the
affirmative by ignorance and passion perhaps
also by wisdom and calm judgment. Let us
inquire ar consider.
Unquestionably, a Government may refuse
from the nutset to recognize its domestic foes
as belligerents, engaged in lawful w ar. It may
say to them, as Maximilian did to his Mexican
adversaries "You are not warriors, but ban
dittibrigands, robbers whom, if captured
by my armies, I shall treat as arrested felons."
But this is a two-edged sword, as Max. is very
likely to discover. The Government which,
treats its enemies as felons must orpect to
have its adherents so treated by those adver
saries to have its soldiers shot or hung when
captured, if it shoots and hangs those whom it
captures. Whatever rule it acts upon will
surely work both ways.
On the main question, the doctrine gene
rally held by American statesmen aud pub
licists prior to 18U0, will be succinctly set
forth by Daniel Webster in his address on
laying the corner-stone of Bunker Hill Monu
ment (June 17, 1825), whereiu he says of the
consequences of that memorable combat:
The battle of Bunker Hill was attended with
the most important e Heels beyond Its Imme
diate result ns u military engagement. It
crtated at onco a state of open, public war.
There could now be no longer u questiou of
proceeding against individuals, ns guilty of
treason or rebellion. That Xu irful crisis was
past. The appeal now lay to the sword; and
the only question was, whether the spirit aud
Ihe ref-ources of the people would hold out till
the object should be accomplished."
Bear in mind that our fathers had not
even declared their independence on the 17th
of June, 1775, when they fought at Bunker
Hill; nay, they had not definitively resolved
on separation from the mother country. In
the eye of British law aud of the law of
nations, for that matter they were simply
rebels, resisting the authority and the army of
their legitimate king. Yet Mr. Webster holds
that the naked fact that they resisted in battle
array, under the command of their constituted
local authorities, precluded any civil proceed
ings against them as "individuals guilty of
treason or rebellion."
Of course, Mr. Webster did not originate
this doctrine. He was not tho man to do the
like of that. He found it interfused through
out our entire Revolutionary history and lite
rature. Thus, Chief Justice Marshall, m lits
"Life of Washington," relates that, when
General Gage, commanding the king's forces
in Boston, arrested several eminent Whig
civilians and lodged them in jail, along with
our captured officers and soldiers, to be dealt
with as traitors, Washington remonstrated
'very seriously against this unjustiliable mea-
suro" (says Marshall); wuue ueuerai age
"retarded the Americans merely as rebels,
and treated them as if the great national resist
ance they were making on principle was to oe
viewed as the act of a few daring and turbulent
individuals," and, as such, wrote Gage, "pri
soners whose lives are, by the laws of the
land, destined to the oord." Washington "at
once instituted measures for retaliation,
should this violation of public law and of the
laws of war be carried into effect, and thereby
brought the British General to a recognition
ot the just principles of civilized warfare, as
enunciated by Vattel and other writers on
public law.
James .Otis, the Wyclif or John Huss of our
Revolution, Alexander Hamilton (in the Fede
ralist), and all our Revolutionary publioists of
my authority, refer to and quote from Vattel's
"Law of Nations" as setting forth the judg
ment of the civilized world in accordance with
the doctrines of Webster and Washington
above cited. Vattel, in his chapter on "Civil
War," says:
"But what conduct shall the sovereign, ob
serve towards the Insurgent? I answer, la
eetiernl, such conduct as shall at the name time
bo the uioKt miiHonnut to lust lee, and the moit
salutary to the Btate. Bubjeots who rise
against their prince without cause deserve
fcevere punishment: yet, even in this case, on
account o the number of the delinquent, clemency
become a duty la the sovereign. A civil
war breaks the bonds of society and govern
ment, or, at least, suspends thoir force and
p fieri : it produces in n. noilon two lade-
pendent putties, who consider each other as
enemies, aud ackuowleiiKe no common J mine.
These two parties, therefore, must necessarily
EVENING 1 TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, TUESDAY;
1)0 eonnldpred as thenceforward constituting, at
least for a limp, tw earate bo lien, two dis
tinct soelelie. Though one of the parties
may have been to blame In breaking the tint tv
of l he Mate and restating tho lawful authority,
Ihej are not the less divided in f ict. Besides,
whoKhallJurtfietheni? 1 hey alana, therefore,
In precisely t lie same predicament as two na
tion who engnfte In n cnutest, and, bulnu un
able to come to an agreement, liuvo icnonin e to
aims. Tills lieititftho ce, 11 Is very evident
Hint the. common laws of wur 011111 to bo ob
fervrd by boih iiurlles In every civil war. Kor
the name reasons which render the observance
of t hone maxims a mutter of oblluat Ion between
Hlnlenml Klate, It becomes equally, and even
more neeessaty In the unhappy circumstances
of two licensed pm tics lac erating their com
mon country." "Thus there exist in Hie Stale
two separate bodlep, who prclend to absolute
independence, ami bet ween whom there Is no
Juilue. They decide their quarrel by arms (not
courts of civil law), and as two ditlcrout nations
would do. The obligation to observe the com
mon la vin of war towards each ot her i there
fore absolute Indispensably tdndlnji on both
r'artles, and tlio Fame whloh the law of nature
in pi sea on all nations In transactions between
Btate and Btate."
No Trenton- The National Debt a Na
tional Swindle.
From the Herald.
The voice of the people rises with disap
pointment and indignation at the conduct of
those w ho favored and have-been instrumental
in the escape of the arch traitor, Jeff. Davis.
We have rarely witnessed a more general and
spontaneous expression of publio sentiment.
The release of Davis on straw bail, which is
really the abandonment of the chargo of trea
son on tho part of the Government and Judi
ciary, satisfies no on", except a few uncon
verted secessionists. It leaves everything
unsettled; it makes the war a farce; it shows
that half a million of brave men have been
slain for naught, and that three thousand mil
lions of national debt, contracted to put down
treason and to make it odious, is a swindle.
Had Davis been tried and the laws vindicated,
had the crime of treason been fixed and de
lined, and stamped with that odium which the
authorities talked so much about, and which
would have made men shudder hereafter at
the thought of committing it, the people
would not have complained. Then they might
have been magnanimous even, and have con
sented to Executive clemency to the offenders.
But now nothing is settled, and they ask, Is
there treason or is there not in this country i
All the parties to this infamous fraud upon
the public are conscience stricken, or, rather,
they are stricken with fear of the consequences
to themselves; for it is doubtful if they have
any conscience in the matter. Having com
mitted the deed, they suddenly wake up to a
sense of the evil done, like the assassin Booth,
and appeal to the public with all sorts of lame
excuses and special pleading. The President
pleads want of authority or jurisdiction, and
throws the responsibility on Congress and
the judiciary. Congress did nothing, and en
deavors to throw the responsibility on the
lixecutive. Chief Justice Chase, whoso duty
it was especially to see that the traitor should
be tried, and treason punished, positively re
fused to act, and now tries to mako the Dis
trict Judge, the pliant Dogberry Underwood,
responsible. Lnderwood, acting under in
structions from Mr. Chase and the Adminis
tration, undoubtedly made a great fuss about
the heinous crime of treason, and then let the
traitor go on straw bail. Greeley, who, pro
tending to represent the loyal North, and the
Republican party in particular, went all tho
way to Richmond to iulluenee his radical
friend, Underwood, and to volunteer bail for
tho liberation of the traitor, now makes a
pitiful defense of his conduct. Botts, the bitter
enemy of Rebels, and of Davis, the chief oub,
especially, was another of these volunteer aud
uiiualled-lbr bailmen who takes the stand to
defend himself before an outraged publio.
Well may the people ask, Is there treason
or is there not 1
All these radical declaimers against the
odiousness and heinousness of treason all
those pretended Simon Ture loyaHsts have
been made in the end the tools of an able and
adroit States'-rights lawyer of this city.
Through their weakness and vanity Mr.
O'Conor has entrapped them. They placed
themselves in a position to be tempted and
ruined politically, and he has lured them to
destruction. As a lawyer, he has only done
his duty for his client. For the escape of the
thief Rebel the people will hold Mr. Chase
to account, with Greeley and the rest of the
radical Chase party who brought the disgrace
upon the country. Everywhere the question
is asked, Is there treason or is there not ?
But what will be the consequence of letting
the Rebel chief go without being tried ? How
will the peoplo interpret this act ? Will they
not argue that if there be no treason the war
was in vain and is fruitless ? There is now in
the public mind a degree of consternation aud
doubt. The action of the Government aud
Judiciary has unsettled it. Is there treason or
is there not f is the question every one asks.
Soon, if we mistake not, the peoplo will in
terpret the action of the Government, the Chief
Justice, underwood, Oreeley, and ot all the
rest, as repudiating treason, and as declaring
the war a failure in its results. If so, will
they not regard the national debt a national
swindle, and repudiate that as readily as
the crime of treason has been repudi
ated ? They will say naturally enough that
they ought not to be burdened with a debt of
three thousand millions aud upwards, reckon
ing the debt of the States as well as of the
General Government, for nothing. They will
ask why they should be taxed a hundred and
fifty to two hundred millions a year, when they
have been cheated in the object and results of
the war. Is there treason or is there notf This
is the question of the time, before which every
other must give way. It involves the security
of our Government hereafter and the payment
or repudiation of the national debt. -Understanding
the action of the Government and the
judiciary as viitually declaring there is no
such crime as treason, wo should not be sur
prised to see, within live years, the debt
created by the war repudiated as an imposi
tion and a fraud. That, in fact, would be the
logical consequence of letting treason go un
tried and unpunished. If there be no treason
the war was all wrong, and the national debt
is a national swindle.
The Opinion of the AttorneyGeneral
JVgw tlie Tribune.
The opinion of the Attorney-General upon
the clauses in the Reconstruction acts respect
ing the rights to vote and to hold office, has
in itself evidence of its necessity; for the ques
tions which have arisen needed to be decided
by the highest executive authority. Five
military commanders might otherwise make
five different interpretations of a law which
needs to be uniformly enforced in the States in
which it is operative. Whether Mr. Stansbory
correctly defines the limits of the law is another
and important question, not' fully to be exa
mined at present.
The Attorney-General recites the provisions
of the law which affect the right to vote and
hold office, aud attempts to dcline those classes
who are entitled to registration; the qualifica
tions of residence and age are comparatively
unimportant. Of chief interest is the extent
to w hich taking part in the Rebellion is a dis
qualification from voting. Mr. Stansbery elabo
rately examines tho meaning of the act whioh
excludes officers w ho have taken part in the
Rebellion, and decides that officers of the
militia aro not included; that the act does not
apply to municipal officers, and that with all
those who are not strictly State, Judicial, or
Executive officers, the uncertain definition,
which he contends exists in the law, must be
construed in favor of the voter. A vast boiy
of officers, ho asserts, are not positively ex
cluded by the law. The disqualification has id
on the breaking of the oath of offioo is
the next subject of the opinion, which is
given to this effect that the disqualification
is intended to comprehend military as well
as civil officers, and to bo more general in
application to United States officers than to
those of a State. Of more practical import
ance is tho next question what acts consti
tute the guilt of engaging in rebellion, or of
giving romfort or aid to the enemies of the
United States ? As these acts are defined, the
number of voters is to be restricted or en
larged. Mr. Stansbery advances the extra
ordinary opinion that the phrase "enemies of
the United States" should be strictly confined
to what he asserts to be its legal meaning,
viz., foreign nations, and that only such as
those who gave aid and comfort to Great Bri
tain in 1812, and to Mexico in 1847, should be
disfranchised under the clause. Yet he is
"not quite prepared to say that CoDgress
may not havo used it as applicable to the
Rebellion." It is well that ho wa3 not quite
prepared to make such a decision, for if
there is anything clear and unmistakable
in the law, it is that Congress meant
absolutely the enemies of the United
States who fought at Gettysburg and Atlanta,
and not by any means those who were de
feated forty years ago on the Lakes, or at
Monterey and Buena Vista. This meaning
cannot be escaped, and the Attorney-General,
therefore, gives it weight. It will be seen
that he would not include in the disfranchised
classes those who were compelled to aid in
Rebellion, conscripts, slaves, and officers who,
in obedience to de facto governments, were
concerned with the administration of law.
Purely civil and necessary officers he cannot
bring himself tobelieve were meant by Con
gress, and upon this point the argument is very
full. We cannot say that the Attorney-General
has stated his opinion very emphatically, or
tersely, though for this he may plead the
alleged uncertainty and vagueness of the
acts themselves. But the drift of his
argument may be summed up to bo, in his
own words: "The intent (of the acts) as ex
pressed, is to enable the people of each of
these States to frame a Coustitution for the
btate by the exercise of tho right of suffrage.
There are clauses of the act giving tho right
by general tdrms of. description to the people
generally, and especially to those who have
never enjoyed the right before. There are
other clauses of the act which, by general
terms, take away this right of suffrage from
those who have always enjoyed it. The rule
of construction as to the clauses which give
the right must be liberal, and to them the
general terms are not to lie restricted, but to
those clauses which derogate from the exist
ing right the rule of construction must be
strict, that none should be excluded who are
not clearly within the letter and intent."
With this general construction we are satis
fied, but not with the special opinions based
upon it.
Chase on Underwood.
From the World.
It is well understood, we believe, that Chiof
Justice Chase was indebted for his nomination
to the Supreme Bench much more to the fears
than to the respect of tho late lamented Mr.
Lincoln. To "kick a man upstairs" was long
ago pronounced by Sir Robert Walpole a pro
foundly wise maxim in political rivalry, aud
what he believed ho practised in the case of
Tulteney, whom ho extinguished as a com
petitor in the Commons by clapping a coronet
on him among the Peers. Possibly Mr. Lin
coln had never heard of Sir Robert Wal
pole's tactics, but he applied them admi
rably in the case of Mr. Chase; and it has
even been hinted by persons of a comical turn
of mind that Mr. Chase has neither enter
tained a very lively feeling of gratitude
towards the late leader of his party in acknow
ledgment of the preferment bestowed upon
him, nor hesitated to express upon occasion
some pretty trenchant opinions as to the
general candor and amenability of the Presi
dent to whoso manes, as Dr. Butler persist
ently maintains, a mighty nation thought it
necessary to sacrifice the life of an innocent
woman.
But it hardly needs any reference to the
political relations between Mr. Chase and Mr.
Lincoln to explain the crushing contempt
with w hich the former has just "come down"
upon another of the latter's judicial ap
pointees. If Mr. Lincoln is thought to have
made Mr. Chase a Chiof Justice just to get
him off the Presidential track, he is believed
to have nominated Busteed to the Federal
bench in Alabama, and Underwood to the
same lench in Virginia, simply to relieve
himself from the importunity of two bores.
The future historian may perhaps be able to
palliate these appointments by revealing the
fact that Mr. Lincoln when he made them
expected the secession to succeed, and so
imagined that as nobody would ever be tried
before either Busteed or Underwood, no great
harm would be done , by them to persons or
property. Account for it as we may, how
ever, the nomination of such men to such
posts will remain an ineffaceable stigma upon
Mr. Lincoln's memory; and since Chief Justice
Chase has recently helped to brand this
stigma in a little deeper, it is but charitable
to him to say that he is roally too good
a lawyer to have forborne doing what he has
done.
In the Supreme Court at Washington
Wednesday last, Chief Justice Chase granted
a "writ of error" in the case of Joseph
Bruin, whose property had been seized
and sold under a decree of the District
Court of Virginia, "Judge" Underwood
presiding. The writ was granted on the fol
lowing grounds:
First. Thai the District Court condemned and
sold the absolute estate of the petitioner in and
to I lie property, which judgment it was beyond
the power of the Court lo pronounce.
(Second. That the condemnation of the pro
perty was for treason, of which the party
could not be adjudged guilty except by a 11 inl
ine of a Jury.
Third. That the proceedings were In Adml.
rally, when they should have been on the com
mon law side of the Court, by information, und
not by libel.
It is difficult to see what remains of Judge
Underwood after such a revision of his judi
cial merits as is implied in these "grounds"
of the Chief Justice. The question, what
shall be done about a monument ia this city
to the memory of our martyred President,
having been Just now brought forward again,
we submit that it will be consonant with jus
tice and the truth of history that "Judga"
Underwood's decision and Chief Justice
Chase's indorsement be insoribed upon the
cenotaph.
MAY 28, 1807.
Altri.TINC, CANTON M ATTINGS, Oil. CLOTH,
GREAT TABIKTY. LOWEST CASH miCES.
REEVE L. KNIGHT & SON,
NO. 87 C1IESNCT NTKEET,
(Bekw the Olrard House).
SPECIAL NOTICES.
UNION LEAGUE HOUSE,
MAY IS, 1867,
At a meeting of the Board ot Director of ths
tNlON LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA, held
March 12, 1867, the following Preamble and Resold
tlons were adopted:
Whereas, In a republican form ot government It Is
of the highest Importance that the del gates of the
people, to whom the sovereign power la entrusted,
should be so selected aa to truly represent tlie body
rolitlo, and there being no provision ot law whereby
the people may be organized for the purpose of such
selection, and all parties having recognized the nocs
slty of such organization by the formation of volun
tary associations lor tnla purpose, aud
Whereas, There are grave delects existing under
the present system of volunlury organization, which
It Is believed may be corrected by suitable provisions
of law; now, therefore, be It
Resolved, By tbo Beard of Directors of the UNION
LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA, that the Hecretaty
be and Is hereby directed to oiler eleveu hundred dol
lars In prizes for essays on the legal organization of
the people lo select caudldules for ofhee, the prizes to
be as follows, viz.:
The sum of five hundred dollars for that essay
which, In the judgment of the Board, shall be first In
the order of merit;
Three hundred dollars tor the second;
Two hundred for the third, aud
One hundred for the fourth.
The conditions upon which these prizes are offered
are as follows, viz.:
First. All essays competing for these prizes must be
addressed to GKORQE H. BOKER, Secretary of the
Uulou League of Philadelphia, and must be received
by him before the FIRST DAY OF JANUARY, 1S68.
and no communication having the author's name au
tjched, or with any other Indication of orlglD, will be
considered.
Second. Accompanying every competing essay, the
author tuust enclose his name and address within a
Beu'ed envelope, addressed to the Secretary of the
Union League. After the awards have been made, the
envelopes accompanying the successful essays shall
be opened, aud the authors notified of the result.
Third. All competing essays shall become the pro
perty of the Union League: but no publication of
rejected essays, or the names of their authors, shall
be made without consent of tbe authors iu writing.
By order ot the Board ot Director.
tiDOUUE II. BOKER,
5101m SEOKETARV.
&3T
REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTION.
IIajipirbuhq, April 10, 1867. The "Republican
Stute Convention" will meet at the "Herdlo House,"
Su WllllumsporC, on WEDNESDAY, the 2th day of
unenext.at 10 o'clock A.M., to nominate a candl
ate lor Judge of the Supreme Court, and to initiate
proper measures for the eusuing State canvass.
Aa heretofore, the Convention will be composed of
Representative and Senatorial Delegates, chosen lu
the usual way, and equal In number to the whole of
the Senators aud Representatives In the General
Assembly.
By order of the State Central Committee.
X. jkjuu.ils, uuairman.
J. Rohlky Dunolihon, secretaries.
B20 3U
iggT UNION PACIFIC RAILWAY COMPANY, E. D.
OFFICE, NO. 41 WALNUT STHEET,
Philadelphia, May S1.18G7.
The INTEREST IN GOLD, on the FIRST MORT
GAGE BONDS OF THE UNION PACIFIC) RAIL
WAY COMPANY, EASTERN DIVISION, DUE
JUNE 1, will be paid on presentation of the Coupons
therefor, on and alter that date, at the Banking
House ot
DABXET, HOHGAN A CO.,
ISO. 63 EXCHANGE PLACE, New York.
(Signed) WILLIAM J. PALMER.
8 21 tuth8iut Treasurer.
gggn THE OFFICE OF
The Liverpool, New York, and Phila
delphia Steamship Company,
"Inman Line,"
Bbs been removed from No. Ill WALNUT Street, to
NO. 411 CHESXUT STREET.
6 32Mrp JOHN G. DALE. Agent.
jr- OFFICE PENNSYLVANIA HAILKOAl
' COMPAN Y.
Philadelphia, May 4, 1807.
The Board of Directors have this day declared a
s nil-annual Dividend of THKEE PER CENT, on (he
Cupltul Slock oi the Company, clear of National aud
Stale Taxes, payable In C'su on and alter Muy i.
They have also declared au EXTRA DIVIDEND
of FIVE PER CENT., baxed uuun proiits earned
iirior to January 1. lw7, clear ot Nutionai and Hlute
Taxes, payable in Slock on and alter May au, at it
par value of Filly D. llars per share tuo tshurea for
block Hiviitoud to be dated May 1. Isc7.
Scrip Cerlidcales will be Issued lor fractional parts
oi Shares: sttlu Set Ip will not be entitled 10 any lute
red or Dividend, hut will be convertible Into block
when presented In bums of Fifty Dollars.
Poweraof uitoruey for collecilouof Dividends can
be had on application at the OLUce of the Company.
No. vws S. TlilRD Street.
6 4iiot. THOMAS T. FIRTTT. Treasu rer.
rpr- NOTICE THE NEW "ORLEANS RE-
PUUL1CAN solicits the patronage ot all luyal
men lu tbe North who have business Interests lu tue
South. Having been selected by the Clerk of the
House of ltepresenlatlves under the law ot Congress
tussed March 2, 1M17, as the paper lor printing ail the
uws and '1 reutles, aud all the Federal advertise
ments within the Stale ot Louisiana, It will be the
best adverllslng meuium In the Southwest, reaching
a larger number ol business men than any otner
paper. Address MATliKW'H & HAMILTON, Con
vej anceis. No. 707 SANbUM Street, or te. L. BltOWN
A CO., New Orleans. Louisiana. 4 2a I in
frjsr NOT1CE.-ST. LOUIS, ALTON, AND
TERRE HAUTE RAILROAD COMPANY.
The Annual Meeting of the Bondholders and Stock
holders ot this Company will be held at their olllce,
In the City of ST, LOUIS, on MONDAY, the 8d day
of June next, ai 8 o'clock In the alternoon of that day,
fur the ELECTION of THIRTEEN DIRECTORS tor
the ensuing year, and lor the transaction ol any other
business which may be brought before lliein.
The Transler books of ihe Company will be closed
on SATURDAY, the 4lb day ot May next, aud will be
opened on TUESDAY, the 4lh day of June. Dated
St. Louis, April 26, 1SU7.
6 It) ll By order. H. C. BRYANT, Setfy.
NATIONAL BANK OF TUE REPUB
LIC, Philadelphia, May J, 1867
Applications for the unallotted share In the In
crease of the Capital Stock of this Bank are uo w being
received and the stock delivered.
till JOSEPH P. MUMFORD. Caahler.
jrof- THE ANNUAL MEETING OF THE
s-' Stockholders of theCLAHlON RIVER AND
SPRING CHEEK OIL COMPAN Y. will be held at
No. 84 North FRONT Street, on WEDNESDAY,
May !fl. at 18 o'clock M. S 15 111
Ja Q. R O D I NOON
No. OlO OIIEBNUT STREET.
Is In receipt to-day of an Invoice of
FINE CnEOMOS, ENGRAVINGS,
ETC. ETC.,
Which are now open for examination.
"Peace and war.' by u. uoree." "i.aat Rose ot
bummer," "Cromwell and Family," "Romeo and
Juliet," "Htar ol Pethlehem," are well worthy tha
attention of the aomlreis of ark lij
ncnovED.
OUR BEDDING STORE
I REMOVED
IUOM IHGOLD 8TAKDTO
No. il South NINTH Street.
8 27 B. Im KNIGHT Jk Hon.
MILLINERY,' TRIMMINGS, ETC.
c, SPRING AND SUMMER
FASHIONS
OF
RON A El N
HATS,
FLOWER8,
FEATHERS,
BIBBOBTS,
BRIDAL WREATHS,
LACES,
ORNAMENTS,
FRAMES
ETC. ETC. ETC
NOW OPEN,
TUB ABOVE SPLENDID STOCK
OF
MILLINERY GOODS,"
AT THE ESTABLISHMENT OF
MAD'LLE KEOGH,
IMo. 004 WALIXUT St.,
WHOfrE ELEGANT BHOW ROOMS have already
been visited by numeroui purchaser: and eh respect,
fully announces that she la constantly receiving NEW
STYLES, and selling always at LOW PRICES.
MOIMKG MILLLEIiI
RECEIVES AT 111 It ESTABLISHMENT
MOST SPECIAL ATTENTION, AND
THEREFORE SUE OFFERS TUB REST
STOCK OF
MOUrtJXIlVGr UOIVIVEXjS
IN IHE CITY.
MAD'LLE KEOGH, "
NO. 004 WALNUT STREET.
f II thBtu3tn
OURNI NC MILLINERY.
ALWAY8 ON HAND A LARGE ASSORTMENT 0
MOUItLNIlNG JBOININEXS,
AT NO. 994 WALNUT STREET.
827 6m MAD'LLE KEOGH.
mr 31 ItS. It. DILLON,
tyXOti. BUS AND S31 SOUTH STREET,
Has a handsome assortment ot SPRING MLLLX
NERY.
ladies', Mlxnes', and Children's Htrtw and Fancy
Bonutla and iiats of the lutetil bi1ih.
Alao, bilks, Velvets, Ribbons, Crapes, Feathers,
Flowers, Frames, etc, 7 lflj
FURNISHING GOODS, SHIRTS,&C.
Ja W M. H OF MANN.
NO. NORTH EIGHTH STREET.
HOSIERY COODG.
A LARGE AbBOKTMENT OF HOSIERY OF
ENtJLIKU AND GERMAN UANUFAC'I URllS,
For Ladles', Gents', and Children's Wear,
LADIES' MERINO AND MERINO UAUZB
VENTS.
MISSES' MERINO AND MERINO GACAH
VESTS.
GENTS' MERINO, MERINO GACZE.COT.
TON, AND HEAVY ALL-WOOL SUIRTS
AND DRAWERS.
VOUTI1K' MEKINO COTTON, AND M&
R1NO GACStK UlllttS S6tuth
J W. SCOTT So CO.,
SHIRT MANUFACTURERS,
MEN'S FU11NISI11NQ QOODS.
Me. 814 CHESNCT STREET,
four doors bllow TWt h.ontinjintam
PATENT SHOULDER-SEAM
SHIRT MANUFACTORY,
AND GENTLEMEN'S FURNaSMINGSTORB
FJuttFKCT FlTTlNGIsUlU'lB AND DUAWJUUI
made from measurement at very short unc,
All other a r licks
ot UJB.;rH I I" -M
GOODS In full variety,
WINCHESTER A CO..
No. 70S CHJOsNUT BlreeC
1111
REMOVAL.
2 E M 0 V A L.
A. .Sc II. LliilAMlJItE,
Late No. 1012 Cheuuul street, have removed their ,
FURNITURE AND UPH PLSTERT WAREROOMS
Wo No. 1103 ciiKsmu am.. .
UP bTAUtt.
W3tU