TUT. riCW YORK PRESS.
EDITORIAL OriPIdNfl OF THE IRADINd JOURNALS
Proa CUHKKUT TOPICB (X MTILKD EVER1
DAI FOB. TBI KVKK1KO TELKORAPH.
Th Scent of Blood.
From the Tributxe.
Mr. Wendell Phillips tolls the puWio that he
don't agree with Mr. Horace (ireelfy aa to
Jeflergon Davis. That is stale nowa. Had he
been able to set forth Boni? practical measure
or course of action as to which they two erer
diJ agree, Lis card would have been more
Instructive.' Since our inability to agree la
evidently chronic, we can imagine no reason
for obtruding it upon public attention.
' Messrs. Thillips and Greeley were alike
quickened into decided aggressive hostility to
slavery by the murder of Elijah P. Lovejoy at
Alton, more than thirty years ago. From that
hour, Mr. Oreeley has steadfastly sought to
work with and through such powerful inte
rests and influences as could be made to do
anti-slavery work; while Mr. riiillips has en
deavored to render the anti-slavery idea an
tagonistic and Antipathetic to all others. As
the Yankee observed of his neighbor, "He has
Winning ways to make people hate him." We
do not care to quarrel with this disposition.
We only insist on beiug allowed to go our own
way. -
When the Texas conspiracy to "give a
Gibraltar to the South" that is, to slavery
irma to light, we felt it our duty to labor for
its defeat through the election of Henry Clay
Al ' Jsmafl V ' PnlV flm nvnmnA innav.llnn
Allditf1 At A. Mr. Pl.illina fnAV A i tyrant rinnwia I
and thereby secured the triumph of Polk and
annexation. When the Nebraska scheme for
slavery extension was broached, we fought
that with the strongest weapons at hand; thus
helping to elect the House which chose N. P.
Banks its Speaker. So when we fought and
beat the atrocious Lecompton bill, Mr. Phil
lips stood ofT throughout, insisting that Abo
litionists should not vote. In 1800, we did
our best to elect Abraham Linooln, whom Mr.
Phillips opposed and denounced as "the slave
hound of Illinois." In 18(14 we supported
and Mr. , Phillips opposed Mr. Lincoln's re
flection. At last, it seemed that we should be afforded
the pleasure of agreeing with .Mr. Phillips,
lie & a zealous adversary of capital punish
ment, as we are; and we mistakenly supposed
, his opposition based on principle. The Rebel
lion being crushed, we understood Mr. Phillips
to say that there was not virtue enough in
this people to hang Jeff. Davis and enfranchise
the blacks; and as he deemed the latter by far
the more important, he was opposed to exe
cuting Davis. Heartily concurring in his con
clusion, if not in his premises, we really
fancied he might forego abusing us for several
weeks thereafter; but we were mistaken: he
Is consistent in opposing us at the expense of
all other consistency, and is not ashamed to
stultify his past teaching by such talk as the
following:
"The fawning spaniel Is no emblem or teacher
of forgiveness. The survivors In tbe Army of
the Potomac the men who remember MoCook,
Memphis, Fort PI. low, and the murders of
Belle Isle will read this act in s different and
redder light. They will resolve to settle their
own wrongs tbe next time, and prevent being
cheated by law. When, daring the war, sol
diers found that guerillas and other Kebels,
their hands dripping blood, had only to take
the oath and get immediate liberty, they did
not learn the Oreeley lesson to forgive mur
derers; tbey simply brought In no prisoners.
No arrests were reported at headquarters; only
rumors reached It of men shot in the attempt
to bring them In. We think our battled boys
In blue will lay up some such lesson from lull
occurrence, In case they have another call to
arms.
"lo beat down law does not always mean that
you set np Christianity; it sometimes makes
room for anarchy. Towards that gulf Mr. Oree
ley calls the nation to take the lirst step, aud
himself leads the way."
Such language from those who believe
and feel thus is rendered respectable by its
earnestness; from Wendell Phillips, it is hypo
critical and infamous. He panders to mob
passions for the gratification of his own. We
leave him to that remorse which calm aud
reflection must engender.
,, Horace Greeley and Jefferson Davis.
From Que Nation.
The expressions of feeling called forth by
Mr. Greeley's performances at Richmond last
week, have been sufficiently strong and suffi
ciently numerous to warrant us in saying that,
whatever difference of opinion there may be as
to Mr. Greeley's motives, there is none at al
as to the repulsiveness and inexpediency of his
conduct. The majority of the Republican
papers ascribe hia apperrance as Davis' first
bondsman to a love of notoriety which has
been growing on him for some years, and
which now finds expression in one way, and
now in another. They appear to think that,
Laving achieved as an editor all the distinc
tion within his reach, he sighs for the posses
sion of some odder title to fame, and wants to
-connect his name with some startling political
monstrosity, or "curiosity," as his friend
Barnum would call it; that he has the craving
for participation in any character in practiua1
life by which so many men of eminence as
thinkers and scholars have been alllioted and
not being able to secure it in the ordinary con
Tentlonal ehannols, seeks it through the "sen
sational." Others explain his course bv
asscribing it to still loitier and more
daring ambition, and, support their
theory by an elaborate and highly
entertaining analysis of his character
which we have neither the space nor the in
clination to reproduce. The examination of
men's motives is a difficult and delicate task
which even the most skilful hand can hardly
perform without doing injustice, and it is
tolerably certain that no revelations which the
chemists of any party are likely to make
about Mr. Greeley's mental or moral composi
tion shake the faith of the farmers in him.
Partly owing to his long and faithful devotion
to the great principle of freedom, partly to
the plainness, directness, and bluntness of his
etyle, and partly to the innocent expression of
iiis race, ne uas secured a hold upon the con
Udeuca of the agricultural population which
nothing short of downright betrayal of the
cause to which his life has been devoted will
weaken, 80 that even a large proportion of
those who are most amgusteci with his kind
ness to Jefferson Davis will not ascribe it to
low motives. He might do worse things than
this, and yet find himself popular in the
"uupaved districts."
Put we do not need to show that la bailing
Jefferson Davis he was actuated by any purely
Belfinh motives in order to prove him guilty of
that kind of blunder which, when committed
liv a man in his position, deserves almost as
severe punishment as if it were a piece of
sheer baseness, ue wouia ana prouawy wm
Hfifond himself by sayiucr that the first ueces
ity of the country at the present moment is
THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, SATURDAY,
peace and reconciliation, that Davis was no ;
more guilty than the rest of the Rebels, that
the war was in reality only a rough m de of
deciding between two contending principles,
that no good purpose can now be served by
punishing anybody, and that the sooner we
can lead the South to forgive aud forgot the
better will it bo for all parties, and that there
is no better mode of doing- this than having a
prominent anti-slavery man like himself help
to get the chief of the Rebellion restored to
liberty.
Now, this is a statement of Just half the
truth. The restoration of poace and harmony
letween North and South is no doubt of great
importance, but the means taken to secure it
is of just as great importance. If there be
anything which the press, the pulpit, the
prayers, the hymns, the speeches, the con
versations of the North have been emphatic in
affirming during the last six years, it is that
the late war was not merely a contest for em
pire, a3 Earl Russell called it, not merely a
struggle to settle a political difference, but a
struggle between moral right and tnoral
wrong. It was on this special ground that
the invectives hurled against France aud Eng
land were justified. These countries were
told over and over again, that were the war
simply a war for the Union we should neither
ask nor expect their sympathy, it was not to
be expected that thoy should greatly care
whether the North American continent was
covered by one political organization or by
two. To Frenchmen and Englishmen the
American flag, from a purely political point of
view, was no more than the Brazilian or
Paraguayan flag.
We took far higher than political ground.
We said that the Rebellion was an immoral
enterprise, conceived and carried out not by
mistaken men, but by bad aud unscrupulous
men, animated by corrupt aud selfish motives,
and determined to gain their ends at whatever
cost or suffering to others. We said, too, that
not only was the enterprise immoral, but that
the means deliberately employed to ensure its
success was inconceivably wicked, aud involved
the commission of the foulest crimes perjury,
treason, murder, and robbery. Nowhere has
the deliberate villany of the Confederate
leaders been more uproariously exposed than
in the columns of the Tribune, and in fact it is
this very villany which has been always used
by Mr. Greeley as a reply to the statement that
the South voluntarily seceded from the Union,
which he has always maintained stoutly she
had a right to do.
It was, therefore, not solely because the
South sought to leave the Union, but because
she sought to leave it by vile means, for vile
ends, that we invoked the sympathy of the
civilized aud enlightened world for the North.
We said justice and humanity and truth, and
not the Union only, were at stake in our
struggle, and that the place of all good men,
whatever their political creed might be, was
on our side. If anybody wants proof of all
this, let him take up the files of the 'Tribune
during the laatodx years, aud read the lead
ing articles. The struggle being now over,
Mr. Greeley sets us the example of goiug to
the South not to relieve the sufferings of our
late enemies for this as Christians we are
bound to do; nor yet to assure of forgiveness
and peace for of this everybody sees the wis
dom; but of testifying to them, by unasked
and officious politeness, by offer of aid in
escaping the legal consequences of their trans
gressions, by, in short, the usual marks of sym
pathy, esteem, and respect for this is what is
meant by bailing a man out of jail when you
have no personal acquaintance with him, and
he neither asks nor needs your aid that there
has been nothing in their conduct to offend
our consciences or lower them morally in our
estimation. In other words, when Horace
Greeley went down to put his name on Davis'
bond, he-said to all the world, "I, the most
prominent representative of Northern feeling
and opinion, who have had, perhaps, a larger
share than any other man in bringing about
the struggle which has ju3t terminated, do
hereby declare that my opinion of you, Jeffer
son Davis, is higher than ever it was; that I
see in you simply an unfortunate enemy; that
I look on your course during the past four
years, your slaughterings, starvings, hang
incs.your spoliation, your railings and threat-
euings, as simply parts of the process for
Settling an honest difference of opinion; that
you have done nothing and said nothing and
sought nothing which a good and pure and
high-minded man might not do and say and
seek; and that the denunciations of you and
your cause on moral grounds with which
the Northern press, and my own paper
the foremost, nave been filled during
the war, were all gammon, the wretched,
frothy rhetoric, 'all sound and fury, signifying
nothing,' which we editors make our living by
producing and selling ; that when Northern
preachers prayed for God's blessing on our
arms they prayed for the divine interposition
in a game of pitch and toss, in which the
right was on neither side ; and that when
Northern young men went out to fight, a3
they believed, for something nobler and holier
still than either fla or country or laws, they
fought and died under a sentimental delusiou.
You and I are too old to be humbugged in
this way ; as 'practical men,' we know that in
cases of this kind the masses have to be kept
up to the fighting by fine words, but that war
is simply a means of settling the construction
of legal instruments, and that wheu all is over
nothing Is more natural than that the leaders
should embrace, as you and I do, over the
fresh graves and amidst the ruined homes."
We have, as our readers know, opposed all
forms of persecution of the South. We have
objected to confiscation and to the inilictiou
of every other penalty not clearly called for
to secure peace and good order. Hut, then,
we believe in such a thing as national dignity,
national self-respect, and national conscience;
and we say that aJ decent regard for these
things makes Mr. Greeley's performances at
Richmond all except his speech, which was
able and sensible simply detestable, aud calls
for a more emphatio reprobation than they
have yet received, although we have no
doubt whatever as to the intensity of the
disgust with which the publio generally re
gards them. No man could in private life go
on for years accusing another ol fraud aud
peJ-jury, and pursuing him with the utmost
rigor of the law, and then, when he had got
Judgment against him, invite him to his own
house and treat him as a valued friend,
without degrading and debasing himself; and
what we need of all things, i8 the applica
tion to the national conduct of the rules of
honor and decorum which regulate the con
d uct of men in private life.
None of us dare offer as an excuse for taking
a criminal to our bosom the excuse which Mr.
Greeley offers in effect for fraternizing with
Davis, that there was more money to be
made or comfort to be enjoyed in this way
than by marking in our demeanor towards
him our opinion of Ids morals. Mercy we
might show him; assistance in rescuing him
from suffering we might offer; but those
marks of esteem and confidence which are
reserved for honorable misfortune we dare
not bestow on him; morality, justice, aud
decency would forbid it. Of the value of
these feelings in the conduct of national life,
in keeping alive the publio conscience, in
cherishing a healthy publio opinion for the
support of the law, the preservation of a high
standard of public and priva'm morality, of a
high sense of the worth of character, Mr.
Oreeley appears to have no conception, nor,
we are sorry to say, have a very large propor
tion of the loudi'Ht bellowers amongst our
reformers. It is this which aocounts in part
for the worship of such heroes as P. T.
Barnum, because ho happens to be an
anti-slavery or temperance man, and for
the practice of applying the foulest epithets
to and accusing of the most disgraceful con
duct men whom the revilers and accusers meet
the next day and salute with as much cordi
ality as if nothing had happened. Nobody
who knows how strong is the rellex action of
language and of conduct on mind, cau doubt
that the prevailing tendency to treat moral
offenses as matters which ought not materially
affect our own intercourse with those who com
mit them, and to treat our denunciations of them
so much rhetoric, and nothing more, helps to
make our sense of right and wrong somewhat
less acute, and to lower our estimate of what
we owe to our own honor. It Is not very long
since a notorious embezzler of the publio funds
was entertained on his return from an exile
which he had passed as a fugitive from justice,
by a company which included a high officer of
police and the chief justice of a court of re
cord. Similar examples of the same debased
and debasing indifference to the effects of crime
on character, and to the desirableness of sup
porting in our conduct the lofty doctrines
which we all spout from platforms or publish
in books or newspapers, may every day
be witnessed; but Mr. Greeley has achieved
the distinction of offering the world one of
the most striking and very conspiouous of
them all.
Congress and the South The R.eon
traction Scheme m. Finality,
From the THmet. , .
"Who is authorized to travel the country
and peddle out amnesty ?" "Who authorized
any orator to say that there would be no con
fiscation ?" "By what authority does any
one say that by the election of loyal delegates
they (the Southern States) will be admitted?"
Such were the interrogatories with which Mr.
Thaddeus Stevens assailed the declaration of
Senator Wilson, addressed to the Virginians
assembled near Hampton Roads that "there
would be no impediment to Southern repre
sentation in Congress if they elected Union
men." According to Mr. Stevens, this decla
ration is not warranted by the acts or the in
tentions of Congress. There are, he says,
mnnv tiiinos In ln Hnnn lutfnra flm raqtnrs.
tion of the South can be perfected, even if it I
comply with the terms already prescribed.
General Butler entertains the same opinion.
And Wendell Phillips insists that for seven
years the South must remain in the purgatory
of military government, regardless of its com
pliance with the conditions laid down by
Congress.
The Republican party, hswever, has de
cided that Senator Wilson's promise was
timely and proper and shall be adhered to,
and has disclaimed responsibility for the
threats of the small minority represented by
Messrs. Stevens, Butler, and Phillips. The
Republican Journals, with scarcely an excep
tion, have repudiated Mr. Stevens' interpreta
tion of party purposes and opinion, and have
ratified Mr. Wilson's assurance as essential to
the maintenance of the party faith. Mr.
Speaker Colfax, addressing the Union League
Club of this city, presented the same view of
the question. .Congress has pledged itself,
he said in substance, to admit the South if it
comply with the requirements of the recon
struction measures; and to disregard that
pledge, on rut pretext whatever, would be an
act of perfidy which no party could survive.
Henator Frelinghuyaea echoes the statement.
The law as it stands, he contends, "presents
the hnanty or reconstruction," and by it Con
gress and the country must abide. It is
not necessary to swell the roll of individual
testimony upon the point. The proof is over
whelming that Mr. Wilson uttered the resolve
of his party, and that the menaces which his
words have elicited are confined to an incon
siderable though noisy faction.
Official evidence is furnished by the address
of the Union Congressional Republican Com
mittee to the Southern people, of which no
less decided a radical than Mr. Boutwell is
the reputed author. This document explicitly
disavows the Stevens programme of "mild
confiscation," and other punishment. The
measures now before the South are declared
to be "measures of beneficence and restora
tion, and not of revenge or punishment."
They are designed not to keep the South out
of the Union, but to secure its restoration "in
the spirit of justice, and upon the basis of
equality." The conditions prescribed are
represented as intended only to secure equality
and safety, and the penalties contemplated are
limited to "the small class of Rebels who are
excluded from office by the proposed amend
ment to the Constitution." Freedom of speech,
a free press, and a system of free schools are
adverted to as results to be achieved, as far as
possible, through the action of Congress we
presume in determining the sufficiency of the
local guarantees to be provided by the State
Conventions. The main reliance, however, it
i3 confessed, "must be upon the wisdom and
virtue of the people of the respective States,"
and these the Congressional Committee seeks
to conciliate by an ailirmation of the friendly
purposes and spirit of the law-making power.
The "measures of justice" set forth in the
address a3 essentials of restoration to the
Union are an acceptance of universal suffrage
"as the basis of political, educational, and in
dustrial prosperity and power," and the es
tablishment of a system of education, irre
spective of race or color. It is to these, proba
bly, that the Committee refers when it reminds
the Southern people that their proceedings in
regard to reconstruction are subject to the
supervision of Congress. The steps indicated
in the law touching the machinery of recon
struction are understood to bo preliminaries to
the establishment of republican government
according to the views of Congress; and we
accept the results specified by the Committee
as the criteria by which the sufficiency of local
action will be judged. If this supposition is
correct, the South can offer no reasonable ob
jection to the standard erected by the Wash
ington Committee. It simply affirms that the
bouthwill be required toconforin to the change
produced by emancipation, so far as to recog
nize the political equality of all, and the duty
or providing for all the educational facilities
which have contributed so largely to the pros
perity and moral power of the North.
A third result is pointed at as desirable,
though confessedly coming within the category
of subjects which must be left to "the wisdom
and virtue of the people." We refer to the
suggestion that the largo landowners of the
South should stimulate aud facilitate the acqui
sition of small freeholds by the more thrifty of
the freedmen. The address is, in this reject,
especially significant as a disclaimer of the
'mildoonfiscatbn'' policy of Mr. Bteveus For
the suggestion that the planters should furnish
these incentives and facility i,piiHH a reoog.
uition of their right to dispose of their real
propeity as to themselves may eeem best.
When the Committne reminds then of their
interest as well as their duty in the premises,
it is plain thot no purpose of confiscation is en
tertained. Tmt has been Made manifest by
the country, and it is satisfactory to find the
Congressional Committee thus distinctly ac
knowledging the fact. As to the suggestion
itself, its wisdom is apparent, and we appre
hend that the planters will not be slow to a?t
upon it, when the more pressing difficulties of
their situation shall hare been overcome. . It
is a proceeding which many influential Jour
nals are advocating as a measure of industrial
economy, and a means of inducing the immi
gration, which, next to pnaee and money, is
the great want of the South.
The feature which most detracts from the
moral weight and dignity of the address is
that relating to the reciprocal obligations of
the freedmen and the Republican party. It
is undeniably true that that party, having
made itself responsible for the emancipation
of the slaves, is constrained by every con
sideration of duty to secure for them the ele
mentary guarantees of civil and political
freedom. But it does not follow that the
service in question gives to the Republican
party any claim upon the political support of
those who were formerly slaves. Whether
the newly enfranchised race shall vote with
the Republicans or with the anti-Republioans
Is a question In no manner affecting the right
or wrong of the reconstruction process. Aud
it is to be regretted, we think, that the Com
mittee should expose a statement of the
policy of Congress in reference to the restora
tion of the Union to the misapprehension and
prejudice which a partisan appeal must neces
sarily excite. The error is as great on the
part of the Committee as was the error of that
other Committee which commissioned Judge
Kelley to preach Radicalism to Southern
audiences.
Aside from this defect, the address is oppor
tune and will be useful. It is the nearest ap
proach which is possible to a pledge in behalf
of Congress to adhere to the military recon
struction scheme as a finality. In this respect
it is a conclusive answer to the vaporings of
the anarchists and the misgivings of Southern
politicians.
The Republican Party and the Negro
Vote -The Latest Hadlcal Manifesto.
From the Herald.
The address to the Southern people of the
Union Congressional Republican Committee, is
a document that may well give us pause in
pursuing the thread of reflection upon the
troubles of reconstruction. It is intended to
point out to the Southern people what will be
the consequence if the radicals are disap
pointed by the Southern vote. It is a warning.
Indications have not been wanting that the
negro.vote ijiay.yet prove a delusion to the
Republican party that the party will not find
through Sambo's new privileges that royal
road to continued and supreme power that
certain leaders look for. Eagerly sought for,
clutched at with an avidity that has already
caused some to overreach themselves and lose
their balance, violating the proprieties of poli
tics, what if it should be a will-o'-the-wisp,
after all f What if, having tempted men from
the broad, direct way, and mired them up to
the lips in all the uncleanness of partisan
struggles, it should finally be only a deceit of
the political atmosphere, and not the grand
prize they counted upon gaining f Then it
must be shown, intimates the Committee, that
the Military bill is not a finality. Then we
must adopt some new plan that will give us
in reality the effectual control we exiected
that bill would give us.
We may safely estimate the whole present
vote of the South at twelve hundred thousand
in round numbers. One-third of this is the
negro vote, and thus the white voters of the
Sonth will outnumber the negroes fully two
to one. upon any just system of reconstruc
tion, therefore, the political power of the South
will be still overwhelmingly in the hands of
the whites, and the radicals can have no hope
to cain anv noint bv the niptrer vot rTr.
through a division of the white vote. But
the prospect for such division is so dim that
radicals hardly hope for it. Indeed, the very
prospect that they will secure the united
negro vote renders it the more improbable
that there will be any division of the whites.
The steps taken to secure the negro are driv
ing the white man into inevitable opposition.
It is certain that the negroes can only be ral
lied on a platform upon which the white men
cannot stand. Extravagant promises have
been made by Republican orato s, and if they
are not kept it is an absolute certainty that
the nigger vote will be demoralized and
scattered; if they are kept, if there is any
step towards keeping them, the Repub
licans will scarcely poll a white vote in
any Southern State. The bad policy of the
Republican party, the headlong precipitancy
of its frantic leaders, have placed it iu such a
false position on the great subject of recon
struction, that its promises to the negro are
threats to the white man; and these threats
have driven the white man hopelessly beyond
the radical reach. A prominent Republican in
Virginia sat on a jury with five negroes, con
scious that his refusal would have been politi
cal capital for the Democrats; but he is now
openly repudiated by the adherents of his
dusky fellow-jurors, his republicanism being
of too mild a typo for their violent taste. His
proposal for a platform on which whites and
negroes can stand side by side is scouted as a
treason to nigger interests. It is the same iu
the whole South, the law prevailing, as in alll
revolutionary times, that there must be no
moderate measures.
Having thus consolidated its black vote
and by the same steps consolidated the white
against it and finding this latter far the
largest, the next bad step of the Republican
paity w ill be to repudiate the settlement it
has already made, in so far as it involves the
white vote. It will throw overboard the plau
Involved in the Military bill on the day whoa
it becomes certain that the votes given to
white men under that bill will be cast against
it, and overbalance the nigger vote. "The
Republican party," says this last programme
of the Republican committee, "desires the re
storation of the Union only on such terms as
shall render it impossible to involve the coun
try in sectional strife." Ballot-box victories
against the radicals in the South will indicate,
therefore, a condition that will render a resto
ration of the Uuicn not desirable to that party,
ju order to have an assurance of a political
millennium, says the same document,
"there must be cooperation of the races;" aud
not only that, but this ooiiperation must be
"upon the principles which prevail in the
North, and to which the Republican party is
fully committed." The point of which is,
that if the Southern white men do not "co
operate," if they do not vote with the niggers,
they shall not vote at all, so long as the radi
cals can prevent it. It is not enough for
Southern whites to return; but they must
return on their knees they must come in
Republicans or stay out; for at the last mo
ment, when the South has, as it supposes,
done all that Is required, and comes to Con
gress for admission, then "Congress must be
satisfied that the people of the proposed States
MAY 25, 1807.
respectively are, and are likely to be, loyal to I
tbe Union by decisive and trustworthy ma- I
joiitii s." Congress will not be so pi.iisaed, It
is clear, unless these "majorities" are for
radical power. i
a 1 l a a e . .....
.nna wnai must ie me result of all this r
Radical extremists have hounded lie niggers
to their side of the line and driven the whites
to the other. And now comes a party inti
mation that if the whites persist in their re
fusal to bow down there shall be a new up
turning all that has been done shall be un
done; what has been settled shall be unsettled;
the whites shall be disfranchised, at least, and,
if necessary, their property shall be handed
ever to the niggers. Republicanism must re
main dominant at any cost. Tho result of
such policy and such an intimation must be
to stimulate, to intensify, to hasten an Inevi
table reaction over the whole North to give
purpose and vitality to that rising sentiment
of the American people that already weighs
the necessity of rtudiating these reckless,
ruinous leaders, who would sacrifice every
Interest of the country, every aspiration of the
Eeople, every principle of right and justice,
eforo the Moloch of party.
Oreeley aud Deecher.
From the World.
On the 30th of August, last year, Henry
Ward Beecher wrote an able and rousing let
ter favoring the restoration policy of President
Johnson. That letter stirred up as great a
commotion in Plymouth Church as Mr.
Greeley's signing the Davis bonds has in the
Union League Club. But Mr. Beecher did not
stand to his guns. He got frightened ; quailed
before the storm ; wrote an equivocating letter
affecting to explain the former one, but really
recanting it. Several months afterwards, at
the Southern Relief meeting in Cooper Hall,
he made a ranting abusive speech, out of har
mony with the occasion, as a means of redeem
ing his reputation and reinstating himself in
the good graces of the sons and daughters of
vengeance. This craven retreat destroyed Mr.
Beecher's influence as a politician and hia
estimation as a man of moral courage. The
country then saw for the first time that he
dared not stand by his judgment against the
clamors of his associates, and thenceforth he
ceased to be regarded aa a moral force. He
was degraded to the rank of a fluent contribu
tor to publio amusements. ' He has been
beaten as a candidate for the Constitutional
Convention, running behind hia ticket in his
own city, and is now seeking reputation in a
new field as the compeer of Sylvanus Cobb in
writing bad novels for the New York Leduer.
Whether Mr. Greeley will not also be cowed
by the fiendish vindictiveness of his party,
we shall not undertake to conjecture; but
thus far, at least, he has evinced no want of
pluck. Pluckiness is a very popular quality
iu whomsoever exhibited, from a game-cock
np to a statesman. It was to his prompt, in
flexible, and somewhat irascible courage more
than to any other great quality, that General
Jackson owed his boundless influence. But
not many men are endowed with this high
quality, although numbers are tempted to
simulate it. Mr. Beecher assumed its tone
and language so long as it won him plaudits,
fbut the very first time he was ever put to the
'proof by finding himself opposed in quarters
where opposition was inconvenient, he showed
that he was no more a Luther than an actor
who struts his little hour on the stage is a
Caesar. President Johnson also has used
some bold language, but never having
supported it by any bold acts, he has
failed to win that strenuous admiration which
signal exhibitions of moral courage never
fail to evoke. Whether Mr. Greeley's defiance
of his assailants is genuine firmly bottomed
pluck, and he possesses the toughness of
moial fibre that no obloquy or isolation can
unstring, cannot be decided till this quarrel
has made further progress. He may not be
put to any serious proof, for a tempest in
sucn a teapot as the union .League Club can
not be regarded as anything very serious.
But if, as we suspect to be the case, the Club
should prove to be a fair representative of
the average intelligence and magnanimity of
the Republican party of the United States,
the consequences which Mr. Greeley may be
called to confront will be altogether more
formidable. A party which upholds and
applauds such a ribald old fiend as Parson
Brownlow, and is striving to spread a tyranny
like that he exercises in Tennessee all
over the South, cannot differ much in spirit
from the Union League Club; and if Mr.
Greeley should find this whole acrid, vitriolic
paity "scowling" upon him from every part
of the country, it will then be seen whether his
bold words are anchored in a strong and
courageous nature. His vessel behaves well
in a squall, but are its timbers solid enough
to lide out a gale f Is he merely opinionated
and wayward, or is he a man of genuine aud
immovable strength of character, a man whose
courage will always stand as the robust yoke
fellows of his convictions f His future esti
mation with his countrymen will depend upon
his going through this ordeal with the same
intrepid vigor with which he enters it. He
has taken his stand so defiantly, that, if he
gives any symptoms of flinching, his friends
and enemies alike will judge him the mere
rpoit of circumstances, and his influence will
be prostrated forever. He has our good
wishes, both as standing in the foremost rank
of the editorial profession, and because magna
nimity is a virtue for which it is creditable to
suffer.
SPECIAL NOTICES""
B2P THE OFFICE OF
The Liverpool, New York, and Phila
delphia Steamship Company,
"Inman. Line,"
lias been removed from Kd. IU WALN0T Street, to
KO.411 (UESKDT NIBEET.
2flrp JOHN a. DA LB. Agent.
op OFFICE PENNSYLVANIA RAILROAD
IS COMPANY.
Philadelphia, May 4, 1367.
The Board of Directors buve lliU tiny declared a
si-iiil-aiimiai Dividend ot '111 REE PER CliNT. oil the
CHi'llal block ol Hie Coin puny, olvm of National auU
bin Ib Tuxes, a able In L'wtn ou and altar Miiy mi.
Tlit-v liave alHO de.:lured an KXl UA 1UV1DEND
ot 11VK l'x-lt Vh,y I , baned uijou rohU earned
i.r'or lo Januury 1. 1 w7. clear ol Is'ulloual and isute
TaxV payable fn Bloi:k ou and alter May &, at lla
I'ur value of i illy J' IIbts per aliare Uitf aUaren lor
bu.i'k Dividend lo be diiled May 1. 17.
hcrlp t erlllicaiea will be Iswued lor fractional part
ol hbiTrex: kulu tool ip w III uolbe entitled lo any X .He
len or Dividend, but will be con verulile lulo block
wlieu iireaeuled In tuuia of Ulty Dollurn.
Fow ell ol altorney for colU cnou ot Dividend cau
lie I ad ou application at tbe tillice ot too Oouipuuy,
jVwtM' tih'iMAB T. FIRTn.T,aure,.
HOT- OFFICE OF THE ILLINOIS CEN-
lKs7 1UAL. JlAlIJtOAD tJOMl'AN V,
Nkw Yomk, May 1 1887.
Tli Annual Meeting Of the BliurWmlileri ol tlie
U.LlltOlM CK'UlAl, IIAII.KOAD tXJMl'AfJV. for
tbe Jileciioii ol Dlieconi. and Die iraiihacllou of oilier
bUHlneisa, w III be beld at Hie ollice of n.u I oiiiuny, In
I he l liy of 1I1UAGO, on W KDNEsDA V. tbe aim
df- of Kliiy, In.7. at o'clock P. M.
'I be Tranafer Hooka ol the Com puny will becloand
at Hie cloi-e ol bwiii on tbe Mill luat., aud leopeued
on I lie I-1 day of Juue next.
I io l&t Li. A. CAT LIN, Becrelary.
SPECIAL NOTICES.
K5T union lxacue house,
i
MAY 15, 1S67.
At a mating ot the Board ol Erector of tbe
CHION LKAOUK OF I'll I LA D to. LI" 11 1 A hal(i
March 12, 1867. tbe following Preamble n. Ro4U.
tlone were adopted:
Wbereaa, la rrpuMlcan form ol government It U
of the highest Importance that the del' gate of tbe
people, to whom the eoverelgn power la entrusted,
ebonld be eo elected a lo truly reprenent the body
rolltlc, and there being no provision ot law whereby
the people may be organized for tbe purpoee of auon
election, and all parlies having reongnlxed the oecea.
Ity ortuota organization by tbe formation of volun
tary associations lor tills purpose, and
Whereas, There are grave defect existing uudoc
the present system ol voluntary organization, which
It Is believed may bi corrected by suitable provisions
pf law; now, therefore, be It
Beeolved, By the Hwaid ol Directors ol the UNION
LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA, that tbe Secretary
be and la hereby d iri cled to offer eleven hundred dol
lar In prlres for essys on the lesal organization or
the people to select caudldatei for oulce, the prlxea to
be aa follows, vis.:
Tbe sum of five hundred dollars for that essay
which, luthn Judgment of the Board, shall be ursl In
tbe order of merit;
Three hundred dollars lor the second;
Two hundred for tlie third, and
One hundred for the lout lb.
Tbe conditions upou which these prlr.fi are offered
re as lollows, vla.:-
1'irst. All easaya c mipeling for these prises must be
addressed to QKUltOK H. BOKER, Secretary of the
Union League of Philadelphia, and roast oa received
by him before the FIK3T DAY OF JANUARY, UM,
and no communiutiion having tbe author' name au
tjebed. or with any other ludlca Hon of origin, will be
considered.
Second. Accompanying every competing essay, the
Author must enclose bis name and eddrasa within ft
sealed envelope, addressed to the Secretary of the
Union League. After the awards have been made, the
envelopea accompanying the successful essay shall
be opened, and the author notified of the result.
Third. All competing essays shall become tbe pro
perty of the Union League: bat no publication of
rejected essays, or in names of their authors, shall
be made without couaeut of tne authors In writing.
By order ol the Board ol Director.
CiEVIlUK II. BOKKB,
510.1m . BECKKTAUY.
gagp REf rjBLICAN STATE CONVENTION.
IlABSiHBuna, April 16, 1867. The "Republican
State Convention'1 will meet al the "Herdic Uouse,"
Iu Wllllamsport, on WEDNESDAY, the 2(h day of
June next, at 10 o'clock A. M., to nominate a candi
date lor Judge of the Supreme Court, aud lo Initiate
proper measures for the ensuing biate cauvaaa.
An heretofore, tbe Convention will be composed of
tbe usual way, and equal In number lo the whole of
the benatora and lii-preaematlves In the Ueuoral
Assembly.
By order of the Slate Central Committee.
i Jolt DAK, Chairman.
J. Koiilev DUKMMHON, j gecretariea. spoilt "
1ST UNION PACIFIC RAILWAY COKPARY. E. 0.
OFFICE, NO. tal WALSUT MTBEET, '
Philadelphia, if ay si, 1W7.
The INTEREST IN GOLD, on tbe FIRST MORT
GAGE BONDS OF THE UNION PACIFIO RAIL
WAY COMPANY, EASTERN DIVISION, DUB
JUNE 1, will be paid on presentation of the Coupons
therefor, on and a'ter that date, at the Banking
Bouse ot
DAUNET, MORUAH CO.,
mo. S3 EXCHANGE PLACE, New York.
(Signed) WILLIAM J. PALMER.
6 21 tuthslot Treasurer.
frS??" DEPARTMENT OP POBLIO HIGH-WAYtt-ClkiUE,
No, 104 S. JOkTH Street.
Philadelphia.
NOTICE TO CONTRACTORS.
Sealed Proposals w 111 be received at the Office of the
Chief CommiHalout.r of Highways nulil 11 o'clock M.,
ou lust., for the couHiructlou of the following Ke
wers.viz.. ou the line or fifteenth street, from Brandy
wine to Green street, thence westward on Green street
to blxteentb street, and one on the line of Third street,
lrom Coatea to Brown street, these to be two feet six
Inches In clear diameter. Also, one of three feet In
clear diameter, ou the line ot Huntingdon street, from
me connection wim me emerald slieet Hewer to the
east Hue ol Jasper fctreet, with such Inlets and man
holes as may be directed by tbe thiol Engineer and,
Surveyor.
Tbe understanding to be that the Contractor shall
take bills prepared UKulnst the property fronting on
said sewer to the amount of one dollar and twenty-five
cents for each lineal foot or trout on each aide of the-
street as ao much cnnh paid; the balance, as limited
by Ordinance, to be paid by the city; and the Con
nector will be required lo keep the street and,
sewer In good .repulr lor two years after the sewer la
finished.
V. hen the street Is occupied by City Passenger
Bnllroud track, tbe Sewer shall be constructed along
side ol said track Iu such manner as not to obstruct or
luteriere with the sale passuge of cars thereon; and no
cli.Jiu lor remuneration shall be paid the Contractor
by the comoauy using said track, ua spbeifled iu A.ct
of Assembly approved Alay 8th, lsi.
A 11 Bidders are liivltod to be present at the time and
place of opening the said Proposals. Each proposal
will be accoiuriauied by a cerlitlcute that a Bond has
been riled In the Law Depntlmeiit as directed by Ordi
nance of May 2ulh, IKWI. If the Lowest Bidder shall
not execute a contract within five days alter the work
Is aw aided, he will be deemed aa declining, and will
be held liable on bis bond lor the dillereuce between
his bid aud the next htuhest bid.
frpeclllcailons may be had at the Department of
Surveys, which will be strictly adhered to.
W. W. SMEDLEY,
5 !3 3t Chief Commissiouer of Highways.
irjsr- NOTICE THE NEW ORLEANS BE--pu
UL1CAN i- elicits the patrouatre of all loyal
men In tbe Norllv.who have business Interests Iu the
boulb. Having been selected by tbe Clerk of the
House of Representatives under tbe law of Cougreoa
passed March 2, lkti7, as the paper lor printing ail the
Laws aud 'lrealles, and all the Federal aUverlisu
Uu ius within the Suite ol Louisiana, It will he the
best advertising uieiilumJn the Southwest, reuohing
a lamer number ol business men limn any oilier
paper. Address MATHEWf) & HAMILTON, Con
veys ucei a. No. VWSANoOM Street, or S. L. BROWN
& CO., New Orleans. Louisiana. 4-Klm
NOTICF.-ST. LOCH. ALTON. AND
irmnKHAUTIi RAILROAD COMPANY.
The Annual aieeung oi '""""""T" v.,
holders ot ibis company will be held at, their oUIce,
In the City of ST. LOUIS, on MONDAY, the lid Hay
of June next, al 8 o'clock in the afternoon ol that dsy.
for Ibe 'ELECTION of THIRTEEN DIRECTORS lor
the ensuing year, mid lor tbe Irunsacllon ol any other
business which may he brought before epx
'i heTransterBooksof the Conipauy will be closed
on SATURDAY, Hie 4Ui day ot May next, and will be
opened on TUESDAY, the 4th day ot Juue.-Duted
b'd l"'l Bylrder. H. C. BRYANT. Bec'y.
rf NATIONAL BANK OF THS EEPUB
LIC. PBiLADixrHiA, May 1,1867
Applications for the unallotted shares In the in
crease of tb Capital Stock 0 tills Bank are uow belug
deceived and tie stock delivered,
6 III JOSEPH P. MUMFORD. Cashlef.
frtT" THE ANNUAL MEETING OF TlIB
Stockholders of the CLARION RIVER AND
Sr-BINQ CREEK OIL COUPAN V. will e Je'd at
No. M North I'hONl' Street, on WJbJNBJu i
May a, at Hi o'clock M. 16 lu
KPT f'PKCIAL MEETING OF 6J,CK.-
-HOI.DE Its of MKIOS OIL COMPANY, on
FRIDAY KVENJNU. May M, at o'clock, at No.
Itii6 MAHKaT SUeel. . r
tlBw4f N. M. FERNALD, Secretary.
rilALON'l
PIIALON'S
PUALON'S
PHALOH'S
PilALON'S
Night Iilooinlng Ceresuu"
"KlgiU Bloomlmg CereasV
"Night Blooming Cereua."
"Night alloonalnff Caroua."
"Night Blooming Cereus."
A most exqnlsite delicate. nd frRgrant Pcrlaine,
distilled from the lire sod livautllulflowtriroui which
It take It Bsaie,
Manufactured or, by ' 111 m
PI1ALOW BOM, New York.
HEW ALK Ol COUITfcKr-t,lTi4 '
AfrK. rOU 1UAI.OS. b 1 AKK Nl OTUXtU