7 r AT I
J 3 3 fit
THE NEW YORK PFIESS.
EDITORIAL OriHIONB OF THB tRADIHG JOtTBSALS
BPOir CUBKBNT TOPICS COMPILED EVBKt
BAT FOB THB EVENING TKhBGHAPH.
Itoe Conntrr-nevolntlon Mow Going On
..Irflenun t Large.
JVom f7t Jleratd.
It will be difficult for tbo future historian or
our great civil war, be hia powers of descrip
tion what they may, to exaggerate the ilia
Tfhieh the war has entailed on all the sections
and interests of the Commonwealth. After the
rassiona to which that struggle gave birth have
died out, it will still be found that a large
legacy of misfortune has been left to tuo
nation. It is not merely that for upwards of
four years war on a more gigantic scale than
has ever yet been witnessed raged within our
borders; that vast extents of territory were over
run and laid waste; that some of our finest
cities were levelled with the dust; that trade
In all its departments was paralyzed; that our
Jlourishing commerce was swept from the
ocean; that five or six hundred thousand men
fn the one side and on the other proved their
devotion or their patriotism with thoir lives;
that the bitter anguish of bereavement
clothed the nation in mourning; that thou
sands of maimed and helpless creatures in
all parts of the Union 'continually remind
TLB of the severity and iniquity of
the Btrugglo; that the miseries of poverty were
experienced by thousands and hundreds of
thousands among whom formerly plenty
reigned; that we are groaning under some
three or four thousand millions of debt; that
through the maddened passions which that
struggle engendered our Chief Magistrate, for
no other fault than simply performing his
duty, perished by the assassin's hand it is
not merely for these reasons, weighty as they
are, that the Rebellion is to be deplored. It
is to be deplored for other reasons than these,
nnd chiefly for this one a reason which
hitherto Mas been lost sight of that it has
Bown the seeds of future misery and disorder
hich centuries of good government and wise
legislation will be impotent to destroy. Unless
ve admit that civil war had become a neces
sity, guilt, grievous guilt, must lie at some
door. As we cannot admit the necessity, we
Lave no choice but to proclaim the guilt.
At whose door, then, are all these miseries to
be laidt On whose head is this gigantio evil
to be charged ? On whom is that guilt to be
mainly fastened T But one answer comes to
these questions from all parts of the mighty
Worth, and even from many parts, too, of the
humbled and Buffering South, and that answer
Shapes itself into the name ot one man, and
that man is Jefferson Davis. It was his hand
that lighted up the flames of civil war a war
which has begotten such a brood of miseries to
lilmself, to his friends, to the South, to the
entire American Union. If political offenses
are possible in a republio, if the word treason
has any meaning in a self-governing commu
nity, and if it is treason to plot and attempt
the ruin of our country, then, from the mo
ment the first Rebel snot was fired at Fort
Bumter, Jefferson Davis stood convicted of
the highest political offense known among
men. lie played the traitor's part. Suc
cessful, he would have reaped the honor.
Unsuccessful, he could only count on the
traitor's doom. lie was unsuccessful. Not
only so he fell into the hands of his enemies.
What has followed T llow has this arch
Itebel been treated T lias he met the fate to
which the English Parliament was bold enough
to deliver Charles the First, and to which
the French Convention, with equal bold
ness, though perhaps with leas justice,
doomed Louis the Sixteenth f Nothing
of the sort. Will it be credited by future
generations of the American people that this
author of so much misery, this disturber of
peace, this destroyer of human life, this
scourge and ruin of his country, has, after
two years of imprisonment, at any time during
which trial was practicable and easy, been
permitted, still untried, to resume hia liberty 1
Yet so it is. Without having undergone even
the shadow of a trial, Jefferson Davis is again
a free man. Blood has been poured forth in
actual torrents, parents have laid their chil
dren on the altar of their country, the flower
and promise of our young men have perished,
suffering untold and inconceivable has been
and still is being endured, and for what pur
pose f To put down this iniquitous Rebellion
and to bring traitors to justice.
The Rebellion had been put down; traitors
have fallen into our hands; but Justice I we
know not where to find her. She has aban
doned her native seats, and . where she was
wont to be seen in pride and purity and
honor, Corruption sits, with bold and un
blushing brow. No; the chief traitor has not
been punished has not even been tried.
Not only so; under the flimsiest and most
wretched pretext by which the course of
justice was ever averted, aud by the aid of pre
tended patriots and purists and would-be
philanthropists, he has been set free. We
Buffer the entire American people, North and
South, suffer because of this man's offenses;
but the offender himself escapes with im
punity. Such is the condition of things to which the
nation has been brought. The condition, cer
tainly, is pitiable enough. Who is to blame
for it ? It was natural that Jefferson Davis
Bhould desire liberty. That he is free is as
little his fault as that he has not been tried.
Wow, however, that we are rid of him, we have
to deal with another class of offenders. Who,
we ask, is to blame ? Some say the President;
some say Chief Justice Chase; some say Con
gress; some say Judge Underwood. The par
tisans of ach of these, we understand, are
very keen. Of one thing, at least, we are cer
tain the blame does not rest with the people.
We do not feel disposed to go in for any one of
the above-mentioned parties. Whether the
blame rests more with the President than with
the Judiciary, or more with Congress than
with either, we are less certain than that it
will be divided among them. It was equally
in the power of the President, the Congress,
the Judiciary, to force on the trial. All nave
failed. . . . ,
- The people of the United States have been
befooled and disgraced in the eyes of the
woiAd and by whomf By their acknow
iifrl .nit w,tai iiAris. Worse than that,
they are being ground down by a system of
the most meddling and oppressive taxation
Which any nation has ever experienced. For
what purpose? To punish treason treason
which lias been declared impossible in the
fmublio. Bv whom has this declaration beon
madat Bv their acknowledged and eleoted
heads. We have tried to put the question
r.lflarlv before the minds of the American peo
ple, knowing, as we do, that the instincts of
the Teoile are just and right, and that in the
lonir run they will respond to what is true
IVe drop the subject for the present by leaving
to the consideration of the great publio two
questions: First. Who is to blame, for this
failure of Justice t Second. Since Justice has
tA. since treason is not treason, aud since
iva imvA iiaaii Kjearinir uie vieseui, uuiueu w
in lm lifiiiefthat treason was treason, is
ortb. while bearing It any longer r
THE DAILY
Shalt Hherldan l lltmortd t
lyom the Tribune.
A rumor cornea from Washington that Mr.
Johnson and his Cabinet have boen discussing
the propiiety of removing General Sheridan.
No reason is assigned why this gallant officer
should be relieved of his command, except
that "prominent Louisianlans, both of the
Rebel and conservative stamp," have peti
tioned for his removal.
Mr. Johnson and his Cabinet may as well
understand that "prominent Louisiauians of
the Rebel and conservative stamp," are Just
the very last men in the country who have
any business to bo heard in this matter, and
that General Sheridan is one of the last men
in the country who ought to be sacrificed to
please them. We dare say they do not like
him. Wo dare say they have no particular
affection for the victor of Winchester, and
Fisher's Hill, and Cedar Run ; for the man
who told the truth so boldly about the New
Orleans massacre, and who has exerted him
self so zealously, to give New Orleans a loyal
City Government and an honest police. But
to our mind this is a Btrong reason why he
Bhould be retained. General Sheridan faced
the Rebels too gallantly in war to fear them in
peace. One of his highest recommendations
for the position he now holds is that ho has
never seemed afraid of losing it. He stands
in no dread of Conservatives, cither at New
Orleans or at Washington, and fears the
Louisiana Rebels as little as he fears the Presi
dent. It would gratify the publio to see the names
of some of the Rebels and conservatives whose
demands for the virtual disgrace of a gallant
officer appear to have been heard with such
respectful consideration at the White House.
They would like to know whethar the list
includes John T. Monroe, whom Sheridan re
moved from the Mayoralty for notorious and
outrageous disloyalty; or Andrew S. Herron,
whom he deposed from the District Attorney
ship; or Edmund Abell, whom he turned off
the bench of the District Court, both for the
same reason. They would like to know how
many of the Rebel policemen whom he has
recently expelled from office, how many of the
ruffians whose murdering of inoffensive oolorod
Unionists he stigmatized so bravely in his
report on the massacre; how many of the still
rampant Rebels whose oppression of the freed
men he has checked are among those "con
servative" petitioners.
If General Sheridan has made himself ob
noxious to a certain class of the people whom
he has to govern, it is only by doing his duty.
If the Rebels want him sent away, it is proof
enough that the Union men want him to stay.
The country feels too grateful tor what he did
during the war, and what he has done since,
to bear patiently with his unmerited disgrace.
The people have no mind that the Confederates
whom he whipped in the field should now be
permitted to whip him. And, personal con
siderations apart, they are too sensible ot the
benefit of his administration to Louisiana and
to the country at large, to submit to its being
changed for a different sort of rule. The ad
ministration which attempts to disgrace Gene
ral Sheridan, just to please a few men of the
Herron and Monroe stamp, will have to face a
storm of popular indignation that will sweep
it out of office.
Stat Sovereignty The Couiolldatton
Policy
From the Times.
Tho phase of radicalism most likely to en
gage attention is that which affirms tho abso
lute sovereignty of Congress over all matters
pertaining to the States. The doctrine pro
mulgated by Mr. Sumner, insisted upon by
Wendell Phillips, and accepted by journals
not always in alliance with the extremists, is
that Congress may and should legislate for all
the States to the extent that may be necossary
for the complete establislunent of its polioy.
Negro suffrage, of course, affords the imme
diate test. The destruction of the slave sys
tem, it is argued, will not be finished until the
political and civil equality of the negro is
secured throughout the Union. And since
many of the States are inimical to the change,
w hile others are in no haste to effect it, it is
contended that Congress should forthwith
ajsert its authority in the premises, and in
sure universal negro suffrage by a national
enactment. The proposition rests on the
ground that the old idea of States Rights is
exploded, and that what Congress may do for
the freedmen at the South it is bound to do for
the blacks in all other States. In pursuance
of the same reasoning, the Baltimore radicals
appeal to Washington for help to enable them
to set aside the action of the Maryland Con
vention. From which it would follow, that
under the plea of constructing a strong
central power for consummating purposes de
veloped during the progress of the war, the
ultra Radicals are pushing the consolidation
policy to a point that involves the overthrow
of the control hitherto exercised by the States
on questions relating to their internal affairs.
There is a glimmering of plausibility, if
not of reason, in this manifestation of radical
opinion. Logically considered, negro suffrage
is now a part of the national policy. Con
gress has made it one of the conditions- of
reconstruction, and has thus affirmed its
desire to obliterate distinctions based upon
color or race. It has done this ostensibly
on the score of justice, and as a means of
contributing to the national safety. And
inasmuch as the Government is composed
of Northern members, ana is supposes
to represent- the Northern will, the in-
ference is not extravagant mat mo ynu
ciple which the North has thrust upon
the South in respect of negro votes, it
is prepared to carry out in its own con
cerns. To declare that the negro is qualified
to govern the South implies a consciousness
that the negro is qualiiied to share in the
government of the North. There can be
no escape from this conclusion except at
the expense of consistency. The advocates
of consolidation, however, fall into two mis
takes, either of which would be fatal to their
plan.
They assume, in the first place, that negro
suffrage at the South is a concession to justice,
when in reality it is merely a measure of par
tisan expediency. And they take it for granted,
in- the next place, that because the States
composing the Government build their recon
struction policy upon the hypothesis that
Federal authority is supreme, therefore these
States will not object to the extension of the
theory to their own cases. Notldng could be
more erroneous as a question of fact or more
superficial as a question of reasoning. The
circumstances which alone excuse the exercise
of Federal authority at the South, desoribe the
limit beyond which Congressional action of the
imm Lnrni-ter would be rank usurpation.
And though the Northern people uphold a sur
render of the principle of State sovereignty in
its application to the South, they cling as
tenaciously as ever to that priuoiple in its
HTmllr.Rliim to themselves.
. It happens, too, that States which are just
now among the strongholds of radicalism are
EVENING TELEGRAPH
interested in defeating the consolidation
polioy. Tennessee and Missouri both olaim
to bo intolerant in their loyalty -procrlptive
in their patriotism. Each baa availed itself
of tho rlghta guaranteed by the Constitution
to create tests and impose disabilities, with the
view of strengthening the radical party.
They have carried out. tho Slate sovereignty
principle according to their own notions of
expediency. Hie results have been harsh and
evil in both instances, but the general princi
ple on which they have proceeded, being in
entire accord with the recognized understand
ing of State rights, has passed unchallenged.
Both Stales, then, are standing radical pro
tests against the Sumner-Phillips innovation.
For if Congress may be properly called upon
to force one set of views upon Maryland, why
may it not, with equal propriety, be urged to
interfere in Tennessee f If it may to day dis
franchise Governor Swan's Rebel sympathiz
ing fiiends, why may it not to-morrow dis
franchise Governor Brownlow'a ruffians and
cutthroats, and consign their arms to the
State arsenal? Or if it may thrust negro
suffrage upon Now York and Connecticut,
what is to hinder it from meddling with mat
ters over which Governor Fletcher and the
radicals of Missouri claim jurisdiction?
In Missouri, indeed, the questiou has taken
a practical shape. The Jmlgos of its Supremo
Court have come into conflict with a decision
of the Supreme Court of the United States,
and in support of their position lay down dicta
in regard to the reserved rights of States with
a warmth of dogmatism that would have ex
torted admiration from Calhoun. The Supreme
Court of the United States, it mav be remem
bered, not long ago declared the test oath of
the Missouri radicals unconstitutional. But
tho Supreme Court of Missouri, adjudicating
the other day in the Blair-Ridgley case, pro
ceeds on the broad ground that while Federal
sovereignty is limited and derived, State
sovereignty is original and inherent, boing
limited only in regard to powers explicitly sur
rendered. South Carolina never spoke more
strongly on the point than these radical
Judges of Missouri, as may be inferred from
utterances like this:
"Tho Stntes, when they entered the Union, re
tained all llieir orlginul power and sovereignty,
except such bs wero expressly surrendered to
the General Government, or they were ex
pre6ly prohibited from exercising. Subject to
these exceptions, they are Independent Com
iiion wenllhp, and the excluslvo Judges of what
Is Just and proper for their own safety, welfare,
and happiness."
Yet further these exponents of Missouri
ideas assert:
"Prior to the adoption of the Federal Consti
tution, the respective 8 tales possessed un
limited and unrestricted sovereliru' v. and re
tained tho same ever afterwards, except so far
ns they planted certain powers to the Uenoral
Government, or prohibited themselves from
dolU certain acts. Every State reserved to
itnell the exclusive riput of regulating Its own
lbtcrnul government aDd police."
"Independent commonwealths," almost
"unlimited and unrestricted sovereignty,"
"exclusive judges of what is right and proper
for their own safety," "exclusive right of
regulating their own government and police."
Why, these phrases, true though they be,
60und se oddly coming from radical lips that
they form a very suggestive indication of
difficulty in the way of the consolidation policy.
True, this exposition of the doctrine of State
sovereignty is levelled at the Supreme Court
of the United States, and is pushed to a de
gree which cannot be sustained. It is a case
in which the Judges of a State declare their
jurisdiction superior to that of the Court of
the nation, precisely as was done by the radi
cal Judges of Wisconsin . in the days of the
Fugitive Slave law. But the whole argument
applies with equal cogency to a controversy
between a State and Congress, with negro
suffrage as the point in dispute. When,
therefore, Mr. Sumner brings up his scheme
for legislating negro suffrage into all the States,
let us not forget that the radical Judges of the
Supreme Court of Missouri have proclaimed
these States "independent commonwealths,"
each possessing "the exclusive right of regu
lating its own internal "government." The
principle, thus applied, is old as the Union,
and needed not the indorsation of the Missouri
Bench. But its reaffirmation in this connec
tion is reasonable, as an answer from radical
lips to the most aggressive of radical demandu.
Logic by Induction.
FYom the Tribune.
There is a good deal in analysis; and, a3
clergymen and church-goers know, two or
three lines of text may be amplified into seve
ral quires of sermon. The account of the riot
at Brownsville, Tenn., which we have already
printed, concludes as follows: "One of the
rioters is reported to have said, early in the
day, that he was going to get drunk, and go
up to the Court-house and drive off the d d
niggers."
1. lie uas going to get drunk. This wo con
sider creditable in him. He must have had a
sort of soft spot somewhere, either in his heart
or his liver, and felt a compunction at the
mean work in which he was about to engage.
So, like "Lady Macbeth," he took something
before he proceeded to business. "That which
hath made them drunk hath made me bold,"
said her ladyship. "I am going to get drunk,"
said the Brownsville murderer. It would be
curious to inquire how much whisky had to
do with the great Rebellion; of the little ones
which break out here and there, this untrust
worthy and irresponsible fluid is, no doubt, a
prime constituent element.
2. He was going up to the Court-home. He
was going to the very temple of justice to defy
the laws, as some Eacriligious scoundrel might
break into a church for the purpose of prac
tising the profane languago with greater gusto
upon the very steps of the pulpit or in the
pulpit itself. Abandoned to ISaechus, he held
Themis in high contempt, and must needs
show it. So he first loaded himself, and then
his rifle, and, being both mentally and physi
cally cocked and primed, he proceeded.
3. To drive off the d d niggers. This decla
ration shows, we must confess, a more con
sistent purpose than might have been ex
pected from this muddled reformer. What, in
the audacious enthusiasm of his cups, he in
tended, is simply what a great many gentle
men who never drink the extract of rye at all
have often proposed to do some of them even
offering to annihilate both time and space, and
to transport four millions of negroes aforesaid
to Africa, where M. du Chaillu says they be
long where at this moment, if man had not
presumptuously interfered with Divine Provi
dence, they would now be hunting gorillas,
worshiping idols, and cutting each others'
throats. The Brownsville reformer, indeed,
under the encouraging influence of his" favorite
fluid, went a little too far. His "driving off"
seems to have meant the driving of his victims
quite away from this terrestrial ball out of
the State of Tennessee into the Future State.
Such a bold enthusiast should be known by
name, as he will be, when twelve men lay
their heads together to decide whether he shall
be hung or only locked up for life. Meanwhile,
he seems to be quite at large; getting drunker,
we suppose, than ever, aud most lamentably
unreconstructed.
PHILADELPHIA, FRIDAY,
Horace Greeley and the Union League
Club.
Fnm the World.
We published yenterday two romarkablo
lotters, written by two of our greatest masters
of sinewy Englith, when English is used for
purposes of invective. One ia a reply by Mr.
Greeley to the arraignment of the Union
League Club, which is about to haul him over
the coals, and probably expel him, for boing a
bondsman of Jefferson Davis; the other, a less
interesting production, though one of the most
vigorous specimens of its author's talent for
vituperation, is a letter by Wendell Phillips
to the Anti-Slavery Standard, in which he
bears down upon Mr. Greeley like a soventy
four gun war-frigate. We copy this venomous
philippic merely as being the most readable
sample wo could offer of the kind of attacks
against which the editor of the Tribune ia
called to make his defense, and dismiss it
without further comment. But Mr. Greeley's
rapping answer to the Union League Clab will
perhaps bear a more extended notice.
The obstreperous hullabaloo which has been
raised about Mr. Greeley's ears for his recent
visit to Richmond, is a valuable index to the
present state of feeling in the Republican
party, and is therefore of considerable publio
interest. It proves that the dominant spirit
of that party is a fervor of inextinguishable
vengeance, inconsistent with any peaceful res
toration of the Union. It proves that so long
as that party is in power, the only relation
that can subsist between the North and South
is insolent domination on one side and humi
liating subjugation on the other. This has
leen manifest enough to reflecting men in the
substitution of military tyranny for republi
can government throughout the South. But
this substitution of despotism for democracy
has been so disguised by plausible pretexts
that the unwary have been misled. The fierce
thirst for vengeance which has inspired the
policy of Congress has assumed the mask of
patriotism, ana it neeuoa some sucn oocasion
as haB now arisen to disclose to common ap
prehension the actual motives and spirit of
the Republican party, vengeance l ven
geance I Vengeance ! unforgiving and relent
less vengeance, is the animating impulse of
the Republicans. J hey are incapable ot any
tolerance, even to those who have rendered
the party the greatest services, the moment
they venture to take a single Btep towards hu
manity and conciliation.
We infer from the defiant tone of Mr.
Greeley's letter that he rather courts than
deprecates an expulsion. The language he
uses to his accusers is such an outpouring of
scorn, such a contemptuous bolittling of their
judgment, that if they do not expel him, the
public will think they are cowed by his vigor
and dare not. "I arraign you," he says, "as
narrow-minded blockheads who would like to
be useful to a reat and good cause, but don't
know how." He cannot very much covet the
association of "men whom he thus describes,
and they must bo as deficient in spirit as he
tells them they are despicable in intellect, if
they subside . under such a chastisement
Moreover, the grudge between Mr. Greeley
and the Club would seem to be of pretty long
standing. "They greeted him," he says, "with
a broadside of scowls" for articles advocating
lenity at the close of the war. When some
indiscreet admirer made a present to the Club
of his portrait, its President flared up in an
abusive speech against its reception. Last
fall, they "shouted approval" of a speech
against his views by Air. Fesseuden. They
take this fresh occasion to pay off old
scores; and as they would not reoeive his
portrait, he repays the compliment by paint
ing theirs.
It is, of course, a piece of intermeddling
impertinence for a political club to assume
an inquisitorial supervision over such parts
of tho conduct of a member as neither affect
hia honor as a gentleman nor compromise
the .political orthodoxy of tho Club. The
Union League Club may disapprove of the
release of Jefferson Davis on bail; but as
wr, Greeley did not admit him to bail, it is
difficult to see how the honor of the Club is
affected by the release. Over tho Court' and
counsel the Club has no jurisdiction, and it
would be sheer presumption and imperti
nence for them to "rejudge their justice,"
and sit as a tribunal of revision. But it is
the Court, and not Mr. Greeley, that is re
sponsible for the prisoner being at large. If
Mr. Greeley had not signed the bonds, there
were plenty of others who would; and it is
difficult to see how the accident that one of
the signers happened to belong to the Union
League Club makes that body in any way
answerable for what was done at Richmond.
If they do not propose to punish Mr. Gree
ley for what Judge Underwood has done, but
for what Mr. Greeley himself has done, it
must be either for expressing his opinion that
the bailing was proper, or for his belief that
Mr. Davis will not abscond. But the opinion
in favor of bailing was announced long ago,
and if that is what the club are going to call
him to account for, their action is tardy and
whimsical. They are really proposing to
expel Mr. Greeley for the awful crime of be
lieving that Jefferson Davis will not run away.
If this belief is ill-founded, it is he, not the
Club, that will have to pay the forfeit. But
whether the belief be ill-founded or well
founded, where does the Club get its autho
rity to decide that its members shall not
entertain it, or shall not risk money on it ?
It is a small, pitiful business, and Mr. Gree
ley's scornful defiance puts them in a position
where they will be compelled to publish them
selves as asses if they expel him, or as cowards
if they do not.
MILLINERY, TRIMMINGS, ETC.
yjO URNI NC MILLINERY.
ALWAYS ON HAND A LARGE ASSORTMENT 07
MOTJIUNING BOIYINEXS,
AT NO. 0a WALNUT STBEET,
8276m MAD'LLE KEOCH.'
cf- MliS. It. DILLON,
V ko. aa and ssi mouth street,
Bm a baudsome assortment of SPRING WILLI
NEHY. I utiles', WIhhmi', and Children's Straw and Fancy
Bonnets aud Hals of lbs laleat styles.
Also, bilks, Velvets, lUbboub, Crapes, Feathers,
Flowers, Frames, etc 7 lb
fam 6. R O D I NOON
No. GIO OIIKSNUT STREET.
Is In receipt to-day of an Invoice of
HUE CIHIOMOS, ENGRAVINGS,
ETC. ETC.,
- Which are now open for examination.
"Peace and War," by G, Dofee," "Last Hose of
Bummer," "Cromwell arid Family,'' "Borneo aud
Juliet," "Btar ol Belhlhein," are well worthy tbe
attention of the admlret s of art, 3 l&j
MAY 24, 18G7.
SPECIAL NOTICES.
tW UNION LCACUH HOUSE,
MAY li. 1867.
At a meotlnn of tlie Bosrd ot Directors of the
CNtON LKAUUK OF rillLADKLPHIA, neld
March 12, 1867, tbe following l'resmble and Resolu
tions were adopted:
Whereas, In a republican form ot Government It Is
or the highest Importance that the del' gates or the
people, to whom tbe sovereign power Is entrusted,
should be so selected as to liuly represent tba body
roll tic, and there being no provision ot law whereby
tbe people may be organized fur the purpose of such
selection, and all parlies having recognised tbe neoes.
slty of such organization by the formation of volun
tary associations tor this purpose, and
Vbereas, There are grave delocts existing nnder
the present system of voluntary organization, which
it is believed may be corrected by suitable provisions
of law; now, therefore, be It
Unsolved, By the Beard of Directors of the UNION
LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA, that the Secretary
be and Is hereby directed to offer eleven hundred dol-
lnrsln prizes for essays on the legal organization of
the people to select candidates for oOlce, the prizes to
be as follows, viz.:
Tbe sum of Ave hundred dollars far that essay
which, in tbe judgment of the Board, shall be first In
the order of merit;
Three hundred dollars tor the second;
Two hundred for tbe third, and
One hundred for the fourth.
Tbe conditions upon which these prizes are offered
are as follows, vis.:
First. Ail essays competing for these prizes must be
addressed to GEO RUE II. BOKEU, Secretary of the
Union League of Philadelphia, and must be received
by him before the FIR3T DAY OF JANUARY, 1808,
and no communication having the author's name at
tached, or with any other indication of origin, wlU be
considered.
Second. Accompanying every competing essay, the
author must enclose his name and address within a
sealed envelope, addressed to tbe Secretary of tbe
Union League. After the awards have been made, the
envelopes accompanying the successful essays shall
be opened , and tbe authors notified of the result.
Third. All competing essays shall become tbe pro
perty of the Union League: but no publication of
rejected essays, or tbe names of their authors, shall
be made without consent of the authors In writing.
By ordor ol the Board ot Directors.
UEOUtiE II. HOKEB,
6101m SECRETARY.
REPUBLICAN STATE3 CONVENTION.
IfARBiHRnnn, April 10, 1867. The "Republican
State Convention" will meet at the "If erdio House,"
iu Willlmsport. on WEUiSESDAY, the 26th day of
June next, at 10 o'clock A. M., to nominate a candi
date lor Judge of the Supreme Court, and to initiate
proper measures for the ensuing Htate canvass.
As heretofore, the Convention will be composed of
RepreHentittlve and Senatorial Delegates, chosen in
the usual way, and equal In number to tbe whole of
the benatnrs aud Representatives In the Geueral
Assembly,
By order of the State Central Committee.
f. JORDAN, Chairman.
GEOBOK W. HAUKIlsr.KY, I SwrdtarldiL
J. Rqklky DumtMsoy. J ""cremries. 520 git
irtsr DEPARTMENT OP PUBLIO HIGH-WAYS-OFFICE,
No. 104 S. FIFTH Street.
Philadelphia.
NOTICE TO CONTRACTORS.
Pealed Proposals will be received at the Office oMhe
Chief CommiHsiouer ot Highways until 12 o'clock M.,
on lust., for tbe construction of the following Se-
w era, viz.. ou the line of Fifteenth street, f rom Rruudy
wlue to Green street, thence westward on Green street
to felxteenih street, and one 00 tbe line of Third street,
from Coutes to Brown street, these to be two feet six
Inches in clear diameter. AIho, one of three feet in
clear dlnmeter, 011 the Hue ot Huntingdon street, from
the connection with the Emerald stieet Sewer to the
ust line ol Jasper street, with such inlets and man-
iioles as may he directed by the Chief Engineer and
iurveyor.
The understanding to be that the Contractor shall
take Lilts nreuared aealnst the nronortv troutlnc on
said sewer to the amount of one dollar aud twenty-five
(lents tor each lineal foot of front on each side of tbe
street us so much cash paid; the balance, as limited
by Ordinance, to be paid by the city; aud the Con
tractor will be required to. keep the street and
sewer In good .repair lor two years after the sewer la
finished.
W hen the street Is occupied br a City Passenger
Railroad track, the Sewer shall Deconstructed along
side ol said track in such manner as not to obstruct or
interfere with the sale passiige of cars thereon; and no
cliiim for remuneration shall be paid the Contractor
uy ineconinauy using Bam iracK, aa spednea In Act
of Assembly approved May 8th, 1866.
All Bidders are Invited to be present at the time and
place or opening the said Proposals. Each proposal
will be accompanied by a certificate that a Bond has
been tiled In the Law Department as directed by Ordi
nance of May i6th, i860. If the Lowest Bidder shall
not execute a contract within five days after tbe work
Is awarded, he will be deemed as declining, and will
be held liable on his bond lor the ultierence between
bis bid and the next highest bid.
Specifications may be had at tbe Department of
Surveys, which will be strictly adhered to.
W. W. SMEDLKY,
G 23 8t Chief Commissioner of Highways.
fST THE OFFICE OF
Tho Liverpool, New York, and Phila
delphia Steamship Company,
"Inman Line,"
Has been removed from No. Ill WALNUT Street, to
NO. 411 CTIESNUT STBEET.
5 82Slrp JOHN G. DALE. Agent.
KEPT OFFICE PENNSYLVANIA EAILROAD
COMPANY.
Philadelphia, May 4, 1867.
The Board of Directors have this day declared a
semi-annual Dividend of TUHKB PER CENT, on the
Capital Stock of the Company, clear of National aud
State Tuxes, payable In Cash on and alter May 8.
They have also declared an EXTRA DIVIDEND
of FIVE PER CENT., based upon prolits earned
prior to January 1, 1867, clear ot National and State
Taxes, payable In Stock on and alter May an, at its
par value of Fifty Dollars per shore the shares for
block Dividend to be dated May 1, 1867,
Scrip Certihcutes will be issued for fractional parts
ot Shures; sttld Scilp will not be entitled to any Inte
rest or Dividend, but will be convertible Into block
when presented in sums of Fifty Dollurs.
Powers of attorney for collection ot Dividends can
be had on application at the Otllce of the Couipauy,
rio. iuis b. LLLIXIL) rureei.
6 4 iiOt
THOMAS T. FIRTH, Treasurer.
KZg" TITTSBURG, FORT WAYNE, AND
kxiJ ( H XC'AGO RA I LROAD COMPAN Y.UFFDJM
OF THE PRESIDENT,
Pittsburg. Pa., April 27, 1867.
Pursuant to resolution adopted at a meetlug of the
Shareholder) and Bondholders ol this Company, held
at Pittsburg, March 20, ultimo, notice Is hereby given
thai an adjourned meeting ot the Shareholders will
be held at P1T1SBUKG. May 25. proximo, ai It M ,
to consider such detailed estimates as may be sub
mitted by the Board of Directors lor additional equip
ment uud permanent Improvements to be made to
the railway, aud aUo to determine upon tbe question
or increasing the capital stock lor Die purpose of
raising the necessary means lor paying lor such
equipmeut aud Improvements. AMEa g
Chairman of Stockholders' Meeting.
BlOin . W. CAWS, President.
fTJ?r OFFICE OF THE ILLINOIS CEN-
TRAL RAILROAD COMPANY,
Nkw Youk, May 8. 1867.
The Annual Meeting of Die Shareholders of the
ILLINOIS CENTRAL RAILROAD COMPANY, for
the Election of Dlreciors, and the transaction or other
buslnehs, will be held at the otllce of the Couipauy. in
the City of CHICAGO, on W EDNKSDA Y, the mil
day of May, 1MJ7, at 8 o'clock P. M.
The Transfer Books of the Company will be closed
at the close of business on the 11th lust., aud leopuued
ou the 1st day of June next.
10 1st L. A. CAT LIN. Secretary.
NOTICE THE NEW ORLEANS RR.
PUBLICAN solicits the PntrouuiTH nf nil Inv.l
men In the North who have business lnLurMUi i. ih.
Soutb. Having been selected by the Clerk of the
House of Representatives under tho law of Congress
passed March 2, ltu7, as the paper for printing all the
Laws and Treaties, aud all the Fedural advurllHe
meuts within the btute of Louisiana, it will be the
best advertising meulum in the Southwest, reauiilug
a larger number ol business men than anv other
paper. Address MATliEWrt fc HAMILTON, Con
veyauceis. No. 707 bAKBOM Street, or tt. L. BKOWN
& CO., New Orleans. Louisiana. 4 2uliu
T- NOTICE. 8T. LOUIS, ALTON, AND
TERRE HAUTE RAILROAD COMPANY.
The Annuul Meeting or the Bondholders and Stock
holders ol this Company will bo held at their oillce.
In the City of ST. LOUIS, ou MONDAY, the td day
of June next, at 8 o'clock In the alternoon ol that d.iv.
for the ELECTION of THIRTEEN Dl KKCTORH for
the ensuing year, and for the transaction ol auy other
LuxiueHs which may be brought heforu them.
TbeTrunsferBookBor the Company will be closed
on SA1 UHl'A Y. the 4lh day ot May next, aud will be
opened ou Tl'KrsDAY.lhv 4lh day ot Juue. Dated
bl. Louis, April 'ii, lMi7.
J 10Ut By order. II. C. BRYANT, Soc'yj
SPECIAL NOTICES.
57" NATIONAL BANK OF TUB KEI'UB.
1C rilII.AriKl.PHlA. Mav 1 um
Applications for the unallotted shares In tl.a In
crease of the Capital Block of ibis Bank are now being
re ce iv to ana me stork delivered.
'" JOHF.rilP.MlJMroRri. Cashier.
a,H,,!i1.MKETING OF THE
KPRINO CHEEK OH cJnYpaN .VY'Lli"
BATCIIELOK'3 HAIR DTE.-Tnia
Tr spleudld Hair Dye Is the beet In theworlri
?,?,..nly J?na "rfrrl -Marnileas, KMahTe l
Na .iT,?0 ow'l.polui.nent. No rldlcu iu i "lufi
linn A la.CK ?r 1,rwn. Remedies the Hi elects of
heaturi'- 1 !V0ratH" tn lilr. leaving It soll'Jna
BAk' Fill 9 5';,"'!!"' to 8l,!"e" WILLIAM. A.
aliniiiTi hi iJS ,A.11 o"" re merft Imltat Inns, and
York lmcU"r' " w BARCLAY (street. ew
4 61 in w
REAL ESTATE SALES.
.,'!!Hh.a.t ,ot ' ,Brouud,'wlth the messuage now
strfV :.V,,",r'ii,"i".01 .'.e. ,,ort" " Kaci
No. 1.
All Hint lot of ground, 'with the nnwm nn
erected thereon, situate oii the weV TsuleTl KrtiSrtT
sou's court (being No. 1), 80 feet north or Ri.ce stVeet
containing in Iror.t on Richardson', court, feei i
Inches, and extending of thai width in feet 10 Inches!
wllh ."!,' ".d 'riv"?K of 'ue pnvlea ai the nor U eu5
of said Richardson s court. "u,a
No. 8.
J11.1 ,ot of ,ronnd, with the messuare now
erected thereon, situate on the west slue of Richard,
son's court (being No. z), W leet 8 inches north of Rhus
street! containing in front on Riclmrdsou's court si
feet inches, aud extending of that widtu 19 leet ia
Inches, with the use and privilege of the urlviua an
the north end ol .aid Richaidsou a couru
No. 4.
All that lot of ground, with tbe mnssusge now
erected thereon, situate on the west sldeot Richard
sun's court (being No. 8). Ill feet 6 Inuhen north of
Race street; containing lu frout on Richardson's court
21 leet lu Inches, and extending of thai width ID feet 10
Inches, with the use and privilege of the privies on
the north eud of said Richardson's court.
No. 5.
All that lot of ground, with the messuage thereon
ereoted, situate cn the west side of Rluhardsou'a
court (being No. 4). 13a feel Inches north of Race
st reel: containing In front on Richardson's court?
feet 8 Inches, and extending of that width 10 feet 10
Inches, with the use and privilege ot the privies on
tbe north end of said Richardson's court.
No. 1.
Business Stand, 2-siory brick building, Front
street, north of Noble. All that lot of ground, will
the 2-Biory brick building thereon erected, sltuati
on the east side of Front street, 42 leets.1 Inches nortl
ofNoblestreet.ln the Eleventh Ward; containing It
Irunt ou Frout street Zl leet Inches, aud exleudiui
In depth t2 feet.
No.Z
Lot, corner Ponth and Carbon streets, Twenty-fourfl
AVard. All that lot of ground, situate; on the B. Jfl.
corner ol South and Carbon streets, lu the Twenty
fourth Ward; containing in front on south street rO
feet, and extending in uepth along Carbon street 3)
IteU
No. 8.
Two-and-a-half-gtory frame building, Front street,
north of Noble.-A 11 that lot of ground, with the two
and-a-halt-story frame building thereou erected,
situate on tbe east sldeot Front street, in the Eleven tb
Ward, 64 feet a4 inches north ot Noble street, thence
extending easterly at right angles tti feet; thence ex
tending northerly 21 feeit inches; thence extending
westerly 62 feet 1, luuh to Front street, and thenca
extending southerly along Front street 2a leet aud X
No. 2.
Ul UU IllVIl lO IUV 1'lUCt) Ul UV((llllllUf,
Terms Cash or, at tbe option of the porch sser,
twenty per cent, of the purchase money may be paid
In cash, and the balance secured by bond aud mort
gage of the premises, payable in live years, with In
terest at the rale ol six per ceut. per annum, payable
semi-annually on the first days of July aud January la
each year, with tbe usual stipulation to be Inserted
lu said bond and mortgage, that In case ot doiault la
payment of interest lor thirty days, the whole princi
pal sum shall thereupon become due aud recoverable
by law: Provided, That where the lot of ground
hereby authoriKed to he sold is unimproved ami
vacant, the purchaser, at his option. In lieu of the said
mortgage to secure the balance of the purchase money
as above mentioned, may have the said balance
charged upon tbe ground by ground rent deed or deeds,
lu the usual lorm. The said grouud rents thereby
created to be paid in equal semi-annual payments on
the first ot July and January In each year. And pro
vided further, That the purchasers shall pay all ex
penses lor dseds, bonds, mortgages, stamps, acknow
ledgments, and other expenses In the matter of
making the convoauce from the city to the pur
chasers. Ste plans at the Auction Rooms.
M. THOMAS & SONB, Auctioneers.
4 25 fm 12t Nos. 139 and 141 H. FOURTH Street.
PUBLIC SALE CITY PROPERTY
M. lllOMAS A SONS. Auctioneers
Large and Valuable LOT. N. YV.Corner of TWENTY
THIRD arid CHESNUT Streets, fronting also on
Twenty-fourth street and Slmes streets, three Valua
ble Fronts.
Pursuant to ordinances of the Select and Common
Councils of the chy of Philadelphia, will be sold at
public sale, without reserve, by order ot the Comuiia
sloner of City Frouerty,
On TUESDAY, May 2M, 1EG7, at 12 o'clock. Noon, at
the Philadelphia Exchange,
All that lot of ground situate on the north aide of
Chesnut street, beginning at the northwest corner of
'1 wenty-third street, ana ex tend I nit alone said CIimu
hut street 2-10 feet to Twenty-fourth street, ami in
depth northward 800 feet to a twen tv-four feet street
called biiue street. Bounded on the north bv Himu.
street, on the east by Twenty-third street, and on tbe
soutb by Chesnut street, aud on the west by Twenty
fourth street, lately occuoled bv tl.a Pi.ri.i..ii.T-
WorUa.
't he above will be divided Into 40Iots,and sold ao
cording toa plan that maybe seen at the Auctlo
Rooms the purchaser to have tbe privilege of Lutein,
four additional lots adjoining each other.
Terms 20 per cent, of the purchase money shall bt
paid in cash at the time of the delivery ol the deed
and the balance may be secured on the premises by
mortgage or ground-rent deeds, or may be paid la
cash, at the option ot the purchaser. .
M. THOMAS A SONS. Auctioneers.-
4 2Cmfl2t Nos. m aud 141 B, FOURTH street.
ICE COMPANIES.
QIIAIiLES 8. CARPENTER & CO.,
WHOLESALE AND RETAIL
ICE DEALERS,
AO.717WItI.OW b'L.aBOVE FltANKXIIf
PHILADELPHIA.
1&67. AluperlorartlcleolICBattbe fol- I87
lowing ptlces.
8 pounds dally, 60 cents per week.
12 " " 75 cents per week.
16 " i" 90 cents per week.
40 " ' 25 cents per day.
20 " " ,105 per week.
Large quantities at tnodtrate rates. Stores, etc.,
taking less than leveu days, will be charged propor
tionally. CHARLES R. CARPEN1ER.-)
JOUiN ULENDEMNU. J-Proprietors,
JOSEPH M. TRUMAN, Jr., ) 15 IJfmwfl
FERTILIZERS.
J M M 0 IS I ATED rilOSrHATIl,
AN tKNCBPAsKKU FEBTILUEB
For Wheat, Corn, Oats, Potatoes. Grass, the Vegetable
Garden, FrultTreea, Grape Vines, Etc Elo.
This Fertiliser contains Ground Bone and the beat
Fertilising Salts. . K ...
Price Hi per ton of 2DO0 pounds. For sale by th
manufacturers,
WILLIAM ELLIS & CO., Chemists,
1 28mwrt No. 724 MARKET Street.
HARD RUBBER ARTIFICIAL
LlilHH, Arms, Legs, Appliances for
ueiormuy, etc. eiu, i um.
ir.miurrMt from life In form and UK
I are the lightest, most durable, com-
toriahlx, periecl, aim srimuu uuon
......a u..t inv,.itiMi 1'hi.v are an-
State Goverrimbiil and onr principal Surgeon
... 4.,.,,.ut m Uur . ltfj; May I. tat
Address
u U IU T.Ii A !:!.. j
k iwiTuwI PhlladrlnL'
Pamphlets tree.
10
O PUBLIC BALE CITY PBOPPRtv
TJIOM AH A HONS. Auctioneers. Bmw J. ?IL
i V":, 1 "' l'"ek dwelling, C aTlSSS
street, wl.h lour dwellings In the reaT. JTliffi-jdE!
Pursuant to ordinances of the Select and rvm,m.
PubhclHj,,Pl,::,,V,y.,'f ,'"e'Ph" FwHl b?2?W "a"
l ublln Hale, wlthut ri serve, by order Of Conimta.
s h.m r of t. ity Property., n TuesdayVMay li lrt
o'clock. Noou, at the Philadelphia Exobanie in.
o0f'miafei;;hlaa reM 00'""'i "Mr
tnli.h.B in front on Rare street, IS reVt 8 Inrl .es and
externTlng of that wiuih eg feet, with the tight 2nd
privilege Into an is leet 10 Inch wide courl, called
'S.,i''.rBOn ,cou,t'leBll,, "ulhwaid lute Tlhe saUl
3
0
1 FA
ff J