THE NEW YORK PRESS.
KDITOKUL OPINIONS OP TUB LRADINO JOCItSALB
rrt)N ccbbbnt Tonco compiled evkut
DAT FOB THB EVENING TELEOBAPU.
The Word "Chivalry."
7Vom the Tribune.
It ia wonderful how a portion of the world
, yermits itself to be made a foftl of y words,
f 'Southern chivalry" ia a phase which came
Jute fashion long ago, and it has butm repeated
fuch an Incalculable number of times in bo
Jiia7 speeches, sermons, and songs, and so
Jersifted in and insisted upon by so many
klaveholding orators, and authors, and editors,
that among a few -worthy .but undiacerning
people it passes for the expression of some real
Jut occult, mysterious, and indefinite virtue
peculiar to the inhabitants of the region south
of Mason and Dixon's line. The idea is pretty
much defunct, but they will play still with the
erhostof it in the Richmond papers. So the other
day the irrepressible reliant, who has long
lay
done
the sentimental and tne savage ior vue
tiouth, left the care of his Kicnmona examiner
to other hands, and went down to Lynchburg
to lecture. What wa3 his subject ? What a
juvenile question 1 Why his subject was "The
Chivalry of the South" how could it by any
conceivable possibility have been anything else f
2Ur. Pollard was cocked and primed in all possi
ble ways he had his inspiration in his stomach
and his manuscript in his pocket, but just as
Jie was ready to go off, so to speak, or to go on,
5f that be the proper phrase, there came a
ftern order from Wen. Wilcox that Mr. I'ol
javd was not to open his mouth save for deglu
ti ional purposes or, to put it plainly, that
I r. l'ollard was not to lecture on " The Chi
v airy of the South." As a true knight-errant,
it was his duty, plain enough to every reader
of Froissart, then and there to have chal
lenged Gen. Wilcox to mortal combat, in a
So. ty-foot ring, with squires, and a Queen
of beauty, and heralds in embroidered coats,
and banners, and battle-axes, and lances,
su l all other things appertaining to a regu
lar tournament. He should have sounded
a defiance, and have cried, " Wilcox, thou
rraveri Northern knight, I hate thee," while
"Wilcox should have answered, " Pollard,
thou knight of the quill, and peerless pro
prietor of the inkstand, come on I" Then
Jjoth should have saluted the charming Queen,
Ihe Dulcinea of the occasion, and then both
should have gone at it like men, or fiends,
wr what you will, hacking and slitting, and
chopping, and piercing, until one said, "Hold,
enough t" After which the victor should have
again saluted the Queen, while she, on her
2art, should have given him the price of his
valor a pair of embroidered slippers, or some
euch trumpery. This would have been deli
cious. This would have been in keeping. This
vould have made South or North to crow for
joy. This would have been "chivalry t" In
stead of which, Pollard merely packed his
portmanteau, took a drink, swore a little, and
went back to Richmond and to his ink-pots I
We would not be hard upon an imagination,
nor angry with a harmless conceit. But, none
the less, we must say, upon the authority of
the Right Honorable Edmund Burke, that
'chivalry" is as dead as a door-nail, dead as
Richard Coour-de-Lion, and that at the pre
sent prices of specie, a Field of the Cloth of
lold for Sir Pollard to prance in would be
fridiculously impossible. All the old romance
that was left went ont with the incoming of
cotton-spinning and newspapers. The South
ern people may thank their fortunate stars
that there is nothing the least like it left in
Xynchburg or anywhere else. With all its
advantages, it was not nearly so pleasant in
jtact as it appears in the pages of Monstrellet or
Comines; but, good or laa, it is gone a. v.
2807, geared away by locomotive-whistles and
needle-guns. , The assumption of any peculiar
iravery, valor, strength, courage, refinement,
courtesy, honor, gallantry, civility, or gene
rosity, by Mr. Pollard or his compeers, would
afford excellent food for a coinio journal, if our
comio journals were not all as dead as "chi
valry." Meanwhile, the prattle about it,
leading to assumption, self-delusion, and
foolish vanity, does a great deal of harm, and
against this, we suppose, General Wilcox
meant to guard.
Party Reason for Public Acts.
fYom the Jimea.
Some of the supporters of Mr. Sumner's
ylan for forcing negro suffrage on the Northern
States, rest their advocacy on the low ground
cf partisan expediency. Unless we misunder
stand the .Philadelphia North American, it
urges the measure as essential to the continu
ance of the Republican party in power. That
the continued ascendancy of this party is, in
the judgment of our contemporary, necessary
for the peace and prosperity of the country, is
a consideration which does not affect .the argu
ment. The - fact remains, that what is pro
pounded as a measure of justice derives most
of the Bupport it receives from those who deem
it available a3 a means of achieving party
success. The Washington Chronicle does not
disguise the secret of its love. "Were all the
negroes at the North voters," it says, "and
Should they may be made such by the power
of the Republican party, there is no question
iut that we would carry every Northern
Etate, including Maryland and Delaware, by
overwhelming majorities." "The truth is,"
the same journal further declares, "the Re-
?mblican party would iwe'ep the Union from
ilaine to Florida, and from the Atlantic to the
I'auifio."
Now, the perpetual maintenance of Repub
Jican supremacy might be a very good
thing for the country, and perhaps par
tisan journalism fulfils its idea of duty when
it recommends everything likely to secure the
result, without pausing to balance consti
tutional scruples. But we may be permitted
to doubt the propriety and prudenoe of the
nror.dinflr. Constitutional changes depend
ior their justification upon general as distin
niiulirl from nartisan merits. They are
when the interests of the country re
iiuire them, and only then. What will be
ihnnfriif however, of a scheme for destroying
the rights of States, and subjecting them in
k all things to the dictation of Congress, simply
thut a certain tarty may bo enabled to keep
its hold of the offices if What of a policy
wnnld render State Government
,niiitv not nnder the inspiration of a blind
Jiut honest philanthropy or patriotism, but
solely in order mat a puny imm kc
strengthened?
t wa ruinations afford no scope for argu
.v. To nroDOund them is to insure the
condensation of the policy by which they are
FUKKestei . That is wrong altogether. It
r t uhnva country, and makes the
, IT .... orw lfti1Hra a hicher law than the
3 tutioand a power more potent than
aichta which the Constitution recognizes. It
fded t;VeV VhVonly sound method of
fctrengthenlng the Republican party, ana pro
KK its Unure of power, Is that which
THE DAI1T
would iduntify it with the material wolfarn and
the BPctional harmony of the country; ami thin
Involves obedience to the Constitution, ami
respect for the rights of States, rather thau the
ultra-radical contempt for both.
Virginia.
Prom the Tribune.
An attempt to unite the newly enfranchise.!
voters of Virginia in a common organization,
under a common platform of equal rights with
those white citizens who opposed secession ho
long as they could, and are to-day hearty sup
porters of the reconstruction policy of Con
gress, is stoutly resisted by the Rev. J. y.
lluniiicutt & Co. The Anti-Slaoery Standard
has a letter from a certain Colonel C. K. Mosa
denouncing the movement, as follows: '
"That Huch a convention will be holder), and
Bit Ktlernpt niitde lo resurrpfll thu Whig puny
in Virpium, is morally certain. 1 was Informed
by n, prominent man favorable to sucli a cnurae
that ttiey were advised to do so by prominent
Republican members of Congress. I believe he
siated the lrulb, and that the Republican Cou
gressional Committee are engaged u nv, a
work all over the Union. In no other way can
the fact he explained that nearly all the matter
pnuiiHiieu iiucireumie oy mat uomomtee In
the Houth Is tarifl speeches and documents at.
templing to prove that none but Whins are
lavorable to Hie Union. The truth Is, that com
mittee is more anxious to reorganize the old
timid, compromising Whin puny, with its ob
solete tut Ills, corrupt national banks, and other
insHiie follies, than It is to reorganize tho re
cently rebellious states on a radical basis.
'The eU'eet of such a course in Virginia is
likely to make three parties in the next elec
tion. The radicals, composed of the outspoken
white Union men and the colored vote, are de
termined never to breathe the breath of life
Into the old time-serving asid intriguing Whig
party. They prefer bold men to cowards; and!
if a choice must be tad between auclunt
parties, they would choose the old Democratic
party, under the lead of Robert K. Leo aud the
outspoken Rebel chiefs. To give you an idea
of the feeling of the colored meu respecting
John Minor Jiotts and men of his style of
thought, I will give you an extract from a
speech by the Ilev. Nicholas Rlohmond
(colored), of Delaware, last week: '
" 'AH who were for the Union before the war
were for the Union as 11 was. Who will say
they are or the Union as It is?' 'In speaking
of Union men, he would call attention to one
John Minor Jiotts, who has turned like a
weuthercock on a housetop.' lie would suffer
Ills right arm to be cut oil' before he would vote
for him.'
"Such is the language used by the leading
colored men respecting John Minor Botts,
Oovernor I'ierpont.and the meu the New York
Tribune asks tho Republicans to accept as
leaders. The Republicans of Virginia will
never organize under the lead of such meu, no
matter how eloquently the Tribune and the
Northern Republican leaders may beg them to
do so. Radicals or Rebels will rule the Bout h
iu the future. True Union men prefer the old
Rebel Democincy to the old, faint-hearted Rebel
Whig party. The old Rebel Democrat is a bold
mini, and will aecept the logic of his position.
The old Rebel Whig is a timid man, ulven to
lntiigueaud treachery, andean never be trusted
anywhere. It would be better to day for the
nation, for the radicals, and friends of freedom,
to restore the old Demoeratlc party to power
thuu to resurrect the old Whig party."
Wendell Phillips, in a leader of the
Standard, entitled "Guide-Boards," urges
essentially tne same ideas, as loiiows:
"National self-respect, security from such
knavishness in office hereafter, aud the safe use
of Kxecutive patronage for the next two years,
demand the removal of Johnson. Whoever
leaves a stone unturned to effect the removal of
Johnson and the condign punishment of Jef
ferson Davis is doing all that in him lies to
encourage and render easy another rebellion;
and the blood shed in It will rest on his con
science. Amid the general Joy over our victory,
we are forgetting moral distinctions and per
sonal responsibilities. No one now wishes to
bear hard on the sinners in times past; but it
may be necessary to refer to them in order to
point the moral of present times. Tne Ulay and
Webster Whigs, ami the church members of
the New York Observer aud American Tract
Hociely class, are guilty, above all others, for
the blood shed in this war. It is their selfish
pui ly spirit, their sectarian and Christian nar
rowness and infidelity, which have robbed the
widow of her husband, the .mother of her son,
aud loaded the industry of the land with cruel
aud bitter taxes. Although God's thunderbolts
have humbled them into silence, and possibly
converted some of them into repentance, that
docs not change the facts of history nor blotout
the foul record of their previous guilt.
"In the same sense, we wish to put on record
our affirmation that the trimmers aud hucks
ters of to-day, the universal amnesty men, the
blotters out of all moral distinctions, who coun
sel a new older ol things in which knaves and
honest meu shall stand Just equal; all these
milk-and-water statesmeu are to be reminded
that this is not a game of Jackstraws, but a war
and when the next Lee thinks of breaking
bis hundred oaths, and the next Davis thinks
of another Andersonvllle, they the sugared go
betweens are furnishing the incipient traitors
with motives to go forward by letting them
look back aud see that the Lee and tle D.ivls of
our day not only went unhung, but in some
sense honored, for their villany.
"We are to remember that the fate of the
colored race hangs yet in the balance. For this
generation, at leust, their welfare or their cruel
oppression will be decided by the election of
1M18. l'ut Grant, either of the Shermans, Fes
senden, or any huckstering Senator, into the
White House, and half of the meu who gave
their lives in the long Ave years' march to Rich
mond will have died in vain.
"WKNDELL I'HILLIPS."
Mr. Phillips seems afraid that he may, in
one Presidential contest, find himself acting
and voting with a majority of the American
people. We do not perceive the slightest dan
ger of it.
The Poor South naJL its Doctors.
Front the Herald.
The poor South 1 It is in a very sick, un-
happy, arid perplexed condition. It is the
victim of too much treatment too many pre
scriptions, purges, blisters, and vomits. Self
constituted doctors, quacks, and unskilful
practitioners in numbers are pursuing a course
more likely to kill than cure. It is in a simi
lar condition to New York, with its corrupt
and unscrupulous city government and poli
ticians, with its over-ofiicious and arbitrary
police authorities, and with all sorts of politi
cal schemes and corrupt jobs with a view to
rule and fleece the citizens, l'ower, party,
and the spoils, and not the public interests,
are the objects in view.
Unr correspondents in tne south, and the
Southern press, give us a picture of the mis
chief which such political doctors as Wilson
and Kelley are doing in their voluntary and
unacceptable labors, as well as the bad effects
of the unskilful and injurious treatment of
the Southerners by some of the military
authorities. Although the object of Senator
Wilson and Mr. Kelley in their mission to the
South may be only to win the negro vote for
the purpose of strengthening their party and
we are not disposed to impute any other
there is no doubt that they are doing a great
deal of harm. One of our correspondents in
Virginia says: "Senator Wilson's visit, whether
considered in regard to the freedmen or the
whites, has had an exceedingly bad effect. It
has, perhaps despite the Senator's intention,
forced forward a dangerous topic Confisca
tion has become the word of the hour. This
is at the bottom of all thought; and let the
subject be what it may, discussion cannot go
to anv de'nth in any circle without touching
or stirring this troublesome and permanent
thought of the Southern mind this political
cuttlefish that only moves to darken all the
waters: Mr. Wilson has used this terrible word
confiscation over and over again to intimidate
t.lm whites and to eiicouraee the biaeKfl. 4 rue,
he has promised' the Southerners restoration
to representation ia Congress if tuebebAvo
EVENING TFXKG 1 1 A PIT
well; but he bus done (o with audi conditions
Mid under such threats that these people have
become alarmed. Submitting everywhere,
Willi but few Individual exceptions, to the will
and laws.of Congress, with a determination to
carry out fully the Reconstruction acts, aud
with nil earnest desire to be good and peace
able citizens, they begin to fear that their fato is
uncertain in the hands of a party that seeks
only to perpetuate its power at any cost.
Mr." Wilson bus told them that confiscation
and continued exclusion from political privi
leges and restoration would follow any hard
ships to the negroes, those tender pets of the
radicals. Now, the Southern whites know
very well that if it should Riiitthe purpose of
the radical party to keep them excluded and
to confiscate their lands, it would be easy
enough to trump up cases of hardship,
or to seize upon a few cases that may arise
and that are incidental in every community.
There are ensos of hardship and cruelty in New
York, in Boston, and everywhere, an there
may lie in the South, in spite of the general
pood feeling and pood disposition of the mass
of The people. The Southerners, knowing,
then, how easy it is to seize upon and use
such cases for political purposes, naturally
feel alarmed and insecure under the threats
held over them.
But the evil does not rest here; for the ne
groes, ignoraut as they are, know what confis
cation means. They expect the lands will be
given to them, according to the radical agrarian
programme of Wendell Phillips. They see
they are the favored race, and that the whites
are treated harshly and with distrust. They
begin to think they have a right to the lands
of the South, and that their Northern radical
friends will give tho lands to them. The fear
ful consequence of -nil this must be that one
race will be arrayed against the other; the
farmers and planters will be discouraged to
cultivate or improve their property; the ne
groes will not work for their employers, and a
magnificent, and productive country will be
come, like San Domingo and Jamaica, un
cultivated and desolate. We shall lose the
valuable productions of the South; our bur
dens will be greatly increased by the
prolonged 'political and social disorganization
of the South, and through its inability to bear
its portion of taxation. The Southerners will
be unable to pay their debts to the North, no
one will invest money in that section, com
merce will decline and bankruptcy follow.
In fact, we might expect to see inaugurated
the horrors of civil war of a war of races
like that which occurred in St. Domingo.
The threatened riot in Richmond on Thursday
last is but a premonitory symptom of what
may take place, and ought to be an im
pressive warning. When the materials for
a general contlagration are prepared, a little
spark will set all in -a blaze. This is not ,
an overdrawn picture, fearful as it is, as every
thoughtful, unbiased person must acknow
ledge. Such are the results to which the dis
organizing and destructive harangues ot Wil
son, Kelley, and other radicals now in the
South are leading us.
Another disturbing element in the South is
seen and felt in the conduct of some of the
military commanders. These gentlemen seem
to have misunderstood the nature of their
duties. They act as if the country was still
in a state of war and the South under martial
law. They do not understand that they are
placed in command simply as a police power,
to preserve order and to see that the Recon
struction acts be not obstructed in execution,
and for no other purpose. The acts of Con
gress have nothing in them to warrant arbi
trary doings. Besides, the war being ended
and the South not being under martial law,
the people have the constitutional right of a
free press and freedom of speech and action
so long as they do not break the peace. The
South was not placed, and ought not to be
placed, under the government of despotic
military satraps. All these things are wrong,
dangerous, and destructive to the principles
of our Government. They create despair in
the Southern mind, and paralyze all the good
efforts and energies of the people. If the mili
tary commanders do not understand their
duties better, General tfrant or the War De
partment should instruct them.
We do not believe the people of the North
wish to be vindictive or to oppress the South
erners. We believe they only want security
for the future and the early restoration of the
South. The Constitutional amendment and
the Reconstruction acts of Congress will bring
that. They have no sympathy with disor
ganizes and agitators, though these be Sena
tors, members of Congress, or military com
mauders. At least, whatever may be the
feeling towards the Southerners, our own wel
fare, our commercial interests, the peace and
unity of the country, the preservation of the
principles of the Government, and relief from
the heavy burdens of taxation, all demand
that the South should work out its early
restoration as prescribed by Congress, uninter
rupted by Northern agitators or military
despotism.
The Democratic Party and the Supreme
From the World,
In a posthumous work, by the ' late Martin
Van Buren, on "Political Parties in the United
States," just published there is the amplest
recital and discussion anywhere to be found of
the attitude of the Democratic party towards
the Federal Supreme Court, and the true rela
tions of that tribunal to the other departments
of the Government. The reconstruction cases
lately argued and now pending, render this
one of the most interesting topics of the time.
The appearance of Mr. Van Buren's book in
the interval . between the argument and the
decision is an accidental coincidence, which will
attract more attention to his views than they
would have received if their publication had
been less opportune. The great importance of
the subject in President Van Buren's estima
tion, is attested by the fact that he devotes to
it three long chapters, which together occupy
mojjp than a hundred pages, or . about one
fourth of the volume. That these ample
chapters were written while Chief Justice
Taney was still on the bench and Mr.
Buchanan President, shows that they had no
intended reference to th present great contro
versy, to which they happen to be so pertinent.
;Why should Mr. Van Buren have dilated
on this subject to such seemingly dispropor
tionate length? lie does not himself ex
plum ; but the suite and tissue of the discus
sion, especially in the last of the three chap
ters, afford an easy clue to his motives,
lie saw that the Democratic party of that day
was getting loose from its old moorings,
and lieginning to accord to the Supreme
Court an ascendancy in the Government,
which the party and all its most trusted
leaders had, np to that . time, consist
ently reprobated as a dangerous political
heresy. . Chief Justice Taney (and President
Buchanan too, although he earlier deserted)
had been educated high-toned Federalist;
and when, in the full maturity of hia ace aud
.faculties, he joined the Democratio party he
r. brought .with bi"Vand qever recanted, the
views of the old Federal party respecting the
, powers of the Supreme Court. Tula Court,
PHIL A DELPIII A , MONDAY,
while he presided over It, consisted montly of
Demonratio judges, and the party thought it a
good thing to administer to the lips of its
opponents their own favorite chaline. Hence
the Democratic party, ten or twelve years ngo,
was coming to ncquiesco In a doctrino which
it had theretofore constantly denounced aa
anti-republican, and dangerous to llborty. It
was doubtless because Mr. Van Buren thought
tli is departure from the old Democratic land
marks boded infinite mischief in the future,
that he recited so fully, argued so strenuously,
and made this particular dismission so promi
nent a feature of his book.
The ascendancy of the Supreme Court over
the other departments of the Government
was not nn early doctrine even of the Federal
ists. They considered it as weak in com
parison with tho other two departments,
and relied upon them to give effect to their
anti-republican views. Distrust of the people
was the key to the politics of Hamilton, the
great Federal leader; confidence in the people,
to the politics of Jefferson. Hamilton was
accordingly in favor of a President and Senate
for life, instead of the frequent elections by
which they are kept under the control of the
popular will. It was only when the Federal
pnrty was disastrously beaten in the Presi
dential election of 1M0, that its leaders un
dertook to make the Supreme Court the
grand pivot of the Government. The Judges
then were all Federalists, and as they had a
life tenure, nnd were thus independent of the
popular will, the great Federal statesmen
thought that they could still carry out their
policy by maintaining the supremacy of that
department of the Government. Accordingly,
at the last session before Mr. Jefferson's
inauguration (Congress being still Federal),
the inferior courts were remodelled and re
organized by a great multiplication of judge,
whose appointment crowded so closed upon
the expiring hour of Mr. Adams' administra
tion, that they were called, in the heated con
troversy that immediately arose, Mr. Adams'
"midnight judges." John Marshall, a states
man and lawyer of prodigious force 'of in
tellect, and a staunch, vigorous Federalist,
then Secretary of Stat was appointed Chief
Justice. That great and revered magistrate
was too fresh from party politics to have at
once acquired a judicial turn of mind, and,
in pursuance of the new Federal policy, he
brought himself and his Court into immediate
collision with the Kxecutive. A Washington
justice of the peace, named Marbury, had been
appointed by Mr. Adams, confirmed, commis
sioned, and the commission left in the Secre
tary of State's office for Mr. Madison, the
new Secretary, to deliver. Madison, by Jef
ferson's direction, refused to deliver it. Mar
bury sued for a mandamus in the Supreme
Court. Madison, by Jefferson's direction,
made no answer, and took no notice of the pro
ceedings, treating both Marbury and the
Court with silent contempt. Chief Justice
Marshall thereupon delivered a most elabo
rate and lengthy opinion, terminating in the
judgment that Marbury had applied for relief
to the wrong tribunal, or, in other words, that
the Supreme Court, as an appellate tribunal,
had not original jurisdiction. As an awarder
of justice to parties, this wa3 all the Court
need have shown. The question of jurisdic
tion being the first in order, it ought to
have been first considered. But the
Chief justice, instead of deciding that the
Court had no jurisdiction, and so dismissing
the case, inverted the natural order of discus
sion, and first considered the right of Mar
bury to his commission, which he affirmed,
and afterwards the authority of that Court to
procure it for him, which he denied. By this
artifice of inversion, the whole case was dis
cussed on its merits, nowithstanding the
acknowledged want of jurisdiction; discussed
and determined for no r'Jier conceivable pur
pose than to instruct the new-modelled in
ferior courts how they ought to decide it
when it should come before them. But the
mandamus was never applied for in an inferior
court. The unexpected courage and decision
manifested by. Jefferson caused the Federalists
to see that he would maintain the indepen
dence of the Executive, and that in such a
collision the. Judiciary would be powerless.
Moreover, Congress, no longer Federal, might,
by repealing certain sections of the Judiciary
act, and modifying others, so cripple the
Court by limiting its jurisdiction as to render
it impotent for the further uses the Federalists
wished to make of it.
Thus the Democratic party, under its first
great leader, met this new pretension of the
Supreme Court at the frontier; and the De
mocratic party from that time forward was
deeply indoctrinated with the idea that the
Court waB established to decide suits between
litigants, and not to give law to the othr de
partments of the Government. According to
the Democratic idea, there cannot be a more
dangerous doctrine than that the Constitution
is what the Supreme Court may, from time to
time, declare it to be; that the will of a body
of men whom the people cannot "control is
absolute. Jefferson's writings, down to the
last year of his life, abound in protests against
this unrepublican doctrine and exposures of
its absurdity. The same question was again
made prominent by the discussions growing
ont of President Jackson's celebrated veto of
the United States Bank. The Supreme Court
hud decided the bank to be constitutional.
General Jackson vetoed it, because in his
opinion it was not. His open disregard of the
judgment of the Court led to much invective
by the great Whig leaders and lawyers; but
neither he nor the party swerved a hair from
their position. Judge White, a Senator from
Tcnnesee, and then a warm supporter of Gen
eral Jackson, ' followed Mr. Webster in the
debate, and his exposition was always referred
to by the President as correctly expressing
his own views. The following extract exhibits
the tenor of his argument:
"The honorable Senator argues that the Con
stituiion has constituted the (supreme Courts
tribunal to decide great Constitutional ques
tions snch as this; and that wueu they have
dona so the question In put at rest, and every
other department of the Government must
acquletce. This doctrine. I deny. The Constitu
tion vests 'the judicial power in a Supreme
Court, and in such inferior courts as Congress
may from time to time ordain aud establish.'
Whenever a suit is commenced and prosecuted
in ihe courts of the United States, of which
tht-y have Jurisdiction, aud such suit is decided
by iheHnpreme Court as that is the court of
last resort Its decision Is final and conclusive
between the parties. But as an authority, it
does not bind either the Congress or the Presi
dent of the United States. If either of these co
ordinate departments is afterwards called upon
to perform an otliclal act, and conscientiously
believes the performance of that act will be a
violation of the Constitution, they are not
bound to perform It, but, on the contrary, are as
imnb at liberty to decline acting ns if no de
cision had beeu made. If different
interpretations are put upon the Constitution
by the dlilerent departments, the people is the
tribunal to settle the dispute. Kach of the
departments is the agent of the people, doing
their business according to the powers conferred;
and where there Is a disagreement as to the
extent of these powers, the people themselves,
through the ballot-box, must settle it."
; Mr. Van Buren, who quotes ' and gives pro
xninenoe to this extract; says of it: "This is
the true view of the Constitution. It is that
which was taken by those who framed and
adopted it, and by the1 founders of the Demo
cratic party. It is one which was universally
'acquiesced in at the formation of the Govern
ment, and for some time thereafter." We
MAY 13,', 1607.
have no spnen to reproduce even a summary
of Mr. Van I'.nren's reasoning on this subject;
nor should we otherwise deem it necessary,
our point of view being historical. The follow
ing remark will suffice to show both the na
ture of his opinions and the strength of con
viction with which he held them: "The
deeper the subject is looked into," he says,
"the more apparent to all bona fide searchers for
triith will become the fallacy of tho principle
which claims for the Supreme Court a control
ling authority over the other departments in
respect to coiistitutional.questions."
Circumstances are becoming propitious for
tho reassertion by the Democratic party of
its time-honored faith on this subject, with all
the old vigor and emphasis. The advanoed
ago of the conservative judges renders it
probable that none of them will be left by the
time we have a Senate which would confirm a
Democratic appointment. If we admit now,
to perve a temporary and unattainable pur
pose, that the Supremo Court has an absolute
ascendancy iu the Government, the Republi
cans will be very likely to take us at our word
when we have driven them from the other
departments, and when the Supreme Court,
which the people cannot reach, becomes the
last citadel of their strength. For our part,
we regard it as fortunate that a transient ques
tion has made it the interest of the Republi
can party to lling over the old Federal doctrine,
as they are thereby estopped form reviving
the claim when the judiciary is the only
department of the Government left them.
WATCHES, JEWELRY, ETC.
AMERICAN WATCHES.
W. W. CASSIDY,
NO. 19 SOUTH SEfOKD STREET,
' PHILADBLPnr
ASKS ATTENTION TO HIS
VAKIED AND EXTENSIVE STOCK
OF
UOLD! AND KILTER WATCH V.H
AND
SILVER-WARE.
Customers may be assured tbat none but thebea
articles, at reasonable prices, will be sola at bis store
A line assortment of
ILATKD-WA RE CONSTANTLY ON HAND
WATCHES and JEWELRY carefully repaired. Ai
orders by mall proraotly attended to. 4 10 wsm3m
' vewis ladomus & coT
DIAMOND SEALERS & .JEWELERS.
ff A TCIICS. JjtttMiPT SILVER WARE.
. WATCHES and JEWELS Y REPAIRED.
-02ChegTiiit St., PhUj
Baveon band a large and splendid assortment
DIAMONDS.
WATCHES.
JEWELRY, AND
SILVER-WAR
OF ALL KINDS AND PRICES.
Particular attention Is requested to onr large stool
Of DIAMONDS, and tbe extremely low prices.
BRIDAL PRE8ENT8 made ot Sterling and Stan
dard Silver. A large assortment to select (Torn.
WATCHES repaired in tbe best manner, and war
ranted. ip
Diamonds and all precious stones bonght for cash.
JOHN BOWMAN
No- 704 ARCH Street,
PHILADELPHIA,
MANUFACTURER AND DEALER IN
SILVEE AND PLATE DWABE,
Onr GOODS are decidedly the cheapest in the city
for
TRIPLE PLATE, A NO. 1.
WATCIIES, JEWELBY.
W. W. CASSIDY,
No. IS fsOUTII SECOND STREET,
Oflers an entirely new and moat carefully select
itocic of
AMERICAN AND GENEVA WATCHES,
JEWELRY,
SILVER-WARE, AND FANCY ARTICLES .
EVERY DESCRIPTION, suitable for J .
BRIDAL OR HOLIDAY PRESENTS,
An examination will show my stock to be nnsoi
paKsed la quality and cheapness.
Particular attention paid to repairing, g inj
C. RUSSELL & CO..
NO. St NORTH SIXTH STREET,
Have Jnst received an invoice of
FRENCH MANTEL CLOCKS,
Manufactured to their order In Paris.
Also, a few INFERNAL ORCHESTRA CLOGff
with side pieces; which they offer lower than the sam
goods can be purchased in th cltv. 5W
if'?, r S-r' a Tx?rTrr rKr rm r?
Manufacturers of
Hold nml Silver Watch Cases,
And Wholesale Dealers In
AMERICAN WATCII CCVB, .
HOWARD fc CO.'8,
Ana TREMONT
AMERICAN WATCHER
And TREMONT
43
wo. aa noi rii fifth mkbkt.
HENRY HARPER,
No. 520 ARCH Street,
Manufacturer and Dealer in
WATCHES,
FINE JEWELRY,
SILVER-PLATED WARE, AND
g' ' SOLID SILVER-WARS
Large and small slws, playing from I to 11 airs, and
cotalug from f to t&u Out aasetuueiU oomiirl
sucb choice melodies aft
, VCowliig Thro' the Rye."
, tKobiu Adair." , ' ,
, "Kock tue to Bleep. Mother." ' ' '
"The Last Kfjse of Hummer." 1 ' ' ;; .
"Monawmry Bulls," etc, eta,
Besides beautiful seleotlons from the rarlous Opera 1
( Imported direct, and for sale at nioderata prtoes, b
i FARR & BROTHER,
' " Importers o Watches, etc,
11 llsmtblrpl No, 824 CUEBNUT Bt below FoorU
FINANCIAL
BANKING HOUSE
o
Jay Cooke & Co..
11 AND 114 ft. Tlllltn T., riULADA.,
Dealers in all Government Soouritios.
OLD C-aOs WANTED
IN EXCHANGE FOR NEW.
A MlllJItALmi ItltEftCK ALLOW ft D.
Compound Interest Hotos jWantod.
IATJIIKST ALLOWED OH DEPOSIT!.
Corner". mad6, BV00 ftnd "ld oa
,clal buHlne88 accommodations reserved for
laui
U. 3- SECURITIES
A SPECIALTY.
K IT i:, f. MiQCLPH & CO.
23AHKEES AND BROKERS,
A0.16S THIRD ST.,' NO. S NASSAU STH
PHILADELPHIA. MCW TOBK
JNIiJW STATE LOAN
FOR SALE AT LOWEST PRICE. 1
CONVERSIONS MADE OFj
7'30s WITHOUT CHARGE.
ORDERS FOR STOCKS AND OOLD EXC
CITED IN PHILADELPHIA A AD NEW
loitu, m
A u C U l. T
SEVEN-THIRTY A OTE S,
CONVERTED WITHOUT CHARGE;
INTO THE
.NEW FIVE-TWENTY GOLD INTEREST
BONDS.
Large Bonds delivered at once. Bmall Bonds ftuw
nlhbed as soon as received from Washington,
JAY OOOKK & CO.,
Hit ' No. 114 N. THIRD STREET.
7 3-10s,
ALL
CONVERTED INTO
Five-Twenties of 1865,
JANUARY AND JULYS
WITHOUT CHARGE.
BONDS DELIVERED IMMEDIATELY.
DE HAYEK & BROTHER,
10 IJrp
NO. 40 S, THIRD STREET.
7 3'IOS SEVEN -THIRTY NOTES
CONVERTED W ITHOtJT CHARGE INTO
THE NEW
O - O H.
CONDS DELIVERED AT ONCE,
COMPOUND INTEREST NOTES wanted at Alga
market rales.
WM. PAINTER A CO.,
8268m NO. 80 SOUTH THIRD ST
pm S. PETERSON & CO.,
No. 39 S. THIRD Street.
UOVEHN9IENT SECURITIES ' OF AL
KINDS AND STOCKS, BONDS, ETC
BOCOBT AND BOLD AT TS1
Philadelphia And Rtw Tork Boarda of Broker
COMPOUND INTEREST NOTES WANTED
DRAFTS' ON NEW YORK
Always for sale in sums to snlt purchasers fit tm
jq- A T I O W A L
BANK OF THE REPUBLIC
Noa. SOS svnd Ml CUESNUT Street,
PHii.tnKi.rHiA.
.' CAPITAL, aoOO.OOO-FULL PAID,
DIBKCTOJRS,
Jos. T. Bailey, IWilliam Ervlen.lBam'l A. Blspnam.
JUiw. B. Orne. Oegood Welsh, I Fred. A. Hoyi,
Katban HUlea.lB. Itowland, Jr., Wn, H. Khawn.
1 ralCHIDKNT, '
WILLIAM H. BHaWN,
CASHIKB
JOSEPH P. MUMFORD.
Sltsa
f J E W STATE LOAN,
Fast due Loans ot tbe State of Pennsylvania, with
tbe accrued Interest thereon, taken la payment tor
the Hew State Loan of Pennsylvania. , ..
Amounts to suit purchasers, without charge.
Tor sale by
J.E. IlIDGWAY.
' BANltEH,
6 tl NO, FT . THIRD ST., PUILA.
i