V
TIIFA DAILY EVENING. TELEGRAPH PITILABELPIIIA, FRIDAY, MAY 3, 18GT.
THE NEW YOnK PRESS.
EDITORIAL OnNIONB OF THK LKADtSd JOURNALS
PPim CrRRKNT TOPI:i COMP1LKD KTBBT
PAT IKlR TM BVKNINO TKLF.ORAPH.
Ilttallatloa In Mexico.
Frm the Tribune.
We uMislitl in yesterday's Trilmnn "a
card from Mr. O'Sullivan to Punator Sumner,
yu the condition of affaira in Mexico. Mr.
iVHiillivan vinited Mexico in 18U4, was cotir.
leousl received by Maximiliau, BUcceedod in
obtaining from liim certain valuable grants
nud tlio object of lils mission; and ho very
naturally and projerl expresses his favor
able opinion of tlifl Austrian Prince. We
ill take Mr. O'Sulli vau'a word for it that
Maximilian is a polite and cultivated gentle
man. Po were Hulwer's highwaymen, of the
Tnul Clifford" school. But that did not
nmko their calling lawful; and it is with the
calling of the wouM-le Emperor of Mexico
that we have to do, and not with his personal
character.
What brought him there f The Emperor of
the French, as early as July, lStiU, wrote offi
cially to (leneral Forey, informing him why
he wished "to found a regular government in
Mexico." It was not to recover a paltry debt
of a few millions; no one lielieves that; It was,
as with wonderful candor he avowed, "to re
store to the Latin race on the other side of the
Atlantic all its strength and prestige." He
explained to the (leneral also that it was not
for the interest of France that the United
States "should take possession of the wholo
(Inlf.of Mexico and be the sole dispensers of
the produce of the New World." To carry
out thode ideas was Maximilian's calling in
Mexico. What were the Mexican people about
when Louis Napoleon, in violation of solemn
treaties, broke in on their domestio tran
quillity? They had just got rid of the over
shadowing temporal power of unscru
pulous churchmen; they had A rebel
lion; they had elected the Chief
Magistrate of their choice. Every
thing looked well. Our Minister, Corwin,
wrote to Mr. Seward: "The present Govern
ment, bo - far from being in danger of failing,
at this time is, in my judgment, stronger than
at any former period of its existence." It
showed its strength. It was a year and a
half after the invaders landed before they
reached the city of Mexico. It was a raid on
a large soale. The troops were too numerous,
and the leader who sont them of too high
rank, to be called buccaneers. In May, lbu'3,
General Forey issued a decree ordering confis
cation of the real and personal property of all
"citizens of the republic who bear arms
against the French intervention, whether in
the regular army or in bands of guerillas;"
and this was strictly carried out. During the
same month Forey issued a military order re
citing that a French Zouave had Wen killed in
Tlalpan, a village within Bight of the city of
Mexico, upon what provocation is not stated;
and commanding, first, that a fine of
fb'000 be levied on the inhabitants; second,
that a number of Liberals be imprisoned as
hostages, who, if another murder occur,
"shall respond for it with their heads;" third,
declaring "if that is not sufficient the village
will be destroyed." But this was before Maxi
milian arrived. lie had been but a little
more than a year in Mexico when, in October,
1865, he published a formal decree, signed by
himself and his Cabinet. Articles 1 and 2
provide that all persons found in arms against
the Empire, "whether they proclaim or not
any political principles, and whatever their
number, organization, or character," shall,
within twenty-four hours after their capture,
be tried summarily by court martial by the
officer who captured them, and, "if found
guilty, if even only of the fact of belonging
to the band," "shall suffer death
within twenty-four hours of the cap
ture." And ArticlelS prohibitsany request for
pardon being made. Then there is another
article providing that any person who shall
supply the Liberals with money or other
means, or ."put within their reach subsist
ence," shall suffer death as in article 1 pro
vided. Were these mere paper menaces f Far
from it. Mr. Seward, under date November
28, 1865, wrote to our Minister in Paris, that
of the prisoners taken by the Imperial forces
under General Mendez at Santa Anna Amat
lanj there were put to death Generals Arteaga
iftd Salazar, Colonels Diaz, Paracho, Vitta
Stmea, Perez Miliena, and Villanos, five lieu-ilenant-colonels,
eight commanders, and a num-
. e i .3 : a cr. . 1 1 c i. -
ber of subordinate officers, all of the regular
army, of Mexico. This was one of many
cases. There is additional proof that these
decrees were not issued against thieves and
robbers; for a separate Article (12) treats
specially of them, providing that "thieves
shall be tried and sentenced in conformity
with Article 1, no matter what the nature and
ciroumstanoes of the theft." A man driven
to despair by hunger may steal twenty-five
cents' worth of bread; he is to be summarily
tried by court-martial, and put to death in
twenty-four hours I
AH this is official of record. We could fill
a dozen columns with stories of outrages said
to have been committed by the iuvaders;
stated as circumstantially as Mr. O'Sullivan's
complaints of Liberal cruelty. But we doubt
their accuracy. Such pictures are usually over
drawn always, when vindictive feelings exist
in the minds of the narrators. Of what were
not Northern troops and Northern Generals
accuseH by the Confederates ? It was not Beau
regard alone who talked of "beauty and
booty." No crime so infamous but was sad
dled on to the hated Yankees. Do we say all
this to excuse the cruelties which seem to
have been recently exercised against Imperial
prisoners? By no means. There is no ex
cuse for cold-blooded murder; none, in our
view of it, even when it takes the respectable
name of capital punishment. If the Mexican
Liberals desire to win the respect of civilized
nations, they must learn that to imitate wrong
doing is to be oneself a wrong-doer. But
we say it to 6how how terrible the provoca
tion under which these Liberal leaders have
sinned. How should we feel if foreign troops
were to overrun and desolate our country,
and then to condemn every patriot taken
in arms in her defense to a felon's death ?
How did the Rebels feel when they considered
their country invaded and pillaged by what
they called Lincoln's Hessians ? Is it certain
that atrocities worse than anv which come re
ported to us from Mexioo were not perpetrated
an the South on captured Union soldiers by
the hundred? We brieve there is good evi
dence that there were. Let us not act the
"Pharisee, thanking God that we are not as
other men, or even as these Mexicans. Counsel
we believe they need; let it be temperately
fiven. We have already intervened to save
Maximilian from the fate to which his unholy
ambition doomed thousands of men, for no
other crime than that of defending their native
country. That is well enough. "An eye for
an eye, a tooth for a tooth" is Jewish doo
'nf Christian.
u,it ii for further intervention in Mexican
affairs, we have small faith either in its justice
or us emcftcy. The symptoms ol the case do
not seem to us to warrant Mr. rtVMnll Iran's
prescript ion of twenty thousand Uiited States
troops, headed by Banks and Sherriban. Men,
to attain permanent freedom, must tVliemselves
work it out. Reforms forced upoli a nation
by outside pressure are exotics, and have no
hardihood or growth. Let us give flUe Mexi
cans a fair chance. Let us wait ah.4 see
whether, when the first heal of the bloodsub
sides, they do not correct the errors they are
now committing; and lot ns not oftolonsly W
mmber them with help till we are quite sufV
they need it. ' ' f
Tht London Conference It Probable
Doing and Htiulii. 7
from the Iter aid. I
The truth seems at last to have been arrived
at. Our cable news has made it clear that the
Conference has been agreed to, and it fcas at
the same time explained how a certain doubt
ful telegram originated. In closing the iNorth
German Parliamont, King Williain very pru
dently refrained from making any allusion to
the Luxembourg question. The omission was
not only rashly interpreted, but rashly tele
graphed without the attendant circumstances.
A later despatch confirmed the accuracy of
the intelligence on which we had previously
acted. The announcement of Lord Stanley in
the British House of Commons warrants us
now to look at the Conference as a comin
fact, and to speculate on its probable doings
and results.
Ostensibly the deliberations of the Plenipo
tentiaries are to be limited to the one ques
tion of Luxembourg. What will satisfy
France ? what will satisfy Prussia ? and how
are the territory and fortress of Luxembourg
to be finally disposed of 1 These are the ques
tions which the Conference is to be called
upon to decide. It is manifest at a glance,
however, that these questions open up a wide
field over which discussion will freely range.
It will be impossible to lay down rules which
will prevent the different members of the
Conference iu the interests of the different
Governments which they represent from
looking beyond the confines of a mere border
Duchy, and touching on . certain events
which have recently transpired, and on
certain other events, which, if not forcibly
checked, are sure to transpire in the early
future. It is well to limit the programme,
but directly members proceed to busiuess the
programme will be found to have enlarged
itself in spite of them. Is it conceivable
that France, in stating the reasons why she
desired to annex Luxembourg to the Empire,
will be silent either in regard to the increase
of territory and power which Prussia has
made during the last year, or to the various
means by which that increase has been se
cured ? Is it conceivable, on the other hand,
that Prussia, in defending the course she
has taken, will have nothing to say, not only
about the rights of the German people, but
about the unification of Italv and the annexa
tion of Nice ? Is it impossible that the ques- j
tim of Rhine boundaries will be revived by
Napoleon, and perhaps even prosecuted with
greater success than ever? Iu view of the
complete unification of Germany, will Austria
le able to preserve silence in regard to the
future of her German provinces ? Will no
voice be raised in defense of the rights of the
Danish population of Northern Schleswig?
And are we justified in iuferring that the
treaty of Prague will be allowed to pass, in
all its entirety, unquestioned ? The possi
bilities of the Conference overleaping the
limits of the programme cannot be said to be
either few or small.
Of the probable result, it is necessary to write
as yet with caution and reserve. The dis
mantling of the fortress of Luxembourg may
be found to be a matter of less difficulty com
paratively than the future and final disposal
of the Duchy. That it be in some sense pro
claimed neutral is absolutely necessary, and
may already be considered certain; but whether
it shall remain a separate State with a sepa
rate and independent Government of its own,
or be annexed to Belgium, to which it lies con
tiguous, or be made to form an integral part
ol the kingdom of Holland, are questions en
any one of which it is little likely uniformity
of sentiment will prevail. The population is
German, German in race, German in language,
German in sympathy; and if they are barred
for the present from more formal union with
their brethren of the Fatherland, it is dif
ficult to say which of the three courses just
indicated would by themselves be deemed
preferable.
Separation and independency would leave
the Duchy isolated and weak. Union with
Holland would place it in the awkward
position of a province which, though not
remote, would have no territorial connection
with the kingdom of which it would form a
part. Annexation to Belgium, if agreeable to
the population, appears to be the most natu
ral course, and commends itself not merely
by the fact that the boundaries are contigu
ous, but by the additional circumstance that
the northern portion of the Duohy is already
held by Belgium in virtue of the treaties of
li'.l. Annexed to Belgium, therefore, Lux
embourg would, in a certain sense, be restored
to her former self. In our anxiety for peace,
we'eannot afford to Ik indifferent to the wel
faie of the populations most deeply interested.
Our hope, therefore, is that the Conference
may result in some such arrangement as
that peace will be maintained, and the people
satisfied.
;There are other outstanding questions of
interest and importance which it might le
well lor this convention of great powers to
consider and determine. Whut, for example,
is the u.se of allowing this everlasting Ea.stern
question to hung like a nightmare before
Europe, keeping the entire continent in a con
tinual (date of excitement and terror ? It could
l easily settled settled to the advantage of
all, and to the disadvantage of none. The
great powers have but to agree among them
selves, to give the Turk renjM'itlul notice to
quit, to reorganize the Christian populations,
placing them under a tresii, vigorous, contral
government, and that which is now a waste
under lurkish misrule will reaptn-ar as the
garden of Europe. No sooner will this Cou
lerence meet than it will le the object of
universal interest; intelligent and thoughtful
minds in the Old World and in the New will
watch its progress and canvass its results; but
if it accomplish nothing grander than the set
tlement of the Luxembourg difficulty, im
portant as that is, its fruit will l small
indeed. -
1 - i.
Indebtedness of the States
rVom tht 3'imrt.
Of the amount of the national debt, as one of
the legacies of the war, the people have as
distinct a conception as can be derived from
figures. The idea is not very specific when
the figures run up to thousands of millions,
nor does it carry a very definite appreciation
of the weight or 'probable duration of the
taxation which the debt entails. But with
more or less clearness, everybody compre
hends the fact that the Government owes
somewhat more than $2,500,000,000; though
everybody does not remember that the result-
ing taxation per head renders ns the most
heavily taxed peonle In the world.
Ill judging of debt and 'taxation, however,
we are apt to overlook the indebtedness of tho
States, which should certainly Im included in
any correct estimate of the financial condition
of the country. On this head, unfortunately,
it is not easy to obtain trustworthy informa
tion. There is ho official exhibit, at short in
tervals, as in the case of the National Trea
sury, telling what each State owes, and what
foim the indebtedness of each ha assumed.
The only sources of enlightenment are the re
ports of State officers to the State Legislatures,
and these reveal but a portion of the truth.
They show, indeed, what the States owe as
States, but they take no cognizance of the lia
bilities contracted by counties, cities and
towns, which, in some instances, it may be
feared, exceed the liabilities of the States
themselves, necessarily affecting their finan
cial character and their ability to sustain ac
cruing burdens.
As to the State debts, the Financial Chronicle
of this city has taken pains to construct, from
reports of local officials, a comparative state
ment of the amounts owing, respectively, in
18U0 and 18o'U. The comparison embraces
thirty-two States, whose aggregate indebted
ness shows an increase of $'.10,304,881. In
1800 they owed $.155,84!), 701); in 180'u', :I52,
154,500. The debt of the State of New York
has grown from $34,182,075 to $51,753,082.
Massachusetts presents a larger proportionate
increase, having advanced from $7, 175,978 to
$25, 555,747. Connecticut, which in 18G0
owed a modest $50,000, now staggers under
$10,000,000. New Hampshire, which six
years ago thought $82,148 debt enough,
now submits patiently to $4,1 6!,818. Rhode
Island and Vermont, which formerly did
not owe a dollar, now have liabilities, re
spectively, of $3,li2(i,500 and $1,507,500. In
the West, Wisconsin has risen from $100,000
to $2,282,1.01; Iowa from $322,21)8 to
$(522,21)15; Missouri from $23,923,000 to
$37,145,928. Of the border States, Tennes
see is the most heavily incumbered, its debt
having swolled from $16,643,666 to $25,277,
347. The war debts of the Southern States
were wiped out with the cause they espoused,
and their increase of debt is, therefore, with
one or two exceptions, for the most part
confined to the accumulation of overdue inte
rest. The debt of Alabama has risen from
$5,048,000 to $6,304,972; that of Florida from.
$3S3,000 to $638,863; that of Louisiana from
$10,023,903 to $13,357,999; that of North
Carolina froni $9,129,505 to $11,433,000; that
of Virginia from $33,248,141 to $45,119,741;
while the debt of Arkansas has grown but
nominally, and Texas, which was wont to
print a simple nil, now confesses to $2,320,360.
Some of the States are enabled to boast of
diminished indebtedness. Illinois, Indiana,
Ohio, and Pennsylvania belong to this cate
gory. The explanation is, that in these in
stances the war expenditures were met princi
pally by the municipalities, of whose intebted
ness we have no account. That these debts
are large may be inferred from the honorable
part which these States played in the conduct
of the war, and the lavish expenditures with
which their names are associated. Even in
States whose indebtedness has increased, for
midable liabilities have been separately in
curred by their cities and towns. Thus, while
the State of New York has enlarged its debt to
the extent of $17,570,107, the city of New
York has also added ten millions to its debt,
and other municipalities in the State have ex
perienced corresponding additions.'
When an attempt is made, then, to estimate
the financial condition of the country, it is
necessary to add to the $2,500,000,000, odd,
reported by Mr. McCulloch, the $352,154,590
which is owed by thirty-two of the States, and
the undefined but confessedly enormous
amounts in which county and town organiza
tions are separately indebted. It is extremely
desirable that some early and official effort be
made to accumulate data for a complete state
ment on this subject. The country will then
be in a position to realize the load it is required
to carry, and tne recklessness ot those who
would augment it by hundreds or thousands
of millions for any purpose whatever.
This increase of debt would be of less im
portance if it had been accompanied by an in
crease of resources, or even an increased
development of the resources we had. The
statistics collated by the Financial Chronicle,
while insufficient for anything like a minute
calculation, amply prove a great deoline in the
taxable valuation of property in the Southern
States; and in the North and West the in
crease is slight in comparison with the growth
of debt. "These statistics," our contemporary
remarks, "seem to countenance the opinion
strongly held by some reflecting minds that,
during the war, we consumed much more than
we produced, and came out of it with a heavy
loss of accumulated resources." The North
American Jleriew recently argued that the
debt of the country represents a total and an
absolute loss a deduction of so much from
our available resources; and we apprehend
that the position is much nearer the truth
than the opposite view, which alleges a growth
of riches in a ratio greater than the growth
of debt. An expenditure on account of war
may be properly considered an irrecoverable
loss.
The Meaeaqe of Governor English.
Irom the World.
Tho inaugural message of Governor English
to tho Connecticut Legislature, delivered on
Wednesday, is a document that will repay peru
sal. A large portion of it is devoted to
national issues, the discussion of which is
clear and conclusive. The Governor takes
strong Democratic ground, but in terms so
dignified and so courteous as not to offend any
but his most bitter partisan opponents. Ap
pareiitly anticipating criticism for treatiug
these topics at such length, Governor Eng
lish says: "1 have thus particularly brought
to your attention acts of the Federal Congress,
because in my judgment their tendency is to
revolutionize the character of our Govern
ment, and, therefore, they vitally concern the
people of Connecticut." One paragraph in
this connection presents two poiuts so forcibly
that we reproduce it entire: m
"Will the precedent thus sot by Congress be
foiKouen? Will I he Constitution, wulcli Is liu
I'Oifriit, to restrain the, lury of k majority to day,
be ome the suciud shield It ouce wus for the
.mli orlty to-morrow ? Will tho sword that is
so easily diWn to establish a constitution now,
ue a do wed to rest. In it h.....i, .. ,A.
....... I I . . " ml III I llDCUUU
V " w.? COItlUiiion hereafter? It has beeu
the honest boiiNt nu Just glory
Wist he has saved 10 our people
Wlli:out a star .11, ,1,.,., ... . .
of the so'dler
e their old 11 ir,
lpe brokeu but
iom t lbV,e.8uorineo " the people no
i,?n5n ? 1 h""' r fttlla ln eoimlUuional gov
eminent. It the charter ot our llhniu i,,u in
L.?Sh-lli.iV."." Wo"- A "'an ever.
Tv r.. .. . suouiu unv lnrnio-
..H0.H,itv Hv 1 llUUo'.1 Ve "Hed hs a public
calHOulty. By the vast Increase of our publlo
lndebtednPHH, every question which i concern
the Government, credit comes home to every
V?!" S5 credit all v.mes
our wealth, our TnduHtVy otiZZTlMt' No
calsmltiesof Wle past can exceed those which
will UmsII us if the publlo credit should alve
way. Hut how is it to be preserved 1 !ifa.u
rreme law of the land isitself Te"aa t"dT
In what market of the world is that imvurn
meni trusted wuich Is swayed Isy revolutionary
factious, intend only upon the gratiflcatiou of
ambition or the lndn1irnoe f partlnan ronont
rnentr Had the efTorts of (Joimrrn teeO
properly directed, the Industry snd trade of
thowhuln country would lonn alnee have felt
the grau-rul influpiioe, und the publlo credit
beeu strengthened."
An exhaustive exhibit la given of the con
dition of the affairs of Connecticut, whenoe it
apjwars that the total liabilities of the State,
over and above all ita assets, amount to
$7,661,477-56.
Attention is called to the usury laws re
cently passed by the Legislature of Massachu
setts and Rhode Island, and a similar modifi
cation of the usury laws of Connecticut is
Suggested. It is also stated that the number
of marriages in the State during the last
year was greater than the number re
ported in any previous year; and that
the numlier of births was larger than
that of the preoeding year, and greatly
in excess of the deaths. Respecting the
labor question, which formed an important
element in the late political canvass, Governor
English is true to the pledges of his party
before election, and recommends an amend
ment of the genoral statutes so "as to make
eight hours of labor done and performed in
any one day by any one person in any
mechanical or manufacturing establishment a
lawful day's work, unless otherwise agreed
by the parties." He also urges the "due
enforcement of the existing statute to pro
tect children of tender years from such op
pressive labor as deprives them of the advan
tages of a common school education."
The account which we gave of the cere
monies attending the inauguration at Hart
ford on Wedensday, shows that the Governor is
personally very popular among his fellow
citizens, and from the high tone of his mes
sage we look for a successful administration
of the affairs of the State provided, of course,
that the Legislature, which is politically
opposed to him, does not follow the example
of Congress, and thwart, as far as possible,
his every effort for good.
Charles Sumner's Views.
From the Independent.
Sbnatk Ciiambkr, April 20. My Dear Sir:
iou wish to have the North "reconstructed,"
so at least that it shall cease to deny the
elective franchise on account of color. But
you postpone the day by insisting on the pre
liminary of a Constitutional amendment. I
know your vows to the good cause; but I ask
you to make haste. We cannot wait.
Of course, we can always wait for the need-
lui processes; but there are present reasons
why we should allow no time to be lost. This
question must be settled without delay. In
other words, it must be settled before the Pre
sidential election which is at hand. Our
colored fellow-citizens at the South are already
voters. They will vote at the Presidential
election. But why should they vote at the
south, and not at the North? The rule of
justice is the same for both. Their votes are
needed at the North as well as at the South
There are Northern States where their votes
can make the good cause safe beyond ques
tion. There are other States where their
votes will be like the last preponderant
weight in the nicely balanced scales
Let our colored fellow-citizens vote
in Maryland, and that State, now so severely
tried, win be nxeu lor human rights forever
Let them vote in Pennsylvania, and you will
give more than twenty thousand votes to the
Republican cause. Let them vote in New
1 ork, and the scales, which hang so doubtful,
will incluie to the Republican cause. It will
be the same in Connecticut. I mention these
by way of example. But everywhere the old
pro-slavery party will kick the beam. Let all
this be done, I say, before the next Presiden
tial election.
Among the proposed ways of doing it is by
a new Constitutional amendment. But this is
too dilatory. It cannot become operative till
after the Presidential election. Besides, it is
needless. Instead of amending the Constitu
tion, read it.
Another way is by moving each State, and
obtaining through local legislation what is
essentially a riyht of citizenship. But this
again is too dilatory, while it turn3 each State
into a political maelstrom, and submits a ques
tion of national interest to the chances of local
controversy, and the timidity of local politi
cians. This will not do. Emancipation was
a national act, proceeding from the National
Government, and applicable to all the States.
Enfranchisement, which is the corollary and
complement of emancipation, must be a na
tional act also, proceeding from the National
Government, and applicable to all the States.
If it be left to the States individually the
result, besides being tardy, will be uncertain
and fragmentary.
There is another way, which is at once
prompt, energetic, and comprehensive. It is
by act of Congress, adopted by a majority of
two-thirds in spite of Presidential veto. The
time has passed when this power can be ques
tioned. Congress has already exercised it in
the Rebel States. I do not forget its hesita
tions. Only a year ago, when 1 insisted that
it must do so, and introduced a bill to this
effect, I was answered that a Constitutional
amendment was needed, and I was voted
down. A change came, and in a happy
moment Congress exercised the power. What
patriot questions it now 1 But the power is un
questionable in the other States also. It con
cerns the rights of citizenship, and this sub
ject is as essentially national as the army or
the navy.
Even without either of the recent Consti
tutional amendments, I am at a loss to under
stand how a denial of the elective franchise
simply on account of color can bo otherwise
than unconstitutional. I cannot see how,
under a National Constitution which does not
contain the word "white" or "black," there
can be any exclusion on account of color.
There is no such exclusion in the Constitution.
Out of what text is this oligarchical pretension
derived f But, putting aside this question,
which will be clearer to the jurists of the
next generation than to us, I vouch the autho
ritative words ot the Constitution, mak
ing it our duty to guarantee a republican
form of government in the States. Now the
greatest victory of the war, to which all other
victories, whether in Congress or on the bloody
field, were only tribtttary, wft the definition
of a republican government according to the
principles of the Declaration of Independence.
A government which denies the elective fran
chise on account ef color, or, in other words,
gets up any "qualifications" of votes in their
nature insuriiiouutaK'e, cannot be republican;
for the first principle in a republican govern
ment is equality of fights, according to the
principles of the Declaiation of Independence.
And this definition, I h'sist, is the crowning
result of that war which beat down the Rebel
lion under its feet. It only remains for Con
gress to enforce it by appropriate legislation.
But there are two recent Constitutional
amendments, each of which .'urnishes ample
and cumulative power.
There is, first, the amendment abolishing
slavery, with its clause conferring on Con
gress the power to enforce it by appropriate
legislation, in pursuance of which Congress
has already passed the Civil Rights act, which
is applicable to the North as well as the
South. Clearly, and most obviously teyond
all question, if it can pass a Civil Rights act,
it can also pass a Political Right act; for each
Js appropriate tov enforce the abolition of
slavery and to complete this 'work. Without
it the work is only half done.
I here is yet another amendment recently
adopted by three-fourths of the loyal States,
which is itself an abundant source of power.
Alter declaring that all persons born or
naturalized in the United States and subject
to the jurisdiction thereof are "citizens," this
amendment proceeds to provide that "no
State shall make or enforce any law which
shall abridge the privileges or immunities of
citizens of the United States;" and Congress is
empowered to enforce this provision by ap
propriate legislation. Nothing can be plainer
than this.
Here, then, are three different fountains of
power in the Constitution itself, each suffi
cient; the three, together three times sufficient;
each exuberant and overflowing, the three
together three times exuberant and overflow
ing. How, in the face of these provisions,
any person can doubt the power of Congress,
I cannot understand. But, alas 1 there aro
doubters always.
1 have already sent yon a copy of my bill
to settle this question by what I call "the
short cut." Give us your vote. Of course,
you will. Believe mo, my dear sir, very
faithfully yours, Charles Sumheii.
Theodore Tilton, Esq.
Yes. Mr. Sumner has our vote. He has
always had it; he is always likely to have it
"How did Roger Sherman vote?" asked our
forefathers. They believed it was Bafe to vote
with Roger Sherman. It is just as safe to
vote with Charles Sumner. During the last
fifteen years no American senator has been so
uniformly right, none so conspicuously single-
minded, none so stubbornly uncompromising,
as the author of this letter. Therefore let
heed be given to what he says.
Long ago we proposed, and at various times
since have urged, an amendment to the Fede
ral Constitution establishing equal civil and
political rights in all the States both for
whites and blacks; both for North and South
Mr. Sumner, seeking the same end, proposes
different means. Instead of an amendment of
the Constitution, he urges a law of Congress
"How any person," he says, "can doubt the
power of Coneress. I cannot understand."
Mr. Sumner knows that tie do not doubt the
power of Congress: not at all. Our doubt is,
not of its power, but of its courage. Its power
is undeniable. Both civil and political rights
flow from one and the same fount. If Congress
had any power to enact civil, it has equal
power to enact political rights. It has, thus
far, established civil, but neglected to establish
political rights. Mr. Sumner properly asks it
to complete its duty by establishing both.
What need, then, of an amendment to the
Constitution r
Suppose both civil and political rights to be
duly decreed by act of Congress. We shall
still ask for the amendment. We cannot help
considering that allHhe rights of American
citizens, whether civil or politioal, are on a
stronger foundation when written in plain and
direct terms in an amended Constitution, than
when, as now, they are inferentially deduced
from the more vague statements of the present
Constitution by explanatory and supplemental
acts of Congress, it is to make assurance
doubly sure that we have asked, and shall
continue to ask, for such an amendment.
Moreover, we do not agree with our distin
guished friend that such an amendment could
not be triumphantly and speedily adopted.
On the contrary, we lelieve the country is
amply ready for it. This opinion we share
with Mr. Greeley.
But, whether an amendment is needed, or
not and whether it can be passed, or not we
go heartily for Mr. Sumner's bill. Look at
the bill. It is as follows:
"Whereat, The Constitution of the United
StaieB abolishes slavery eveiy where within the
juribdiction thereof, so that all constitutions,
laws, or regnlations of any State or Territory
ln aid of slavery, or growing out of the same,
are null and void; and whereas, the same Con
stitution, in another provision, recently
adopted, declares that, 'No Hiate shall make
or en:orce any law which shall abridge the
privileges or Immunities of citizens of the
Lnlleu Htates;' and, whereas, also, Congress Is
empowered by appropriate legislation to en
force these several provisions, which cannot be
done without securing the elective franchise
to citizens who have beeu slaves, or who are
the descendants ot slaves, or who are deprived
oMqual rights by reason of race or color; and
whereas, further, It Is expressly declared ln tne
CouMkutlou that the United (states shall guar
ruiitte to eveiy Hlate ln the Union a republican
lot m of government, aud It Is plain that any
iutqualuy of rights is Inconsistent with a
republican form of government and the pro
mists of the Decimation of Independence,
ly'ow, therefore,
"lie It enacted by the Senate and House of
IU pi sent allves of the United Slated ot America
ln Congress assembled, That every citizen of
the United Utuies. although he may have been
a slave, or is the desceuuant of a slave, or by
reason of race or color is deprived of equal
iIkIhk, shall In every Hlate and Territory have
the right to vote at all elections for members of
Congress, for Presidential Kluctors, for Repre
sentatives, and Senators to Hlate or Territorial
le gislatures, for all State, county, town, aud
other olllces ot every kind, upon tne same
terms and conditions, and no others, as while
citizens nre and maybe allowed to vole; aud
every provision of every Stale and territorial
constitution, statute, und ordinance which la
now or hereafter muy be enacted, and every
custom and principle of law heretofore recog
nized In any Stale or Territory, ooutrary to the
foregoing provisions, are hereby declared null
and void."
Now, whether the above be a constitutional
amendment or an act of Congress or one, or
both it is just, expedient, and indispensablo;
it is equal in its operation, North as well as
South; it provides one and the same beneficent
law for the whole land. Shall it be adopted ?
If we could speak with a hundred tongues,
they should all cry Amen. The negro now
has less law on his side in Connecticut than in
Mississippi. Congress, reassembling in July,
ought to provide for his immediate relief.
There was an outcry against giving the negro
his civil rights; but when the deed was done,
the whole land acquiesced. There is a similar
outcry against giving him his political rights;
but once given, there will be a general appro
bation of the gift. If negroes who have been
brought up in slavery are allowed to vote in
the South why shall not
nr7iMs wnA have
been brought up In freedom be allowed to vota
41J 11U1 UW
Not only is Mr. Sumner right as to the
power oi congress in the present case, Irut
""'B "K" " "s rigiu as to the power of Con
gress to govern the unrecenstructed States as
conquered provinces. He then stood almost
alone in the Senato in an opinion which lie
has since seen adopted by his brother Sena
tors. We trust his compeers will agree to his
present bill. We happen to know that Thad
deus Stevens who, even when sick, is more
well than most men is preparing, on his sick
bed, an argument in support of Mr. Sumner's
plan. We happen to know, also, tliat Chief
Justice Chase agrees with Mr. Sumner's view.
Let the midsummer Congress adopt the bill as
a Fonrth of July measure. Its passage will
thrill the country. It will hoist flags pull
bell-ropes, light tar-barrels, and fire guns. It
will rekindle the glorious enthusiasm' which
followed Abraham Lincoln's Decree of Eman
cipation. ' ' ' " '
.'Blow, bugle, Iow Bet thar wild echoes flying'1
SPECIAL NOTICES.
f" HEALTH O P F I O R
. . 1'ini.AnriMtiA, May I, mat.
Hfalili, BdopU'd April 2. iw, pronmnis will ) re
f vlll i( Ilmiin otllce until ii o'clock M., the
...,,.,, ,, mniovHi OI Auct) nulicuices n may
IZtlVl-:" ' Health wlthlu thejri
7lh.Mh.VnrtMira lne .
Virnt. 1)itilrlrt orvm I . .. m.
,ah7iSTCT 8t"' 9th' ,0,t'' ,Uh
Third fllalrlot in.i,FDl., .1.. am .
andth WanlA. ' na M. 24th
hsui proposal to Apecirythe prion pprcuhlo foot
. .. v.. , ,,,. ,,, ,,Hr nay lor ua ol borA
incl ran, Willi driver, and lue price per day for eacii
hBld contract to continue until Dpcomber St. Iaat
HUIa lor the clean I tin or 1'rlvy Wells will be re
ceived from licensed cleaner only.
Address llOllATIO O. BTC1CFT,.
6 ' lloalin uillcer.
fT- DEPARTMENT OP PUBLIC IlKJH-
Ttl.,'v'AYl-un'c,, ol tl, chl,' Commissioner.
HI Til blreet, weal Bide, below Clioxiiut street. ,
,, n PHii.AiEt.PHiA, April 27, isirr.
NOTIC E Owners ol Harks and UarnaKos kept for
Mre, ate hereby nollllnd that tliey must renew their
license on or before I lie llrst day of June, 1mi7,
iJ.rtrnrl of ttrtlimmrr tit Mnit 1S55,
Fertlon 1. That every Hack. tttKe-('oach, Cab,
C'liHilol, C'onrbee. Coupe, barnncbe, I.andon, or other
vehicle, whether on wheels or rnuners, except otnm
biif.ee and railroad cam, drnwniby one or more horses
or oilier animal power, whlon shall he used In the
I lly ol Philadelphia tor the conveyanceor persons lor
blre, Irom place to place wuhlii the said clly, shall be
deemed n Jlackucy I arri.'ne wlluln the meaiiluc of
this ordinance,
hection ii. No person shall set up, use, or drive In
ssld clly anv Hackney Carrlaite, tor the conveyance
ol persons, lor blre. Irom place to place, within Ilia
same, unless the same be registered, and a eerilMcate
thereof be annually renewed, as herein provided
under a ftmalty uf live JhiUan lor every time sucU
carriage or vehicle la used.
THOMAS it. TRTOTj,
B 1 t 1 .Iceiise Cleric,
tppf NOTICE THE NEW ORLEAN3 RE-
PTJHLIC'ANsoliclis the patronuKe of all loyal
men In the North who have business Interests In the
houlb. Having beeu selected by the Clerk of the
House of ltepresenlatlves under tne law ol Congress
Passed March), 1H07, as the paper lor printing ail the
Laws and Treaties, and all the, Federal advertise
ments within the 8taie oligosialia, It will be the
best advertising medium In the Hnuihwest, reaching
a larger number ot business men than anv other
paper. Address MATIIKWrt A HAMILTON', Con
veyancers, No. 7OT HANMOM Street, or IS. L. ItllOWN
A CO., New Orleans, Louisiana. i tm
trS 252 NORTH CHARLES STREET.
BALTIMOKE, MA It Y LAND.
OiUC'K bKCKKTAKY TU1BU C'OBPB t'yiOf. )
April, HW7.
The annual meeting and election for uillcers and
Directors ol theTHlKl) COIU'S UNION will beheld
at the TltKNTON HOUKK, Trenton, New Jersey, oil
MONDAY, May , at Vi o'clock noon,
4 iill U KDWAHD L. WELLING, Secretary.
P33T OFFICE OF TllE rillEADKLPIIIA
AND UtANKFOUI) PAttMKNliKIl RAIL
WAY COMPANY, No, 4M KHAN KPOHU KOAD.
Piin.Aiif.I.eiiiA, April a, ISH7.
All persons who are subscribers to or holders of the
capliul stocK of this Company, and who have not yet
paid the sixth Instalment of Five Dollars per share
thereon, are hereby nolllled that the said sixth In
stalment baa been called In, and that tbey are re
quired to pay the same at the above otlice ou the lulU
cay ol May next. lx7.
Hy resolution of the Hoard of Directors.
4-':il2t JACOB BIMiKK, President.
fT" OFFICE OF THE LEHIGH COAL
lZXy A3SD NAVIGATION COM I AN Y.
Phii.adkm-iiia, April 20, IW.
The stated Annual Meeiiug ot the (Stockholders ot
this Company will be held at the HOAKD UFTKADK
liOOM.S, norili side of CUKISNUT hlreet, above
FIFTH, on TUK8DAY MOHNINO, the 7th day of
May next, at ball-past It o'clock, after which an Elec
tion will be held at the same place lor Oillcera of the
Conipuny for the ensuing year. The .Election to dose
at 1 P. M. ol the same day.
4 20Ht JAMES a COX. President.
K3f" OFFICE OF THE WARREN AND
1 FRANKLIN KAIL WAY COMPANY, No.
lubti WALNUT btreet.
PnitADKLrnrA, April so, 1M7,
The Coupons of the Wanen end Franklin Hallway
Company, due May 1. will be nald at the Banking
House of JAY COOKK A CO., Philadelphia.
61 . H. P. BOTTKK, Treasurer.
K3f NATIONALiJANKOFTHEREPUBLIC.
Philadelphia. March 12, hot.
In accordance with the provlaloua of the National
Currency act, and the Articles of Association of this
Bank, It baa been determined to Increase the Capital
btock of this Bank to one million dollars (l,onu,oij.
Bubscrlptlous from Block holders for the shares allotted,
to Ibew lu the proposed increase will be payable on
the second day of May next, and will be received at
any time prior to that dale. A number of shares will
remain to be sold, applications lor which will be re
ceived lxom persons desirous of becoming btock--holders.
By order of the Board of Directors.
815 7W JOHKPM P. MUM FORD, Cashier.
CStT- WEST JERSEY; RAILROAD C0M-
PAN Y.
Treasurkr'h Officb, 1
, . Camdkn, N. J. April 2, 1S67.
The Board of Directors have this diiy declared
Bemi-annual Dividend of FOUH PKK CKN1'. ou the
capital stock of the Company, clear ot national tax,
payable at the Oltice or ibe Company, In Camden, ou
aud alter the fourteenth day or May prox.
4-7 lt UEUKUE J. KOBBlNrt. Treasurer.
BATCHELOR'S HAIR DYE. THIS
splendid Hair Dve Is the best In the world.
The only true and prrtrel Dye Harmless, Reliable. Iu
staulaueous. No diHuppolutmeut. No ridiculous tints.
Natural Black or Brown. Remedies the 111 ellects of
Jiad Jfyei. Invigorates the hair, leaving It soft and
beauiilul. The genuine la slgued WILLIAM A.
BA1CHKLOK. All others are mere Imitations, anil
should be avoided, bold by all Druggists and Per
fumers. Factory, No. bl BARCLAY btreet, New
York. 4 5fmw
HOLLOWAY'S PILLS AND OINT-
meut Ulcei aied Leg. Numerous Individuals.
who were lor many ytars allilcted with old caucerous
sores or ulcers ou the legs, aud had fulled to procure a
remedy either from prlvute practice or publio hospi
tals, have been epeedily cured by a short course of
these Invaluable meuiciues. In all diseases of this
nature, the united uction of the Pills aud Ointment la
required, bold by all Druggists. 4 26 lauiM
WANTS.
n?OK THE GENUINE BARTLETT
WifJ. BKWINO MACHIN E. Wauted
$25.
-Ageuu. 1161 per monili and all expeuses paid, to sell
the Oeuuiue Bartlett Bowing Machine. This Machine
will do all the work that can be dune ou any high
priced Machlue, ana Is lully patented, licensed, aud
warranted lor live years, we pay the above wagea,
or a commission, from which twice that amount cau
be made. For circulars aud terms address
H. HALL A CO..
No. 724 CH KisN UT Btreet,
4 Sim Philadelphia, Pa.
WANTED, FIVE HUNDRED RECRUITS
lor the U. H. Murine Corps. Recruits must oe
able-bodied, young, unmairled men. They will be
employed ln the Ouvernment Nuvy-yards and In
bhlps of War on toieigu slallous. Fur further tutor
matlou apply to JAMES LKWIS),
Captain and Recruiting Olltoer,
4 19 rmw tf N'Ok 811 b. FRONT Street.
NO. l.i.i I H Kb N L"l Mreet.
E. M. NEEDLES & CO.
IHave opened, at tbelr NEW BTORE,
N. W. Cor. Eleventh end Chesaut,
A srUMIll) ASSORTMENT
OF
.VUITK GOO !!,
JEM BKO I nEBI ES,
JL i: UOIN,
J ANI'UKIU'IIIEFS,
YEII'Mi KTt". BID.
Of eopcrloi duality, t LOW Ktft'3.
VKUTfl jfflNsaHD 1011
r. STEWART BROWtf,' .
8.X. Corner of
rO JEXll md CHESTNUT STS.-
MATfUrACTURIR Of
TRUNKS. VALISES, and BA08 suitable for Europoae
Travol.
(Formerly t 708 CHE8TNUT 8T.)
GEORGE PLOWMAN,
OARPKNTHR AND IJUILDEW
K, fit tiBTIH TBKET', '
And Nu. 141 IHX ' Btreet , .
Marblae Work autf ktUiwrUjuUus; promptly V
teuded to.
mm)