THE NEW YORK PRESS.
JPITOlilAL OPINIONS OF THE LEADING JOURNALS
CFOM CCKKBNT TO.P1CH OOMPILKI) BVKttY
DAT FOB IKB KVKN1NQ TELEGKAFU.
The Political Future.
JYotn the Nation.
The nature of tlio arrangement whiuh Con
j;reH8 liae made to its adjournment render it
l ertain that, barring pome grons ai t of folly ou
the part of Mr. Johnson or of the Southern
leaders, tliero will be no session until Deeem
ler. . As well as anybody can judge from his
present attitude and language, he is not likely
to do anything to impede the free working of
the Reconstruction bill. The generals) in com
mand of tho military districts are men in
whom the country has every confidence, and
what they have dono so far warrants tho con
clusion that they will do hereafter all that the
occasion calls for or the people expect, without
ither let or hindrance from the )Vlme
House. There could, in fact, hardly be
a better augury as to tho future than the
steps General Sheridan has just taken
at New Orleans. We may therefore fairly
anticipate that the constitutional conventions
in tho various States will be duly held, and
that not only the Unionists, properly so
called, but everybody not formally disfran
chised by the act, will take part in the elec
tion of the delegates. It is impossible to read
the speeches of the leading Southern men and
the articles in the recent Southern papers
without feeling satisfied that active submis
sion has at last been determined on, that the
South is going to reorganize under the act, and
that the plan of llattering and managing the
negroes lias been iixed on as the best and only
mode of taking out of the new law whatever
6ting or danger there may be in it. We shall
pjobably see during the coming summer
most of the leading Southern politicians, and
a large number also of influential men who
have never taken much part in politics, carry
ing on a brisk canvass amongst the freedmen,
and competing, and we bolieve not unsuccess
fully, with the Southern radicals, properly so
callod, for the negro vote.
That the conventions will comply with the
requisitions of Congress we have no sort of
doubt. It would, of course, be a great
mockery, as everybody at the South now
knows, to hold them for any other purpose
than compliance. That the establishment of
free schools is not amongst those requisitions,
as proposed the other day by Mr. Sumner, we
consider a great misfortune; and we cannot
Lelp thinking that the whole North will see it
in the same light before many years. Of what
the Southern planters can do in the political
management of ignorant voters we know
something already, but we greatly fear we
have something still to learn. If, therefore,
Mr. Johnson confines himself during the sum
mer to the routine duties of his offioe, and
indulges in no worse outbursts of feeling than
"conversations," there will be nothing for
Congress to do until the regular time of meet
ing. The game of removals from office which
the President played last summer is, oi course,
barred by the Tenure of Office bill, and our
foreign ministers may hereafter meet the gaze
of the McCrackens without wincing. Thus
Mr. Johnson is exposed to hardly any tempta
tion. What, under these circumstances, is likely
to become of the impeachment ? In the first
plaoe, it is quite evident that its great advo
cates have now very little influence in the
"House. General Butler went to Congress
charged with the special duty of carrying it
through, and may be said to have made abso
lutely no impression on anybody, and has
been condemned to the somewhat inglorious
Tole of sticking pins into his personal enemies
for the amusement of his fellow-members.
Stevens, too, has evidently lost his power, or
else the House has grown thick-skinned, for
his lash, though ever so mercilessly applied,
does not produce the slightest movement.
What is more significant than all is that the
Judiciary Committee makes no secret of the
fact that it is proceeding in strict accordance
with legal forms, taking evidence only
under legal rules, and is admitting re
butting testimony at every step. We
have all along maintained that if this
Were done the impeachment had little
chance. The only mode of impeachment which
promised success was something in the nature
of a bill of pains and penalties, or what might
be called "impeachment by acclamation."
We are still of opinion that no evidence has
been brought before the Committee which
would bear examination in a court of law, be
cause it could only reach the Committee
through the promoters of the movement, and
thus far these gentlemen have not tantalized
the publio by their secrecy. They have been,
of course, very anxious to secure support from
the people, and consequently are not likely to
have kept back anything of importance which
came to their knowledge, and yet they have
told us absolutely nothing that we have not
all known for the last year, unless it be Mr.
Boutwell's charge about the pardon of the
West Virginia deserters. We have at the
same time the assurance of the Committee
that they will prosecute their inquiry dili
gently during the summer, and if they find
any high crime or misdemeanor, will do their
duty about it fearlessly. In any case, how
ever, the probability is that we shall not get
their report till December.
In calculating the effect of it, even if unfa
vorable to the President, it is desirable to
remember that the convention for the nomina
tion of tho next President will be held in the
Bummer of 1808, and that during the previous
half year the attention of the political world
will be entirely absorbed in the manufacture
of candidates, possible and impossible, likely
and unlikely, and will continue to be so till
the nomination is made. After the nomina
tion of course comes the campaign, and we
doubt if a more exciting one has ever occurred.
It is safe, therefore, to predict that Mr. John
sou, insignificant already, will, after the first
of January next, become more and more so,
and will cease to be spoken of at all as the
winter wears on, and that some of those who
are now most eager to try him will then be
least disposed to trouble themselves about
him. Moreover, suppose an impeachment
orocess were commenced in December, if con
ducted with legal form, as it ought to be and
certainly would be, it would last till the fol
lowing summer at least, and conviction might
Dossibly be secured about the time of the next
election; but we doubt if either the cause of
the country or the interests of virtue would be
served by it.
'" The Division of tbe Negro Vote.
&omth Tribune.
jThe division of the negro vote is already the
one great object of ex-Rebel politicians, and
unless they succeed, the Republican party will
probably carry every Southern State. As
jiearly every Rebel officer or journal advising
fmbmission to the law does so upon these
THE DAILY EVENING TKLEGRAHI. PHILADELPHIA, TUESDAY
grounds firt, that resistance would be use
less; second, that it gives the South the ohanco
of regaining the control of the - Government
they are not likely to accept what they con
sider its evils without trying to make tho most
of its opportunities.
The experiment will be first made in Ten
nessee, which holds an election for (lovernor
and Congressmen August 1. The Franchise
law passed at the late session of the Republi
can Legislature gave the right of voting to
the colored men, and deprived of it those per
sons who fought in the Rebel armies. In
lMdfi the total vote in the State for members ot
Congress was G'l,7s3, of which 30,01)'.) illegal
votes were thrown out. The rigid exclusion
of Rebels by the present electoral laivi should
secure a Republican majority of white voters,
and the only hope of the Democratic party is
in the f0,00( colored voters the State is sup
posed to contain. The hope is a poor one but
tho most is made of it. Tho Democrats 'thus
estimate its division radical negro vote, 23,001);
conservative negro vote, 22,Hi; and, claiming
a conservative white majority of 15. (too. an
nounce that they can carry the State bv (1000
majority. On the other hand, the radi
cals affirm that all the efforts of the
Democrats will not obtain more than one-third
of the colored vote. As no general election
has been held in Tennessee since 18ti5, and
new issues have f-ince arisen, there is no brtsis
for more exact calculation. The Democrats
expect to get their negro votes from the
country, where the farm hands are employed
by disfranchised planters, and are "removed
from the influence of itinerant Yankees."
They are already begging votes of the men
whom not three months ago they declared unlit
to be citizens. "There is really no difference
in interest between the blacks and whites
respecting good government," says the
Nashville Despatch of the 2d, adding with
astonishing coolness, that "those who op
posed negro suffrage did not do so to oppress
him, but to secure to him, as well as to them
selves, a government fairly and honestly ad
ministered." They have found a dozen colored
men stupid enough to forgive such an insult,
and a colored meeting was called at Nash
ville on Saturday to elect delegates to the
Conservative Convention of April 1(5. At
Chattanooga five hundred blacks and whites,
it is said, held a conservative meeting aud
denounced Brownloar. It may be so, but
colored Democrats are still the rarest of all
political curiosities. At the same time that
souieof the Democrats are busy in the gigantic
work of convincing the negroes that their best
friends are the men who fought to the last j
against the franchise law, other Democrats are
proclaiming that slavery still exists. A Mr.
I'eden, of Giles county, has returned to the
assessor, in the list of his property, two negro
men, claiming that he owns them, and that all
laws to the contrary are unconstitutional and
void. But the party leaders are shrewder,
and though we don't believe the story that
they intend to nominate a colored man for
Governor, against Mr. Brownlow, they have
already sought to undermine his popularity
with the negroes, by dragging up his pro
slavery speeches before the war.
In South Carolina, Governor Orr declares
that Congress made a mistake when it gave
the ballot to the colored man, yet wants the
colored man to vote against Congress and
with Governor Orr. He bids them remember
that New Jersey, Ohio, and Michigan have re
cently resolved that colored men in those
States shall not vote. But what of that ? The
party who believe with Governor Orr that im
partial suffrage is a mistake defeated it, aud
we hope that in his speech he will honestly
tell the colored men that the Republicans
of Ohio have at last triumped, and that
their Legislature has passed a bill for
manhood suffrage in the Sttte. The
inconsistencies of the North are not the
fault of our party but of his. Colonel
Fitch, who addressed the great meeting
held in Savaunah last week, patronized the
negroes, and told them "to suspect those
whites who tell you that you are their equals."
This kind of electioneering begins with bully
ing and contempt; it will end in abject syco
phancy. James Simms, who spoke for the
colored men, politely informed the whites
represented by Colonel Fitch that they knew
nothing of his race. The colored men would
vote only for tried and true Union men, and
he wished it "distinctly understood that they
would not elect a Rebel Mayor, nor have any
more brutal policemen. They would elect
white and colored men to offices." It is evi
dent that the negroes will not be easily
convinced that their enemio3 are in the
North; that the Republican party is not to
be trusted. In North Carolina the whites
propose to call another Convention, to which
colored delegates will be invited. It will call
the new party "Union," in opposition to the
Republican party organized at Raleigh, but
the name will have a new meaning. A cor
respondent at Beaufort informs us that "the
leading colored men of the State, some of
whom have great ability, are devoted to Re
publican principles, aud will thoroughly
stump every county in their defense." Thus
far we have seen little encouragement for the
men who hope to form an anti-Republican,
anti-Northern colored party in the South; the
freedmen have shown themselves shrewder
politicians than their masters, and may be
trusted to take care of thsir own interests.
Influence of the Telegraph Upon the Ex
ctianKce uil FiuaurUl Operation of
the World.
From the Herald.
Electric telegraphs, and particularly those
ocean telegraphs which connect continents and
nations, are producing a remarkable revolu
tion iu foreign exchanges and in monetary
affairs generally. We see, however, only the
beginning ot tho great change which must he
produced within a few years. For example,
should a gentleman iu i.ouuon want money at
once from his business house, friends, or agent
in New York, to make some purchase or to
enter into some business transaction promising
tempting profits, or if he wishes to travel
on the Continent and needs it for that purpose,
he immediately telegraphs, and the same day
or next morning he is informed that many
thousand dollars in gold have been deposited
with bankers here having London connections.
The banking house in England is notified of
the fact at the same time, and he is enabled
to draw the money. This may all be done in
a day, or even within a few hours. Before
telegraphic communication was established
through the Atlantic cable, a person in such
circumstances would have been compelled to
wait nearly a month for the funds he required.
In the meantime he might have lost the oppor
tunity of using the money profitably or agree
ably. The amount would have been sent, pro
bably, in the usual way by bills of exchange.
Suppose exchange were against New York, as
it generally is, say two per cent, above par
i would lose two hundred dollars in the
transmission of ten thousand in this way. If
the gold were to be shipped, which is a very
inconvenient mode of transmitting funds, the
freight and insurance would amount to nearly
the same. Then there is the use of the money
and the interest on it, which would be lost to
he nnrtfoa durine the delay. Now. as we
have said, the telegraph remedies and changes
all this, and gives a person who happens to bo
in Kurope as much and as ready a control
over bis money in New York as if he were at
home, and that without having to pay bankers
or exchange dealers for handling it. We men
tion London and New York byway of illustra
tion, but our remarks apply also to other
commercial and financial centres connected by
telegraph.
The time is not far off, probably, when bills
of exchange between this country and Kurope,
and even" between other parts of the world,
will be as unnecessary as between New York
and Philadelphia. The business in these has
been an immense and a very profitable one to
the bankers, and particularly to those of Lon
don. British capitalists have made London
the financial and great exchange Centre of the
world, and consequently have made all
nations tributary to their wealth. By a skil
ful and well-established system they keep the
course of exchange in favor of England. It is not
so by accident, but by able management. The
Bank of England and all the great capitalists,
as well as the Government, keep this object
constantly in view; for it is an immense power
and brings vast wealth. One of the earliest
and ablest British financiers, Sir Thomas
Gresham, laid down the policy which has been
pursued ever since. He induced Edward the
Sixth to furnish him with the means of tuni
ng exchange in favor of London as between
that city and Antwerp. By the use of a com
paratively small sum, but by using it every
day secretly ami skilfully, he was able in a
short space of time to raise the exchange of
London from sixteen shillings Flemish for the
pound sterling to twenty-two shillings. By
this he was enabled to discharge the debt of a
hundred and eight thousand pounds which
the King owed at Antwerp, lie knew well, as
all British statesmen and financiers have
known since, the immense value of having
exchange in favor of England. The same
great man recommended Queen Elizabeth to
depart from the practice of her predeces
sors in negotiating loans abroad and to
secure them for the capitalists at home, thus
preventing a drain of money from the oountry
to pay interest, aud making her own subjects
more interested in the stability of the Govern
ment. But with regard to exchange, whicn the
English have had the wisdom to make soniueh
from, that will soon become in a great measure
a thing of the past. The telegraph, as we have
said, is doing away with that. Hereafter it will
not be so much the able management of capi
tal in one particular locality that will give
control over the exchanges and financial ope
rations of the rest of the world that control
of power will be found in the amount and
value of the productions of a country. Eng
land, which has nearly reaohed the limit of
production, will find by-and-by that her
money-power is gone, notwithstanding her
abundant cheap pauper labor. The Uuited
States, with resources almost boundless, and
more various than those of any other country,
and with a vast population that is intensely
active and very inventive, must become shortly
independent of the influence of foreign capi
tal. In a word, the old artificial state of
things will have to give way to that which is
real and substantial.
The telegraph is destined to produce a
similar revolution in commerce. Merchants
making shipments of produce or goods used
to wait a long time for advices by mail from
their correspondents, and all their calculations
and transactions were made consequently in
accordance with the delay. Now the mer
chant in Liverpool knows of a shipment of
cotton to him at New Orleans the same day it
is made; the merchant at New York knows in
stantly a cargo of merchandise is shipped to
him in Europe, and it will not be long before
the merchants trading in and with China and
India will hear of the rich freights coming to
them even before the vessels have weighed
anchor. Of course their transactions in having
bills discounted and in the conduct of their
business generally will necessarily undergo a
great change. Everything will be quickened
and vivified; credits and discounts will be
done away with in a great measure, and money
will be turned over three or four times whore
it used to be turned over once. The telegraph
will tend to equalize values over all the world.
The numerous intermediate agents who here
tofore have absorbed most of the profits of
commerce will be dispensed with, and the pro
ducer and consumer will be brought much
nearer each other. Such are some of the ex
traordinary changes that are about to be
made. It may take some time to revolu
tionize the old-established system of business,
but we shall soon begin to see and feel the
change that is inevitable.
The Last Resort of Kebeldom Appeal to
the Supreme Court.
From the Timet.
The injunction filed in the Supreme Court
in behalf of the State of Mississippi affords
the strongest evidence of the leniency the
rare forbearance and magnanimity with
which the States recently in rebellion have
been treated by the National Government. It
were impossible, we believe, to find an in
stance in history in which the promoters of
an organized rebellion, having appealed to trio
sword and suffered decisive defeat, have sub
sequently been permitted to arraign the
authority of the conqueror, and plead with all
the forms of law for the very issues which
they bad striven to uphold on the "battle
field. Yet this is the spectacle now being
enacted before the highest judicial tribunal
of the United States. Having failed to over
come the power put forth by the Federal Gov
ernment in support of the Union having
tried ineffectually by the force of arms to as
sert the sovereignty ot the Southern States,
iu the Secessionist sense of the term
having denied the title of the Federal
Government to coerce Rebel States into
submission, only yielding when further
denial bad become impossible they pro
pose now to transfer the struggle to the
Courts, and to attain their ends by bringing
the artillery of the Federal Judiciary to
bear upon Congress. Tho effrontery of
the spectacle is as notable as its
novelty. In any other .country the
parties to these proceedings would have
figured before the law in a totally different
character. They would, long ere now, have
been required to answer for their lives as
rebels awaiting punishment. Here, there has
been no punishment. The chief execu
tive of the Rebellion has indeed been hold in
confinement, but there is no more likelihood
of his being punished than of his being canon
ized as a saint and martyr; while the associate
managers of the great conspiracy have been
permitted to return in quiet to their homes,
to resume, in most cases, possession of their
property, and to participate in political dis
cussion as unreservedly as thouch nothing
unusual had happened. And now, by way of
luli ouuiD vi ijuese men actually enter tne
fjupreme court as contestants of the law
making power, and complainants in a case
made up to defeat by lecalauiika im.i m,n.iilna
the right of the people who nut rlwn , Re
bellion to insure the substantial products of
nieir nuiui. uuHdver me oase shall end,
the facta we have recited form a conclusive
answer to the general charge of cruelty and
oppression which unrepentant Reikis never
til e of repeating. , , i
The general allegations urged in support of
the injunction are not calculated to change
the impression thus created. They are essen
tially the old Secessionist allegations, and the
published argument in their support is pre
cisely such an argument as a legal disciple of
Calhoun would have presented in a parallel
case before the war. From beginning to end it
exhibits nothing new. Its form i8 in some re
spects modified; the points as stated are neces
sarily dillerent, but the essence is unchanged
Had the patriotic) impulses of the North admit
ted of restraint in lbiil, pending a discussion of
the issues between the sections iu the Supreme
Court, the drift of tho case for the seceding
States would have been in its nature identical
with that which Messrs. Sharkey and Walker
have concocted in tho name of Mississippi.
Certain inherent rights would have been
claimed for the State as against tho Union
the right to secede being of the number. The
constitutionality of coercion as a means of
frustrating secession would have been dis
puted. Trie call for troops and nearly every
other step taken by the Federal authorities in
the presence of actual necessity, would have
been denounced as at variance with the Con
stitution, w ith the "reserved rights of States "
with the "original compact" of the Union, and
we know not what besides. All the resources
ot the Calhoun logic would have leen brought
into play, and it is not improbable that the
author of the Dred Scott decision would have
ruled that tho law and the Constitution were
on the side of the Rolels. Were the Taneys a
majority on the bench to-day, we may be sure
what their judgment would amount to. It
would be an elaborate affirmation of the ri"ht
of individual States to destroy the Union. It
would be a Jesuitical denial of the right of the
Union to repress rebellion or punish Rebels
or to do any one of the many things which
Congress has deemed requisite to perpetuate
the unity of the Republic. But of what avail
would have been the hair-splittine. the
musty reasoning, the disingenuous interpre
tation of half-a-dozen Taneys r The broad
and common sense rendering of the conditions
of national lite would ha e prevailed. The
people would have held, as in truth they did
hold, that the Constitution is a means of pre
serving the harmony and vigor of the Union
not a cunningly devised instrument for
effecting national disintegration.
So will it be with the bill filed by Messrs.
Sharkey and Walker. It is a dishonest bill.
Its pleas are mere attempts to bewilder aud
divert attention from the real issue. It avers
that "Congress cannot constitutionally expel
Mississippi from the Union," whereas Con
gress has simply said that Mississippi shall
not ureaK up mo u nion. it declares that the
Rebels of the State "lost none of their politi
cal rights by rebellion;" that the Governments
of their choice are constitutionally as valid as
Congress itself; that any attempt to effect con
ditions, impose disabilities, and enforce oaths is
at variance with rights which the Supreme
Court is bound to maintain. The little incident
of the Rebellion is carefully ignored. It is dis
carded from the argument as completely as
though it were a holiday freak, with which the
national Uovernment has nothing properly to
do. Stripped of legal verbiage and sophistry,
toe Sharkey and Walker argument may be
paraphrased thus: "The State of Mississippi
has rights superior to those ot the Union; its
people rebelled against the Union, but, though
conquered, their privileges as citizens of the
Union continue precisely as though no rebel
lion had occurred; therefore, Congress cannot
constitutionally dictate terms of readmission,
or in any manner exact guarantees for the
future. In a word, as these lawyers state the
case, the Southern people, having tried to
destroy the Union and failed, may now come
back to fight the battle o'er again with
ballots instead of bayonets. Tha pro
position covers yet wider ground.
For if the political rights of the South
were constitutionally the same at the end of
the Rebellion as before it rebelled, and if on
this ground Congress may not set aside its
local Governments as provisional or impose
any terms upon its people, it follows that the
interference of President Johnson immediately
after the cessation of hostilities was equally
unconstitutional. The point raised before the
Supreme Court,involvesall that has been done
since the surrender of Lee's army. Messrs.
Sharkey and Walker affirm in substance that
the whole of it is unconstitutional, since both
the Executive and Congress, by their respec
tive proceedings, have imposed tests and ex
acted conditions at variance with the Southern
theory of State rights.
It is hardly necessary to say that the ques
tion is political, not legal. It is a question of
national policy, not of judicial interpretation.
It is a question which the country took into
its own hands when it commenced the war to
put down disunion, and which it will refuse to
surrender, though Sharkey and Walker argue
never so acutely. Having vanquished the
Rebel armies, and crushed the physical ele
ments of rebellion, the people are not pre
pared to leave their advantages of their tri
umph contingent upon the chances of a forensio
contest. We have no apprehension that the
Supreme Court will give aid or countenance
to the affair. But whether in this case an in
junction be granted or refused, the final de
termination ot the status ot the boutli will con
tinue to rest with Congress.
The Handwriting on the Wall A Paulo
In the Radical Party.
I'Yom the World.
Two remarkable articles are published by
the Providence Journal, Senator Anthony's
organ, and the Springfield (Massachusetts)
Jlepublican, a radical journal of acknowledged
influence in New England. The "lesson of
Connecticut," as tho Tribune calls it, has been
thoroughly learned and understood by at
least two leading radical papers, and the Phi
ladelphia Sorth American also thinks that the
radical majority in Congress "has been push
ing along the car of national progress a little
too fast tor some sections of the party."
The Providence Journal states the case
more nearly when it declares that the party
"cannot endure everything which ambitious
and extreme men may undertake to accom
plish in its name-" that the schemes now fos
tered by the Radical leaders "are mischievous
enough to ruin any party;" that if impeach
ment is successful "it is easy enough to see
that the Republican party is ruined;" that
forcing suffrage upon the States is "beyond
the power of Congress, and will be exceed
ingly injurious to the continuance of the
party's power." The Springfield Republican
f xpressKs its views in nearly the same strain.
These journals see that their leaders will ruin
the party. They see the defeat of Radicalism
in one of its strongholds, Connecticut. The,
handwriting on the wall produces a panio in
the party. The cry of the leading Radical
Journals of New England now is, that the
varty has "gone too far." It is quite possible
that this going "too far" may be followed by
a repentance that comes too late, and that the
people may take the view of a Western judge,
who tersely says, "Repentance at thejoloveuth
hour may do ; but a man. that comes in at
half-past twelve."
APRIL 9, 18G7.
Taxation, fctc, In Or eat Hi Wain.
From the World.
It appears from the official returns made
last month that the gross amount of revenue
from customs, excise, stamps, land aud as
sessed taxes, and property and income tax
was, altogether, X2(i:i,3S0,157 in the five years
from 1827., to 1831, and 283,350,301 in the
five years from 18G2 to 1 806. At the begin
ning of tho first period undor consideration,
tbe population was 23,100.!2:), and at the last
ieiiod wa T.i,:y.ut,vr.i. ine taxation on eou
mlividual decreased from 2 fin. fid.; or about
tl4 in tbe present paper currency of the
United States, to about $11 at the present
time.
The diminution in tho number of articles
on which customs duties are levied is more
striking. In substance, it may be said they
are now only nine in numner tuose on pop
per and timber having been repealed on the
i'th of May last. The following is an account
of all tho customs receipts of Great Britain
for the last and two preceding liscal years
the articles being then thirteen iu number:
1RS5.
1,1(74, 83!)
(ii7.(m
4(IS,4!HI
:isi,w2
127.SD2
121,400
yos.sir2
17 K71
68,548
ISiifi.
1.5i.Vll
n.liH.lSS
4,IIK,li28
2,;M,-S1
1,411.058
824,412
:i!iS,4()2
8S0.8I8
lo:,i;
JiS.tCtlJ
2-5.631
l'.U'Jtl
U,i)tfl
Tobacco
SouHr....
.... .fl,(l'.l,71?7
.... e.aui.itvo
.... 3 ani.sx'j
.... 4.MI.HHT
.... l,31!.S!il
.... (ii'),V.!2
.... 3),.rli
8!,8;
l!),0lill
M'JU
SW,30
Hpirlis
'Jen
Wine
Corn
r rolls
C:tr.(!
Clilcoiy
Pepper
Timber
Cocoa
Other articles
17.HS0
61,170
Totals C22,4!211 21,7m,72 21,1W,351
SPECIAL NOTICES.
NEWSPAPER ADVERTISING. JOT,
COE & CO. Agents (or tbe "Tklkobaph "
and Newspaper Press of the whole country, have HE
MOVKD from FIFTH and CHESNUT Streets to No
144 8. SIXTH Street .second door above WALNUT.
Officer: No. 144 8. SIXTH Street, Philadelphia;
TRIBUNE! BUILDINGS. New York. 7 84p
KSSr- NATIONALBANK OK THE REPUBLIC.
I3 I'JULADKI.PHIA. March lit, 187.
In accordance with the provisions of the National
Currency act, and the Articles of Association or this
Bunk, It Iibs been determined to Increase theCnpllal
Siock of this Bunk to one million dollars (Sl.uou.otiO).
Sulmerlpllons from Stockholders lor iheshures allotted
to tliem in the proposed increase will be payable ou
the second day ot May next, and will be received at
any time prior to thai date. A number of shares wIM
reuinin to be sold, applications lor which will be re
ceived irom persons desirous of becoming Stock
holders. By order of the Board of Directors.
3 15 7W JOSEPH P. II I'M FORD, Cashier.
fj?r NOTICE. THE STOCKHOLDERS OP
Ulo PENNSYLVANIA KA11.KOA1) COM-
PANY(pursuant to adjournment had at their annual
meeting) will meet at uoucert uau.iNO. iziv i-iia
Nl'T sireel. in the City ot Philadelphia. On TUKS
DAY. the 80th day of April. A. D. 18B7. at IP o'clock
A. M., aud notice is hereby given that at said meeting
the Act of Assembly, approved March 2'2d. ItftiT, en
titled "An Act to repeal an act entitled 'A further
supplement to the act Incorporating tbe Pennsylvania
Ktiilroad Company, authorizing an Increase of capital
Block and to borrow money,' approved the twenty
llist duv of March. A. D. one thousand elicbt hundred
and lxty,xlx; and also to authorize the Pennsylvania
Knilroad Company by this act to Increase Its capital
stock, to Issue bonds and secure the same by mort-i-ii
ue:" atmroved the twenty-second day of March.
A. I). 1h7; a proposed Increase thereunder ot the
capital slock or this Company by 8u0,ixio shares, and
the issue or the same irom time to time Dy tne noaru
oi Directors, and the proposed exercise by the said
Board of Directors of tlie powers granted by the said
net of issuing bonds and securing tbe same by lnort
gHgex for the purposes In the said act mentioned and
wunin ine iimiisiuerein prescnueu, win oe Buurameu
to the Slockholuers lor tneir uciion in the premises.
By order oi the Board ot .Directors.
EDMUND SMITH,
4 611 ' Secretary.
tSEr CAMDEN AND AM BOY RAILROAD
V-XJ AND TRANSPORTATION COMPANY.
Ok icb, Bokdkntown, N. J., March 27, 1807.
NOTICE. The Annual Meellng of the Stockholders
ot the Camden and Auiboy Kallrsud and Transporta
tion Company will be held at the Company's Oillce, la
Bordentuwn. on SATURDAY, the 27th or April, 1867,
at 12 o'clock M lor the election of seven Directors, to
serve for the ensuing year.
SAMUEL J. BAYARD,
8 29 Secretary C. and A. R and T. Co.
tf-?- OFFICE OF THE COAL RIDGE IM
aW2 PBOVEMENT AND COAL COMPAN Y, No,
itti) WALNUT Street,
Philadklfhia, April 1, 1887.
A Special Meeting of the stockholders ot the Coal
fiidgti Improvement and Coal Company will be held
ut theOUice of the Company, oil THURSDAY, tbe
11th Inslnnt. at 1'2 o'clock M., to take aclloa with re-Jcri-nce
to the creation ot a LOAN, to be secured by a
mortgage on the real estate of the Company,
4 1 IU EDWARD SWAIN, Secretary.
SUBSCRIPTIONS TO OAKDALE
PARK. Persons desiring to subscribe to the
slock ot this great Institution can make their returns
to the OFFICE. No. S'23 MINOR Street, until 112
o'clock M.,ou MONDAY, loth insl. Personal appll
cation may be made at the oillce. between the hours
of in and 12 o'clock, from MONDAY, the 8th, to MON
DAY. 16th lust.. Inclusive. Shares tlu each.
4 ailt CHARLES C. WILSON,
Special Agent for Proprietor of Oakdale Park.
tSsfT' CAMBRIA IRON COMPANY. A SPE-v-icp
clal Meeting of the Stockholders of the CAM
BRIA IRON COMPANY will he held ou TUESDAY
the '23d of April next, at 4 o'clock P. M., at the Oillce
ol the Company, No. 400 CHESNUT Street. Philadel
phia, to accept or reject an amendment to the Charter
approved February 21, ltki;.
By order of the Board.
l81l JOHN T. KILLS, Secretary.
' NOTICE. THE ANNUAL MEETING
of the Stockholders of the!T10NESTA OIK
1 , AND MIN1NW COMPANY will be held at the
Oillce of said Company. No. R03 WALNUT Street.,
third lloor, on WEDNESDAY, the loth of April,
at 1? M. JAMEti M. PRESTON,
3 80 Hit Secretary.
AN ADJOURNED ANNUAL MEETING
Of the Stockholders of the PARKEK PETRO-"
I.tl'M COMPAN V will be held at No. 4 WALN UT
Hlieet (necond .Uory), ou WEDNESDAY. April 17,
pt)7, at 12 o'clock, ut which au election for directors
will be held. W. MOONEY.
4 6 t ' Secretary.
lg5j 1F TIi b STOMACH IS WRONG ALL
IS WRONG.
TARRANT'S EFFERVESCENT SELTZER
APERIENT,
while acting as a corrective upon that organ, gently
expels all morbid matter from the alimentary cauul,
and Imparts a healthy activity to the sluggish liver.
FOR BALE BY THE WHOLE DRUG TRADE.
4 2 ttitlist
jrJ" BKAUTIFUL HAIR. CHEVALIER'S
LIFE FOR THE HAIR positively restore
grey hair to Its original color and youthful beauty j
Imparts life aud strength to tbe weakest hair; stops lis
falllngoul at once; keeps the bead clean; Is unparalleled '
as a balr-dressing. Sold by all druggists and fashion
able huir-dressers, aud at my oillce, No. 1123 BROAD
WAY, N. Y.
i 6 luths tMl 6ARAII A. CHEVALIER. M. D.
No. 1101 CHESNUT Street.
E. in. NEEDLES & CO.
IIave opened, at their NEW STORE,
N. W. Cor. Eleventh aud Cheanut,
A SPLENDID AatttOKTMENT
WHITE UOODM,
LACIKK,
E91BUOIDERIEM,
LADE iOIM,
H AN DKEIU-II I EFH,
VEIL!, Elf. kjc.
Of Superior Quality, at LOW PRICES.
naeJIB J,nKB3H3 Ton -ou
PRIVY WELLS-OWNERS OP PROPERTY
The pnly place to get Priyy Wells cleaned .
dlslnleciedat ery low prices.
w A. PEYSON,
as antiraotnrer of PoudrMLta
( 8101 SOIJMITH'ttUALlBJVBwSk
'WATCHES, JEWELRY, ETC.
jtjE A D & CO.r
No. 910 CHESNUT STREET
II AVIS JUST 11K0EIVUJ1
NEW (HTYI.K.H OF
TEA SETS AiD ICE PITCHERS,
Ycrj Beautiful In Design and Finish.
ALL, PLATED 1V4IIK AT IlKItT)ED
I KM' 1I.
CALL AND SEE.
MKAD & CO.,
4 4 3iurp NO. 010 IILSM'T tTIIIIKT,
MANUFACTURF.nS OF SILVER PLATED-W ARB.
ami' 1 ' ' '':svm 11 :'.TW.-Traa.
7 .HAXoxa r.u :Tr. & jewelers.
A.i.CHL'3 and JEWELRY EEPA1EED.
J 02 Chcstn nt 8t.i FhiliVt,
Have on hand alaraeaud splendid assortment
DIAMONDS,
WATt UK.
JEWKI.KT, AND
1LTEB-WABI
OF ALL KIND AND IKlt'EV.
Particular attention Is requested to onr large stock
of DIAMONIH, and the extremely low prloea.
BRIDAL PRESENTS made of Sterling and Bta
Hard Sliver. A large assortment to select from.
WATCHES repaired In the beat manner, and wa
ranted. 6 IMP
Diamonds and all precious stonae bought for cash.
JOHN BOWMAN i
No. 704 ARCH Street,
PHILADELPHIA,
MANUFACTURER AND DEALER IN,
SILVER AND PLATE D WARE.
Our GOODS are decidedly the cheapest in the city
for
TRIPLE PLATE, A NO. 1. fg"l
WATCHES, JEWELBY.
W. W. CASSIDY,
No. 1 SOETII SECOND STREET,
Offers an entirely new and most carefully select
stock of
AMERICAN AND GENEVA WATCHES,
JEWELRY,
SILVER-WARE, AND FANCY ARTICLES
EVERY DESCRIPTION, suitable for
BRIDAL OR HOLIDAY PRESENTS.
An examination will show my gtock to be nnstu
paused la quality and cheapness.
Particular attention paid to repairing. Sift -
C. RUSSELL & CO..
NO. SS NORTH SIXTH STREET,
Have Just received an Invoice of
FRENCH MANTEL CLOCKS,
Manufactured to their order In Paris.
Also, a few INFERNAL ORCHESTRA CLOOF
with side pieces; which they offer lower than the same
goods can be purchased In tbe city,
ac. & A. PEQUIGNOT,
Manufacturers of
Gold and Silver Watch Cases,
Ana Wholesale Dealers lu
AMERICAN WATCH CO.'S,
HOWARD & CO.'S,
And TREMONT
AJIEltlCAN WATCIIISS
43 NO. 88 MU TIl FIFTH STREET.
HENRY HARPER,
No. 520 ARCH Street,
Manufacturer and Dealer In
WATCIIES,
FINE JEWELRT,
SILVER-PLATED WARE, AND
81
SOLID SILVER-WARH
FIRE AND BURGLAR PROOFSAFES
piRE-PROOF SAFES
:marvin-s patent
ARE THE BEST.
ALWAYS FIRE-PROOF.
ALWATS DBT
n O RILE TEST.
Fkbruabv- 13, 1887.
'Our Marvin's Patent Safe, a No. 9, double-door
stood tbe severest test In the large fire of Saturday
night. It fell from the second floor, and was exposed
to an INTENSE HEAT, FANNED BY A 8TIF
NORTH WIND. The exterior Iron frame-work
melted in several places, yet tbe Inside is not touched,
We were pleased ou opening It to find every thing
ALL RIGHT. We have every coufldonce In the
Flre-Prool Safes made by Marvin dt Oo.
.'WHITFIELD BILUNa.".
EXAMINE BEFORE PURCHASING KL8S.
WHERE.
MARVIN & CO.
No. 721 CHESTNUT St., (Masonic Hall,)
And No. 265 BROADWAY, New York.
House Safes, for Plate and Jewelry.
Bankers' Steel Chests,
Second-hand Safes of all makers. ,
0 Safes exchanged on liberal terms. 2 23 stuth2ra
bales, Machinery, etc., moved and hoisted.
SEND FOR ILLUSTRATED CATALOGUE.
REMOVAL.
DREER 4 PEARS REMOVED TO NO. 412
PRUNKi Street.-DREER 4 SEARS, formerly
ot Goldsmith's Hall, Library street, have removed to
No. 412 PRUNE Street, between Fourth and Una,
streets, where they will continue their Manufactory
of Gold Chains, Bracelets, etc, lu every variety. Alao
the sale ot tine Gold, Silver, and Copper. Old Gold
and silver bought. ....
January 1. Ibffl. 1
J? O JZ I S T
! Preserver of Natural Floweri,
! A. H. POWELL.
;No. 725 AECH 'Street, Below Eihtl
Bonnneui; Wreaths. Bsnkefs, Pyrsmlds Of C r"wrs
lumuaedtv sruer l u sesiwua, ""