THE NEW YORK PRESS.
EDITORIAL OPINIONS OF TI1K LEADING JOURNALS
VPOSt CPBBBNT TOPICS COMPII.KD EVKKT
DAT FOB THK BVK.NINO TELEOBAm.
The Political Revolution Down Mouth
Mw Age f Hegru Worshipping
From the Herald.
"Lord, we know what wo are, but know not
Vliat we may be," says the unhappy Ophelia;
Hud Low forcibly is this solemn fact impressed
upon us when wo look at the vicissitudes and
transformations in our party politics and poli
ticians of the last half dozen years 1 It Booms
as if it were but yesterday that we had a deci
sion. ' from the Supreme Court of the Uuitod
States affirming that "the negro, undor the
Constitution, has no rights which a white man
js bound to respect." But where stands tiambo
now? On the French tripod of "Liberty,
Equality, and Fraternity," he has become tho
Jlindoo Brahma of .American politics. To the
disgust of Wendell l'liillips, even the old line
Democracy and the lato higher caste South
ern chivalry are down in the dirt muttering
their prayers and promises to "the almighty
nigger." Truly, in this political revolution,
Us in the Niagara Falls and the big cedars of
California, fat women and living skeletons,
and various other things, America beats tho
world.
Under "the Union as it was" General Wado
Hampton, with the addition of a thousand
negro slaves, absolutely his, was the Duke of
Devonshire of South Carolina. Ili3 favorite
l.nanif nlil cnimtrv seat at Oolnnilii.i n
that of a principality in its luxurious appoint- I
jneuts, accessories, ana surroundings. His
dependants and his slaves, his cotton fields,
vineyards, flower gardens, stables, and grana
Ties were those of a prince. "Fallen from his
high estate" what is he now f We will let
liim answer for himself as he spoke at Colum
bia the other dny, in his fraternizing speech to
the sympathetic blacks for their political
iusiou with their late white masters. No per
sonal motives, he contended, could influence
Jiim in this appeal; "for," said he, "I am no
longer a citizen of the United States, or of
South Carolina. The bill which gives the
right of suffrage to you (his emancipated
Slaves) disfranchises me. I have not even a
lionie here; for my home, aud the homes of all
who love my name, have been laid in ashes.
3 have no political rights. I have nothing to
Jjind mo to this ruined land but the memories
of the past, the affections I cherish for its
jteople, and the graves of my kindred." How
cold and pointless, compared with this warm
and living picture, is the figure of Marius
Xrooding over the ruins of Carthage 1
But our point in this case is the negro vote
of the South. It is a Southern political
balance of power; it covers the popular majo
rity in South Carolina, the importance of
which to the ruling white class is thoroughly
grasped by Hampton. Like a wise man, he
accepts the issues of the war, aud bows to
the terms of Congress, lie appeals to the
blacks, lately his slaves, as his political supe
riors, to try the political experiment of har
monizing with their late white masters before
they go over into tho political service of
Strangers. There is in this appeal a degree
of chivalry and political sagacity far higher
than anything else in the line of chivalry
of which South Carolina can justly boast.
The broad fact that the two races in tHe
South must henceforth harmonize on a
political basis to avoid a bloody conflict of
laces, is the ground covered by Wade Hamp
ton. But the Northern radicals, and even the
old Northern Bourbon Democracy, are in the
field for this Southern negro balance of power.
"What, then, is likely to follow from this
livalry for the smiles of Sambo ?
Black though it may be, we have to look
this thing in the face. You cannot give "the
Southern colored gentleman" the ballot and
Still expect to keep him out of office. Where
lie has the majority in the matter of color
lie must be brought off, or the white man
must stand back when the time comes. From
the political necessities of this party or that
party, therefore, it will be no matter for
surprise if we have in the next Congress from
the South five, ten or fifteen or twenty mem
bers of the House, and a scattering shot or
two in' the shape of a "dark complected"
Senator. Colored gentlemen for foreign mis
sions, the Cabinet, and the White House
will then be in order. When James Buchanan
was our Minister at Loudon, on one occa
sion at a court reception he was asked what
lie thought of the ambassador from Hayti,
a strapping African, gorgeous in gold lace, at
Jiis elbow. "I think," said "Old Buck," quiz
zing the glittering negro; "I think that that
fellow would fetch fifteen hundred dollars in
Uew Orleans." Upon that platform "the
favorite son of Pennsylvania" (0 Moses!)
fcil856 was elected 1'resident by the, Southern
White balance of power. But now, slavery
out of the way, the contest is for the Southern
Hack balance of power, and unless the radi
cals in the North prove their professions by
their acts they will lose it, notwithstanding
the Southern machinery is in the hands of
Secretary Stanton. Frederick Douglass, the
llev. Mr. Smith or Box Brown, as representa
tive blacks of the North, must bo advanced to
equal suffrage and a division of tho spoils, or
Sambo and l'ompey in the South will follow
the Southern banner of Wade Hampton, Gov
ernor Brown, Longstreet, and Lee. The logi
cal programme from nt'gro suffrage in the
South must be carried out by the Republicans
Jin the North, or the party will be broken to
pieces. Thus there is a fair prospect that the
radical Wade Hampton, of South Carolina,
on his Southern platform, will yet bo more
than a match for the radicals of Massachusetts.
Mora llccouitr uctlou.
From the Times.
The records of Congress reveal many extra
ordinary propositions, but few more extraor
dinary than that which is embodied in a bill
Introduced on Friday by Senator Comiess,
and referred to the Joint Committee on the
library. , It ia a bill designating four scholarly
gentlemen two American; two English to
;fonri "a Board of Commissioners on the Pho
netic System." Phonetics, as denned by
"Webster, Is the doctrine or science of sounds,
and the phonetio system relates to spelling in
phonetic characters a opposed to ideographic.
An odd subject, one would think, for Con-.
Eress to meddle with, but much more odd
Vhen made, as by Conned bill, the sublet t'of
Jormal inquiry by four Comnii88ioners to be
1aid $5000 each as compensation. And what
s to be the business of the Commission Mr.
Conness provides that it shall be to report
aipon "the practicability of the substitution
f the phonetio for the Latin alphabet iu com
jnon use in the United States." ,
in other words, to report whether and how our
KTielline-booka aud dictionaries shrll be recon-
fitructed. and whether and how we shall all be
f, ent to school again to unlearn and relearn on
the phonetic basis. After a report, of course,
THE DAILY
there will be legislation. Congress having by
that perfected the reconstruction of the Union,
will pnveed to reconstruct our English ; ani
we shall probably be required to write on tho
phonetic system, on pain of disfranchisement,
or some yet severer penalty. -Considering
the magnitude of the work,
however, a twenty thousand dollar commission
is rather a shabby method of beginning it. The
reform contemplated is intended to extend
wherever the English language is spoken, and
nothing less than a grand International Com
mission should be charged with its inaugura
tion. Mr. Conness evidently has an imperfect
appreciation of the mighty movement with
winch the history of the age will associate his
name.
The Fentane aud Their Foes.
Prom the Timet.
One would think that a perusal of tho re
sults of the Fenian movement in Ireland, aud
the fate of those engaged in it, would instil
some feeling of compassion into the hearts of
the most hardened political demagogue.
Honest and patriotic Irishmen were deluded
into revolt against the British authority not
furnished with arms, not provided with
weapons of any kind and of course were
seized, thrown into dungeons, and reserved for
execution, or imprisoned at hard labor for ten,
fifteen, or twenty years.
The leaders, who had gathered thousands
and hundreds of thousands of dollars from the
poorer classes of the Irish in this country,
under the plea of delivering their native laud
from tyranny, have pocketed the money, and
kept themselves out of danger. The wholo af
fair was foolish aud cruel to the last degree.
Thousands of families have been plunged
into poverty and wretchedness, and not the
faintest shadow of good has been accom
plished. Yet men are not wanting in Congress to
commend these robbers and plunderers still
further to the confidence of their countrymen.
The House of Representatives has passed reso
lutions of "sympathy," and has tried to pass
them off upon the Irish as pledges of aid.
Naturally enough, Fernando Wood took the
lead in this flagitious and heartless work, and
ho was nobly seconded by General Banks and
one or two other members.
We repeat, what we have said more than
once already, that the Irish have not the
slighest ground for hope of deliverance from
English rule, until the United States is in
volved in war with England. If Wood, Banks,
and their associates are willing to plunge this
country into such a war, for such an object,
why have they not the courage to say so f
Any declarations of "sympathy" for the Irish,
short of this, are hollow shams the emptiest
of all shallow pretexts intended only to curry
favor and secure votes.
These men are the worst enemies the Irish
can have. They are perfectly willing to rob
them of their money, to wring from servants
and laborers their hard-earned savings, to
send men deluded by their arts to dungeons,
to exile and to death, and to plungu their
wives and children into the depths of poverty
and distress, in the hopes of thereby securiug
their own political promotion. This, cer
tainly, is the last resort of reckless aud despe
rate demagogues.
Even John Mitchel, rash and headstrong as
he is, proves himself a much better friend ot
his countrymen than this. He tells them
plainly that so long as England is at peace,
Ireland has no hope. He advises effort enough
to maintain their organizations in readiness
for such an emergency as war with the United
States or some other powerful nation, but
nothing more. Raids upon Canada, or inva
sions or revolts in Ireland, he holds to be ter
rible and fatal blunders!
The Kew Principle iu European Politic.
From the Tribune.
Old Europe, as it was constructed by the
Congress of Vienna, is fast crumbling to pieces.
Until the great movements of the year 1843,
the leading etatesmen could delude themselves
by the belief that partial changes like the con
stitution of an independent Greece and Belgium
might yet save the structure of the whole.
Since then, the decomposition has been going
on at a rapid rate, and the Irrepressible char
acter of the national tendencies has become
more and more apparent. The French revo
lution of 1848, and the establishment of the
Second Empire, the liberation and the consoli
dation of the Italian States, the demolition of
the old German Confederation, and the aggran
dizement of Prussia, were not mere repairs of
local defects, but a reconstruction of a very
large portion of the edifice, foreboding, more
over, the speedy collapse of the remainder,
and the rearing of a European State system
upon an entirely new basis.
Heretofore, the relation of the European
States to each other had not been regulated
by any fixed moral principle. The sovereigns
generally held to the opinion that the frontiers
of every btate ought to remain as they had
been fixed at Vienna. When changes seemed
to bo unavoidable, the principle which guided
the policy of most or all of the great Courts
was the preservation of the balance of power,
which meant that each of the Governments of
the five large States Russia, Prussia, Austria,
France, and (ireat Britain was anxious to
prevent an increase of power to any of its
rivals which would injure its own rank in the
family of nations. As to the grievances of na
tions like the Italian, German, Polish, they
were either treated as entirely imaginary, or
only used as a pretext for making political
capital, or effecting the aggrandizement of the
power which volunteifed a patronage of the
oppressed nationalities.
The principle of nationality, which was first
openly advocated by Louis Napoleon, was a
startling novelty. If carried through, it
might seriously affect all the great powers.
It naturally quickened the revolutiouary
movements iu most of the European countries,
and in case of war France might expect grati
tude from the nations which it had aided in
establishing their national unity. The effects
of the new principle during the last fifteen
years lie open before the eyes of the world,
livery one knows that it has had a large share
in promoting the unity of Italy and Germany.
If, therefore, Louis Napoleon, from advocating
the novel principle, expected radical changes
in tho map of Europe, his anticipations have
been realized. But if he at the same time
anticipated that, by means of it, Frauce would
attain a higher position in Europe, lie has
been wofully disappointed. Italy and Ger
many have both become more powerful than
can be agreeable to Napoleon; and the pros
pects of his administration for the future are
anything but favorable.
During the past year, in particular, the
foreign policy of France has been so unsuc
cessful that it was expected that the oppoBir
tion would use it for a powerful attack upon
the Government. The speech of Thiers
does not fully realize this ' anticipation.
"e undertake to establish two uolnts
first, that the principle of nationalities which
A-ouia mpoleou is . endeavoring to carry
EVENING TELEGKAHL PHILADELPHIA, MONDAY,
through in European politics is altogethor
false; mid spcondly, that it has been most in
jurious to the interest of France. The second
point he easily establishes in tho opinions of
his hearers; but in his attempt to prove tho
first lie signally fails. In order to attack the
principle of nationalities, ho undertakes the
defence of the monstrous theory of the balance
of power. According to M. Thier's own ex
planation,, the adoption of this' theory by the
Government of France would mean opposition
to any movement that would increase the
power of another (especially neighboring)
nation,, while not the least objection would lie
made to the largest possible extension of the
frontier of Franco. It is plain that the adop
tion of the same principle by other great
powers would make an era of peace impossi
ble ; for each one of them would naturally'
seek to outgrow and overreach the others.
For nations torn1 asunder aud oppressed as
Italy has been for so many years, Thiers does
not feel the least sympathy. He would have
been willing to give tho Italians liberal insti
tutions, but unity never. The same feeling
is shown towards the Cretans and tho Chris
tian tribes of Turkey. He does not like, ho
says, the Turk, but he thinks his rule prefer
able to that by which tho Christians now try
to replace it. These revolting sentiments
were promptly disowned by Gamier Pages,
one of the Provisional Government of 1843,
but they were, nevertheless, very detrimental
to the position of the Liberal opponent of the
Government. The French policy of Louis
Napoleon had never before been more liable to
attack, and it was therefore unfortunate that
the first great speech against it was, on the
wholo, a failure.
The New Kingdom of North Germany.
From (he World.
The adoption, some days siuce, by the North
German Parliament, of the new Constitution
proposed by Von Bismark for North Germany,
must be reckoned as one of the great events
of the nineteenth century. It rank3 with the
establishment of the French Empire by Louis
Napoleon, the emancipation of the serfs in
Russia, and the unification of Italy. A year
has not elapsed since , the world was startled
by the advance of tho Prussian, troops into
I lolstein, -which was the signal of the subse
quent trial of strength between Prussia and
Austria. Seven short weeks of war sufficed
to decide the question at issue, leaving the
former power mistress of Northern Germany.
Eight months have scarcely passed'since peace
was declared, and but one since the North
German Parliament was convened by the King
of Prussia; yet within this time a new Confede
ration has been formed, anew constitution sub
mitted, discussed, aud adopted, thus completing
the triumph of Prussia, and raising her to the
front rank of the great powers of the world. By
the provisions of the new constitution, Prussia
is the head of the Confederation, and is its sole
representative among other nations. She has
the power to declare war or peace, to make
treaties with other powers, and receive or
accredit ambassadors. She convenes and ad
journs the Parliament, and the control of all
the land and naval forces of the Confederacy
is vested in the King of Prussia, under the
title of the Federal Commander-in-Chief and
Lord High Admiral, who also has sole control
of the expenses for the army and navy. Next
to the chief ot the Confederacy is the Federal
Council, composed of forty-three members,
apportioned among and nominated by the
several States in the Confederacy. Mem
bers of this body will share with the Parlia
ment the control of legislation, and can ap
pear in the latter body and express the views
of the .states which they represent. The Tar
liament is to be composed of representatives
chosen by the people, every man over twenty
five years of age being entitled to a vote. This
body, In conjunction with the Federal Coun
cil, will enact the laws, which, it should be
added, are to have effect throughout the entire
Confederacy, and are to supersede the laws of
the several States. Questions of trade aud
commerce, of indirect taxation and customs
duties, of weights, measures, and coinago, and
of the system of internal communication, are
to be referred to these legislative bodies. The
proceedings of the Parliament are to be public,
and the votes to be decided by a majority, a
quorum to consist of more than half of the
members. The same rule is to bind the Fede
ral Council, except that a majority of two
thirds will be required to effect any change
in the Constitution. . Every man, except such
as serve in the navy, is required to serve seven
years in the regular army and five in the mili
tia, and all in the national service, miiitary or
civil, are to take the oath of fealty to the King
of Prussia.
Such, in brief, are the prominent features
of the new Constitution of North Germany.
It will be observed that nearly all the power
is centred in Prussia, or rather, in the King
of Prussia as chief of the Confederacy. The
main objection urged against the document
was that by it Parliament would have no
control over the expenditures; but it is not
necessary to explain why Von Bismark was
unwilling to intrust the public purse to the
representatives of the people. . The centraliza
tion of such enormous power in the chief of
the Confederacy is plainly a compensation for
universal suffrage; and unless the signs of
the times be false, King William will be elected
Emperor, which will be a fit finale of the grand
drama that within the past year has been
enacted in Germany.
It will be strange if Amerians neglect to
draw a parallel between the history of the
United Stales for the past six' years aud that
of Prussia for the past twelve months. Each
was rent by internal dissension, and each sub
dued all armed opposition to its authority
the one in seven weeks, the other iu four years.
Prussia has solved iu eight months all the
great problems which the issues of the war
presented, and justly anticipates a most bril
liant future; but the United States finds itself
at the close of the second year after the cessa
tion of hostilities 110 nearer a settlement of the
questions which incited the war, as well as of
tho-e which were evolved by thu war, but
rather farther from it, in that it has just re
duced to military provinces the very States
against which it fought to prevent them from
severing their relations as States in the Union.
Congress and the Constitution.
From the A'ation,
None of our readers will ever suspect us of
too great a reverence for Congressmen; and
we think that we cannot justly be charged
with want of respect for the Constitution of
the United States. We have all along urged
the adoption of a constitutional policy both by
the President and Congress; and while warn
ing those who seek to make the Constitution
a means of ruining the country, that the nation
would not and could not be expected to sub
mit to (strangulation by law, we have neither
said nor believed that any such result would
. ' . .. 1 v j.. i r . . . . ...
W proauceu vy a iair interpretation 01 tne
Constitution, "' ,
, Borne journalsthe New York Times for one
which, during the war, unhesitatingly jus
tilled the suspension 01 the habeas corpus
without the authority of Congress,, the estab
lishment of military commissions iu loyal
States, and various other measures, the uncon
stitutionality of which is no longer in doubt,
if it ever was are now amazed and alllictod at
what they assume to be the unquestioned dis
regard of Congress for the Constitution. In
this lamentation they are of course joined by
that larger number of journals which de
nounced the unconstitutional ai ts of Mr. Lin
coln, but applauded to the skies the more un
constitutional (because less necessary) acts of
Mr. Johnson.
We do not propose to investigate in detail
all the acts of Congress which are thu3 criti
cized, nor can we fully discuss the questions
raised upon any one of these measures. But
when it is taken for granted not only that the
action of Congress is utterly violative of tho
Constitution, but that nobody imagines it to
be otherwise, it may bo well to indicate, how
ever brielly, the grounds of a different conclu
sion. Some of our readers may be impatient
with the subject, for ever since John C. Breck
inridge uttered his jeremiads over the viola
tion of the Constitution, while himself pre
paring to destroy it, the mass of loval citizens
have been too much disgusted with the whole
plea of unconstitutionality to listen even to a
refutation of it. But this feeling will and
ghould pass away.
The first nnd most hackneyed objection to
the action of Congress is in respect to its
"exclusion of ten States." No one reading
tho articles written on this point would sus
pect that CongTess justified this exclusion
upon any other ground than that such was its
will and pleasure. Yet tho writers are per
fectly aware that a large portion of Congress
honestly believe that the "ten States" have
entirely ceased to exist; while nearly three
fourths of Congress are fully satisfied that
none of these States have valid and regular
Governments. The latter ground has been
finally taken by the dominant party, and it is
one which is incontrovertibly sustained by
the facts. If those Governments were regu
larly organized, it is scarcely possible to con
ceive of any usurpation which, being a de
facto Government, will not be regular. No
argument can be needed to show that, if the
State Governments are invalid, the Senators
and Representatives chosen under their direc
tion' are properly excluded.
The next objection is to the suspension of
the habtas corpus by act of Congress, a mea
sure for which we have no special affection,
but as to which we must here consider only
the question of legitimate power, and not the
question of expediency. It is said that the
Rebellion is over, and therefore that the power
to suspend this writ has expired. It is true
that all organized war is over; but is it to be
imagined that the suspension of the writ must
cease upon the instant that the last Rebel
army lays down its arms ? Do all the rights
of war cease at that moment ? If so, no pri
soner of war could have been lawfully detained
after that time, and all the precautions and
machinery incident to a state of war must then
have been instantly abandoned. We all know
that there is no such rule. Mr. Johnson cer
tainly never acted upon it. No Government
or military commander ever did. The state
of war lasts until society is restored to its
natural and normal condition. If the war is
between distinct nations, it lasts until a treaty
is signed, even though months elapse, during
which the vanquished nation has not a man
under arms. If the war is a civil one, it lasts
until civil covernment is fully restored by
legitimate authority. This has not been done
in the Southern States. Mr. Johnson thinks
it has, and utterly ignores all contrary
opinions. His veto messages have been care
fully framed not to controvert the arguments
by which Congress justified its action, but to
give the impression to the world at large that
no such arguments were thought of by any
one. Ihere is something ingenious, but not
ingenuous, In this mode ot carrying on a
public controversy; and the fact that ten men
read the veto messages to one who reads the
speeches or other arguments in confutation of
these, gave Mr. Johnson an immense advan
tage. Such tricks of argument are common
among unscrupulous lawyers, and it is by
some such persons, we surmise, that the Pre
sidential messages have been written.
Of the same class is the objection to the re
cent law regulating the elective franchise in
the Rebel States. Kir. Johnson suggests, with
an air of mild surprise, that it has never
before been deemed within the power of Con
gress to regulate that subject within any of
the States. The fact that these States had
become so utterly disorganized as to make the
interference of the national Government neces
sary, in pursuance of an express provision of
the Constitution, and the further fact that he
had himself acted upon this theory, regulating
the right of suffrage in these same States ac
cording to his own will, he entirely keeps out
of sight.
This poor example of an unworthy Execu
tive is religiously followed by all his sup
porters and apologists. They gladly quote
every hasty expression of impatience with
constitutional restraint which they can find in
the speeches of Congressmen opposed to the
President's doctrine; but they never allow
their readers to suspect that the Congressional
policy is believed by any one to bo warranted
by tiie Constitution. The establishment of
martial law in the Rebel States is probably
the mostdoubtful of any of the measures of Con
gress; yet its validity, assuming the continu
ance of the war, has been expressly affirmed
by four judges of the Supreme Court, one of
them being a Georgian Democrat. Nor did
the opinion of the majority of tho court in the
Milligan case at all affect this question, unless
by inference it conceded the power to Con
gress. Mr. Johnson certainly claimed this
power for himself, maintaining and administer
ing martial law until civil government, iu his
opinion, was regularly organized. Congress
simply proposes to do the same thing until, in
its opinion, civil government is regularly
organized. Its power to do so is far more
clear than was Mr. Johnson's, while its juris
diction to determine the validity of the gov
ernments set up at the South is indisputable.
In conclusion, we expect always to advo
cate a strict adherence to the Constitution,
but not a strict construction of it. Such a
construction has been vehemently advocated,
but never maintained. Jefferson, who was its
ablest advocate among our earliest statesmen,
was compelled to violate it; and Calhoun
himself would have done so had he been 1 re
sident in a time of emergency. ' No human
wisdom could frame a detailed plan of gov
ernment that would not at some period sullo
cate the nation if strictly construed. We do
not believe that the framers of the Constitu
tion ever contemplated the possibility of such
a war as we have just witnessed, and we
therefore do not believe that all its restric
tions were desigued to bo severely applied to
such a case. A very wide scope must be
allowed to legislative action under such diffi
culties, and a liberal interpretation should be
given to the general words of the Constitu
tion. But we do not imagine that Congress
Is absolved by these difficulties from obedience
to the fundamental law, nor have we seen any
evidence that Congress supposes itself to be
so. It lias preferred some other dictionary to
Johnson's, and this ia the origin all of the
trouble. . ; ' f .
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BONDS DELIVEEED .ESUSLEDIATELT. '
DE HAVEN & BROTHER,
lo. 40 SOUTH THIRD St.
AUGUST
SEVEN-THIRTY NOTES,
CONYIHH-D WV1JUL'X IbAIibE
JMO'JBl.
KEW FIVE-TWENTY GOLD INTEREST
BONDS.
.
Lrrfe Bonds delivered at once. Small Bonds ftu
nlfllitd aseoon as received from Washington.
JAY OOOKK & CO.,
tf No. 114 S. T1IIHD STREET.
SMITH, RANDOLPH & CO.
BANKERS.
N0.16S TIIIBD STnNO. 3 NASSAU ST.
PHILADKLrniA. 1 KIW YORK.
Dealers In UNITED STATES SECURITIES an.
FOREIGN EXCHANGE, and members ot STOC4
and GOLD EXCHANGES In both cities.
Accounts of Banks and Bankers received on libers
terms.
United State- Bonds Ppednlty.
11
pm S. PETERSON & CO.,
No. 39 S. TIIIltD Street.
OOVEBN91ENT SECURITIES OF AL
HINDS AND STOCKS, BONDS, ETC
BOCGHT AND BOLD AT THJ
Philadelphia and New York Eoardi of Broker
COMPOUND INTEBENT NOTES WANTED
PBAITS ON NEW TOBK
Always for sale In sums lo unit purchasers. fl I gm
7 310S. SEVEN -THIRTY NOTES
CONVERTED WITHOUT t II A RUE INTO
TIIE NEW
- O s.
BONDS DELIVERED AT ONCE.
COMrOUND INTEREST NOTES wanted at algu
market rules.
VVM. PAINTER & CO.,
8 268m NO. 86 SOUTH THIRD ST
RATIONAL
BANK OF THE REPUBLIC
No, 601) and 811 CHESNIT Street,
FHILADM.FHI.
CAPITAL, 50O,0OO-FULI PAID,
, DIRECTORS,
Jos. T. Ballsy. IWillum Krvleu.lSam'l A. Blspnam.
K.lw. B. Of lie.' ()BK..od We Hi. A. Hoyi,
NatUau HUles.lB. Jtowlaud, JrWm. U. BUawrn, .
j i raSaiDRNT,
WILLIAM 11. KHAWN.
' '. CARRIBt,
; ' JOSEPH P. MlTArFORD. tHSai ,
CHLC, JLWELRY ETC.
4f 0S, vO
J EWELERS.
S. E. Corrcr TENTH and CIIESNUT.
CREAT REDUCTION IN PBICEH.
DIAMONDS, WATCHES,
JEWELRY, SILVER-WARE,
BRONZES.
ALL GOODS MARKED IN PLAIN FIGURES.
WATCHES AND JEWELRY CAREFULLY RB
PAIBED.
Particular attention paid to Manufacturing all arti
cles In our line.
N. RITLON
JTavlnir engaged wiiu Kitchen & Co., will be much
pleaded to see his friends and customers. f S 21 tlwita
'VEW1S LADORi.iJS & cd"
DIAMOND DEAJERS A JEWF.LKRS.Y
W A fCIl SS, .( 'f T It-MbTHK WARE.
.WATCHE3 and WELTI T REPAIRED.
J02 CfconMint St., Phil;.
Have on band alarge and splendid assortment
DIAMONDS,
WATCHES.
JEWELRY, AND
SILVER-WARS
OF ALL KINDS AND PRICES.
Particular attention Is reqnested to onr large stock
Of DIAMONDS, and the extremely low price.
BRIDAL PRESENTS made of Sterling and Stan
dard Silver. A lartce assortment to select from.
WATCHES repaired In the best manner, and war
ranted. (5 l4p
Diamonds and all precious stones bonght for cash.
JOHN BOWMAN
No. 704 ARCH Street.
PHILADELPHIA,
MANUFACTURER AND DEALER IN rt
SILVER AND PLATE DW ARE,
Our GOODS are decidedly the cheapest in the City
TRIPLE PLATE, A NO. I.
WATCHES, JEWELBY.
W. VV. CASSIDY,
NO. IS SOUTH SECOND STREET,
Otters on entirely new and most carefully select 4
stock of
AMERICAN AND GENEVA WATCHES,
JEWELRY.
SILVER-WARE, AND FANCY ARTICLES OW
EVERY DESCRIPTION, suitable for
BRIDAL OB HOLIDAY PRESENTS.
An examination will show my stock to be nnau.
pa.HHed In quality aim cheapness.
Particular attent ion paid to repairing. g is
C. RUSSELL & CO.,
NO. S3 NORTH SIXTH STREET,
H Have Just received an invoice ot
FRENCH MANTEL CLOCKS,
Manufactured to their order In Paris.
Also, a few INFERNAL ORCHESTRA CLOCF ,
with side pieces; which they offer lower than the same
goods can be purchased In the cltv. j igf
HENRY HARPER,
No. 5Q0 ARCH Street.
w
Manufacturer and Dealer In
WATCHES,
FINE JEWELRY,
SILVER-PLATED WARE, AND
. H SOLID SIL.VEB-WABB,
Large and small sizes, playing from 2 to It airs, and
coBilng from fa to fJou, Our assortment comprises)
such choice melodies as
"Coming Thro' the Rye."
"Kubln Adair."
"Rock me to Sleep. Mother."
"The Last Rose o I summer."
Monastery Belle," etc. etc.,
Besides beautiful selections from the rarlous Operaa-I
Imported direct, and for sale at moderate prices, l,
FARR & BROTHER,
Importers of Watches, etc.,
11 llsmj;bJiTlolfe
HARDWARE, CUTLERY, ETC.
D I L D 1 N G H A R D W A R E
8(o Dozen Baldwin's Butts, all sizes.
8W Dozen Keiirlck's J'ulleys, li. 1, 2 Inch.
Sim Doaen American Pulleys. l'VlO. 2' i ich,
bpeur& Jucksou's Hand and Panuol Saws.
Butcher's Plane Irou. all sixes
Butcher's Firmer Chlsuls, all nlzes.
J-.xcelsiorW hliu i.eud.
City-made Rim and Mortice Locks.
Duucaunon and AuviJ Nails all sizes
Kcrews, Knobs, Bolts, Table Cutlery. Planes.
Saw Hies, Latches. Axes, Shovels and hiuilL w,n
tor and Rlveal mi... Btrkp and T HluewtliHiiSip
Holla. Platform and other Scales Wire 1 w?. 'I
Etc. Etc. For sale by e"-B18. ire. Curry Combs
STANDBRIDOE, BARR CO
Importers oi aud Dealers In ForHun Tand
s-.h.t,, mtatlC "'"''"e. Nls.ndrwiM,
1 .hto J No. ISil MA UK kt
CUTLERY.
A flllA . n. .
AHI.K CUTLERY. RAolX i?i
tAl'lO. AND TA1
tlLORS' SHEARS;
Cheap Store, No. 1M South TENTH street,
? 8! Three doors abuve Wain ut.
Tjk o n, i S T
AND
Preserver of Natural Flowers,
A. H. POWELL,
No. 725 AECH 'Street, Below Eighth
Bo nquetf, Wreaths. Bs.tets, Fyramlds of Cnt
CASTING'S
CpMPOXJND SYRUP OP NAPTHA
CURES CONSUMPTION.
BOLD BY lU DRUGGISTS.
!
) DVOTT A CO., AUENTS,
W No. tsa Nortn SECOND Street