THE NEW YORK PRESS.
I
EWTORIAI, OPINIONS OP TUB LKAPINO JOURNALS
BPOS CbRRKNT TOPICH COMPILED F.VKUY
SAT FOB THB KYKNI.NG TKLKORAm.
AVV,.JWork ,n th" South General
"' Coup d'Uiat-ConKre" al
the President.
From the Herald.
"Little Phil. Shuriil.au" believes in decisive
measures. His "Ueuoral Order No. fi," as
commander of the Fifth Military District, com
prising the States of Louisiana nnd Texas, sus
tains his reputation. Ho briefly declares An
drew S. Ilerrou, Attorney-' ienoral of the State
Of Louisiana, Edmund AlioU, Judge of the
First District Court of New Orleans, and John
T. Monroe, Mayor of the city, removed, and
names other men of a better record of loyalty
at9 appointed to fill their places at VI o'clock
on the day on which tho order is issued. This
ia the short work of a coup d'etat, and alle
publican contemporary says it "Thrills the
Unionists with joy and the nulliiiers with dis
may." But wherefore f What offense have
these dismissed civil officers committed to
jusiify this unceremonious removal, and why
is their displacement hailed with jny by the
Unionists and dismay by the nulliiiers f
! The official correspondence on the New Or
leans massacre of last July explains the mys
tery. It thus appears, from tho testimony of
General Sheridan among others, that Ilerrou,
Abell, and Monroe were to a great extent
responsible for that massacre; that it was the
result of a conspiracy of unreconstructed
ltebels, officials and privates, to suppress in a
reign of terror the Yankee abolitionists in
New Orleans, and tho emancipated blacks
affiliating with them as a political party. JSut
Were not llerron, Abell, and Monroe in the
confidence of President Johnson t Unfortu
nately for the President, they were. He was
not only deceived and betrayed by them, but
lie toleiated them a.ter tho facts had esta
blished their criminality as confederates of
the mob engaged in that July massacre, lie
had, however, committed himself to the
theory, and would not abandon it, that the
obnoxious radical Convention and the negroes
were the instigators of the riot, and that ller
ron, Abell, and Monroe were tho instruments
only of law anil order in its suppression.
General Sheridan, on the spot, very puu
gently at the time took tho opposite! view of
the affair, and bis cohvicfions of last July are
embodied in this decisive order No. ".
In the next place it is reported that Mr.
Stanton, Secretary of War, has sent a compli
mentary despatch to General Sheridan, ap
proving his order No. f, and we presume that
lie has done so because his opinions of that
Kew Orleans massacre are understood to be
those of Sheridan. What, then, is the posi
tion of the President, assumingthat these men
Were removed without his authority and
against his wishes ? He cannot touch the
Secretary of War, because he is protected in
the Cabinet by the new law regulating the
tenure of office. He will hardly undertake to
remove Sheridan, or to reinstate these obnox
ious officials, because either of these proceed
ings will strengthen the impeachment party
before the Judiciary Committee of Congress,
charged with the investigation of the "high
crimes and misdemeanors" alleged against tho
President in view of his impeachment and re
moval. His position, then, is not that of tho
Great Mogul, reclining on a bed of roses, nor
anything like it. He has Secretary Stanton to
hold him in check on one siiU and the Im
peachment Committee to watch him on tho
other. His only course, therefore, is to lot
these laws of Southern reconstruction, under
Stanton, Grant, and the commanders of the
five military districts, take their course,
taking care only to "see the laws faithfully
executed."
Meanwhile, while General Grant has taken
the bull by the horns in Louisiana, we per
ceive that General Sweeny, post commander
in Georgia in the absence of General Pope,
Third District Commander has ordered the
suspension of certain local elections super
seded by Congress, that General Schofield is
very popular in Virginia, that General Sickles
has been favorably received by all parties in
Korth and South Carolina, and that the people
of Mississippi and Arkansas are pleased with
their commander, General Ord. From Vir
ginia to Texas we perceive, too, that the Re
publican politicians, white and black, in
cluding some colored stumpers from the
North, are actively at work organizing a
Southern wing of the Republican party, while
General Wade Hampton, cf South Carolina,
ex-Governor Brown, of Georgia, and General
Lee, in Virginia, and others of that school, are
moving as earnestly in behalf of a new inde
pendent Southern party of whites and blacks,
planters and laborers, under the laws of re
construction. From all these proceedings we
see that Secretary Stanton, with the district
, military commanders under his instructions
and approval, is really the master of the situa
tion; that the Southern people are at last
thoroughly convinced that President Johnson
cannot even help himself; and that, instead of
praying any longer to Hercules, they must put
-their own shoulders to the wheel and work
out their own salvation under the conditions
of war resulting from the collapse of their
Southern Confederacy.
To make all things sure, Congress, now
' about to adjourn, may decide to come together
', again in the summer, to take a look at tho
situation and progress of reconstruction in the
South, and to see what the impeachment com
mittee will recommend in reference to Presi
dent Johnson, and to learn also what will
have been done meantime, or to determine
what must be done with Collector Smytheand
other office-holders whose places are wanted
by other parties. Moreover, as the radicals
of Maryland threaten a little revolution on
their own account unless Congress shall in
terpose to save them, that matter may also
come up for the summer session. Otherwise
we expect that everything will go on so
smoothly that this precautionary session will
have nothing to do but to report progress and
adjourn till December.
Reconstruction According to Wad
Il.mptou aud tne Negroes.
jrwvm the Tribune.
The negroes are not a vindictive race. More
than anv other people, perhaps, they fulfil the
command, "Forgive your enemies, do good to
those who despitefully use you." With the
solitary exception of Nat. Turner's insurrec
tion, in all the long years of slavery they made
no combined effort to achieve their freedom.
Vanr want of organization, ignorance of their
own power, were no doubt the chief causes of
their patient endurance 01 me yoKe uuu
Who were kindly treated were not disposed to
aid the vague designs of others, or in seeking
uncertain good to risk unknown evils. lor
. r ..,i...Snn to their lot they were
THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, SATURDAY,
declared fit to . be slaves; but they
never accepted the logic that condemned
them. Individuals protested, though the
people were silent; tens of thousands
braved hunger, persecution, the perils of llight,
death, to be free; looking to the North as the
land of deliverance, they hid In swamps, swam
livers, and toiled by night through unknown
countries, only to reach its boundaries. Yet
the race is deficient in the spirit of revolt. Had
it not been, slavery would long ago have
ended in an irresistable insurrection of slaves,
liven when the war gave the negroes their
opportunity, they refuse it. Rejoicing at
every Union victory, trembling at every Rebel
success, they patiently awaited the result, and
those who fought d:l so only in the ranks of
our armv, trusting for reward to the Govern
ment they deluded. In this spirit the
negroes have Acted since their emancipation,
wait in for such justice as white men" should
chooso"to yield. The North has tardily given
them iustice in the shape of equality, citizen
ship, t'hfl power of self-protection, the ballot.
How this power will be used, is already the
great political question. That it will not be
used in the spirit of revenge we are convinced;
but we are equally sure that the negroes will
not transfer the weapon they have so recently
received iuto the hands of the men who, until
yesterday, denounced impartial suffrage as a
crime.
Reconstruction means, in the opinion of
Wade Hampton (if we reduce to strict defini
tion his address at Columbia, S. C), that the
Rebel Stntes have been conquered, and that,
just or unjust, the decrees of the conqueror
must be obeyed, it means that slavery is for
ever abolished, nor, in his belief, would the
South have it re-established. It means that
the leading Rebels, of whom he is one, have
been disfranchised. It means that "as
the negro was faithful as a slave,
as a lice man we should treat him
as a friend;" that the negroes and the
whites are equally Southern men; that the
welfare of the two races is inseparable; that
whatever fate awaits the former slaveholder
awaits the former slave: that the true friends
df the negro are their lonner masters, and that
not till they deceive him should he turn to the
North. "I want you to feel that you are
Southern men, with all your hopes, your
feelings, and your interests identified with the
South'"
Reconstruction, as the negroes understand
it, means something very dklcrent from this;
and their definition is more specific than that
of Wade Hampton, and far more satisfactory
to the loyal States. The resolutions adopted
by their Charleston meeting, March 22, h ave
no doubt of their principles. They give cor
dial and entire sanction to the action of Con
gress and to the principles of the Republican
party; they pledge their honor, fortunes, and
lives to the service of the republic, and to the
payment of the debt contracted to suppress
rebellion; they thank the army which at once
preserved the nation and won their freedom;
they demand of South Carolina common
schools, open to all, without, distinction of
color; they ask of the Legislature laws which
shall destroy the system of land monopoly
under which they cannot hope to prosper; they
insist on every possible guarantee for the per
petuity of all the rights they have recently
obtained; they pledge themselves not to sup
port any candidate who will not advocate the
principles of the Republican party, and declare
that they profess these principles with malice
towards none and charity to all. Doctrines
less noble have been fitly written in letters of
gold. These are the declarations of a people
who not only know what freedom means, but
by what power it is granted as their right, by
whom it was refused on the broad ground of
their natural unworthiness.
We take Wade Hampton as the representa
tive of the well-disposed .ex-Rebels who are
sincerely desirous of the welfare of tho freed
men, but wish to control their action; we take
the Charleston meeting as the representative
of the freedmen throughout the South, and not
only of what they are, but of what they are
destined to become. There is a radical differ
ence in the convictions of these two, to be
adjusted by no compromise. It is the differ
ence of men who at heart believe that the
Rebellion was right, and that the negro should
not vote, and those who know that the Re
bellion was wrong, and that the negro should
vote. Practically it is a question of voting. It
is whether the negroes shall go over to Wade
Hampton, or whether he shall go to the negroes.
March 19, he gives the ultimatum of the
Southern whites "thus far we can go to please
you; come over the rest of the way to us."
March 22, the negroes gave their answer
"Malice toward none, charity to all, but we
vote with tho Republican party." "If any
man advises you to leave that party," said one
of their speakers, "whose principles are so
clearly those of justice and right, depend upon
it that man is your enemy. If he is your
friend, let him act with you. I5y every prin
ciple of gratitude, by every desire of security,
it hehooves yon to act witn the Republican
party." Aud these words were answered with
cheers, and have been echoed at every meet
ing ot colored men since held at Savannah, at
Jacksonville, at Norfolk.
Reconstruction, in tho opinion of Wade
Hampton, should mean the restoration of his
class to power by the submission of negro
voters to its leadership. The negroes under
stand that it makes them the keepers of their
own rights, and they intend to trust not the
class which opposed, but the party which
established justice for their race.
A New Danger Congress tintl the State
or Maryland.
From the Times.
A radical organ the other day alleged a
probable occasion for interference in Maryland
as a reason for the non-adjournment of Con
gress. The Legislature of the State, it seems,
has passed a bill for a Convention to revise
the Constitution ; and the terms of the bill
are not palatable to the local radical party.
The minority of the Legislature appeal to Con
gress for help as against the majority ; a simi
lar demand has been made by the radicals of
tne eiaie, m convention assembled ; and thus,
in the judgment of the Washington Chronicle,
rruviueuce nas "openea tne way lor Congres
sional interposition," in order that Maryland
"may be reconstructed like the insurgent dis
tricts themselves."
The prayer of the radical memorialists came
before the House yesterday, and was sus
tained by Mr. Thomas and others on grounds
which show the dangerous progress of the
revolution inaugurated by the recent policy
of Congress. Mr. Thomas contends that Con
gress may interfere because at present Mary
land is not in the enjoyment of a republican
form of government, since colored citizens are
disfranchised. The point is more precisely
stated by the radical conveutionists, who ask
for a government "in keeping with the stan
dard erected in the Constitutional amendment
and Civil Rights bill namely, recognition of
manhood without regard to color, and the
sacred principle of impartial suffrage." The
aim of the Legislature in calling a convention,
it is charged, is to re-district portions of the
State with the view of increasing the anti-
radical majority; jind the remarks of Mr.
Thomas on Thursday indicate a determination
to resist this or any other action prejudicial
to the radical interest. Ho does not threaten
violence, Ixicause he holds that Congress
should step in and assume control of tho
matter. Failing to obtain this intervention,
the radicals in the State intimate that, if out
numlxtred in the election of delegates autho
rized by the Legislature, they will convene a
separate body, construct a constitution after
their own tastes, and invoke the power of
Congress to make it the organic law of the
State.
Divested of surplusage, tho whole affair i
an attempt to induce Congress to clothe the
minority of the electors of Maryland with
power to overcome the will of tho majority.
It is an attempt, by the exercise of Federal
authority, to overturn the Constitution of a
State which is not, and never has been, in
rebellion to force negro suffrage upon a State
whose right to control its own concerns is as
sacred as that of New York and to convert
the machinery of the National Government
into the means of advancing the interests of
the Radical party. It is, in plaiu terms, an
attempt to revolutionize the relation even of
loyal States to the Government, and to lay
the foundation of a central power, to whose
dictation all States must submit, in matters
which the National Constitution has intrusted
to their special keeping.
The danger began, of course, when Congress
took into its own hands the control of the
internal affairs of the Southern States. That
policy was at variance with all recognize I
leadings of the Cuiirditulinn; it was, in its
inception and in its results, manifestly revo
lutionary. Its vindication rested upon the
exceptional circumstances which the Rebellion
created, and its application wns declared to be
limited strictly to States which had lorfeited
their sovereignty by war against the Union.
The hope of safety rested in the supposed in
llcxible attachment of the American people to
the fundamental principles of their Govern
ment. Their patriotic vigilance, it has been
hoped, would afford a guarantee against the
conversion of a temporary usurpation into a
permanent absolutism, and especially against
even a temporary extension ot exceptional
authority to other States.
Now, how ever, what is the fact ? Under
the guise of conferring a republican govern
ment upon Maryland, a proposal is solemnly
made and. ardently advocated to cruh its
Statehood under the iron heel of Congres
sional power. It is to all intents and purposes
to be deprived of its rights to self-government,
with the avowed purpose of investing with
governing authority in the State a party that
cannot of itself overcome the present majority.
The excuses assigned for this extraordinary
proposition will not endure examination. If
the mere apprehension of "gerrymandering,"
as averred by the partisan minority, be a
valid cause of interposition in Maryland, why
not also in New Hampshire, in Pennsylvania,
in Illinois, or in other States where trickery
has, notoriously, been resorted to in the
arrangement of local electoral strength ? If
the failure to enfranchise negroes be a crime,
justifying State extinction, in Maryland, on
what ground of equity should New York, or
Connecticut, or Ohio escape .a similar punish
ment 1
And here lies the significance of the propo
sition which the House has honored by a refer
ence to its Judiciary Committee. If, under
the pretense of guaranteeing republican gov
ernment to Maryland, Congress may enfran
chise its negroes and place a minority in
power, it may with equal right legislate the
radicals into office in Kentucky and Delaware,
and may take into its management the inter
nal political concerns of this and every other
State. Our Albany legislators may spare
themselves the trouble of preparing for a
State Convention, referring suffrage and other
questions to the people, if Congress may of
its pleasure force upon us universal enfranchise
ment. There will be no end to tho perils and
complications of Congressicnal interference
with State rights, if Congress listen to the
entreaties of the radical adventurers on whom
the majority of the people of Maryland refuse
to bestow their confidence. For any allegation
of right in the case of Maryland will be wan
ton, inexcusable usurpation; and usurpation
once tolerated, may be pushed to an indefinite
extent. The Constitution is already laid uiiou
the shelf, so fur as it applies to the reorgani
zation of tho Southern States. Put it will be
worthless as waste, paper if measures which
are justified by the exigencies of rebellion
may be extended to States whose position and
privileges as members of the Union have not
been impaired by aught connected with the
Rebellion or otherwise.
It is probable that some further proceeding
will be necessary in regard to negro suff rage.
Having forced upon the South the universal
enfranchisement ot its negroes, amoral obli
gation rests upon the Northern States to fol
low in the samo path. It the colored people
of Georgia, ignorant and untutored, are worthy
of votes, we of the North cannot with any
show of decency or justice refuse the franchise
to the colored citizens of our States. And if
Congress is oppressed with a sense ef its re
sponsibility as the guarantor of impartial suf
frage, it cannot do better than initiate a Con
stitutional amendment to that end. Such an
amendment the States at present represented
are bound to ratify. In this way all that is
plausible in the Maryland proposition may be
accomplished without resorting to the outra
geous invasion of local liberties which is
suggested by Mr. Thomas and tho radicals of
Baltimore. '
A Visit to Air. Seward's Home.
J.'ditorial Correspondence N. Y. Independent,
My wanderings have led me to Auburn: not
the retired and classic haunt described by
Goldsmith as
"The loveliest village ol the plain,"
but a busy city of brick and stone, famous for
its state prison, the abode of William II.
Seward, and a visit by Andrew Johnson. I do
not mean that Mr. Seward now resides in a
tate prison, or that Mr. Johnson has ever
lodged in such an institution. On the con
trary, as both these gentlemen are busy at
Washington, they are, of course, absent from
their permanent homes.
Undid, the geometer, would have smiled at
the little, crooked-sided public park of Au
burn, against whose pine-board hypothenuse
Mr. Seward builds the platform from which
he utters his annual speeches to his friends.
According to his own philosophical estimate
of tho good people of Auburn whom he ad
dresses on such occasions, they represont two
distinct tempers of mind. "The young," he
says, "are thoughtful, and tho old serene."
1 can account but partially for this distinction;
for, though the public park of Auburn is
quite enough to make "the young thought
ful," it is altogether too much to make "the
old serene."
Mr. Seward, I am happy to say, enjoys the
personal regard of Ids neighbors in an eminent
degree. Ilia characteristic affability which,
during his manlier years, he was never wont
to lose, but which Ue now loso3 every day is
still delightfully rememlercd by his towns
people, and is quoted to a stranger as one of
the former glories of a faded man.
But what do these frionds say of his publio
conduct f
One of the most interesting of psychological
plii-nomena is the peculiar and indefinable
regret with which a great statesman 8 ad
mirers are compelled to witness at last his
decline and fall. Mr. Seward stood once like
nn elm green, towering, and monumental;
but, after having grown gradually rotten at
the root a defective radical ! he at last top
pled ovpr, and now lies prone on the ground.
Accordingly his kind-hearted neighbors, with
a pensive air, can only say to the visitor
"This was once the grandest of all our trees;
but look now 1" And they inwardly suffer
as they make the confession. For when a
man of great reputation thus plays false w ith
the public confidence, he becomes the author
of a peculiar cruelty in the wounds which he
thereby inlliots upon his friends.
As I peered into Mr. Seward's garden, and
saw the snow and ice cloaking his trees and
shrubs, I could not but think of the still moro
chilling blight which has winter-killed his
green old age. Of course, I do not refer to
his domestic bereavements. God forbid that
nny criticism of a public man's character
should go untempered with sympathy at a
moment when his critics are looking at the
shut windows of his half-empty house, and
remember that its recent and chief household
lights lie quenched in the grave. The late
mi-diess ot this mansion was one of the
noblest women of America. 1 have never heard
Mr. (ireley praise thecharacterof any woman
as Jjhave heard him always praise the charac
ter ot Mrs. Seward. A toff days alter her
death, he wrote in the Jmi juwlrut the
noblest tribute which any publio pen paid to
her memory. Gazing, therefore, at this
shadowed house through the haze of this
irresistible sympathy, I could not but recall
tenderly to my mind my early boyish enthu
siasm for Mr. 'teeward when I thought him
the greatest of statesmen, and bravest of
leaders; when I believed that he loved liberty
better than power, and sought justice rather
than office; when his calm, pure, limpid elo
quence flowed liKea fountain undented; wnen I
ranked him as the foremost among American
statesmen, and one of the chief pillars of the
nnti-slavery cause; ami when I shed foolish
but actual tears of disappointment at his,
rejection by the Chicago Convention, and the
nomination of Abraham Lincoln instead.
I repeat that, when one has built so much
upon another, as many a young man, years
ago, built upon Mr. Seward, only to be
cheated in the end by the favorite whom he
trusted in the beginning, there arises within
one's mind towards such a betrayer an un
c( nouerable and abiding emotion of repug-
nanct compounded of mingled affection, pity,
and scorn. ,
Mr. Seward's inlluence on public affairs is
still incalculably bad. For instance (to chose
the very latent evidence of it as a specimen),
only a few days ago, eighteen gentlemen as
sembled at Albany composing the Republi
can State Central Committee the official man
agers of the Republican party in the greatest
State of the Union a corps of party engi
neers, who rightfully have nothing to do with
Mr. Johnson or Mr. Seward, except to carry
on a vigorous war against both. And yet,
when a resolution was introduced by one of
these eighteen committee-men, declaring that
"the Republican party holds to the right of
every citizen to equality before the law," ten
votes against eight killed the resolution in
sulting the negro and disgracing the State.
Now why did these ten New Y'ork politicians
vote agr.'inst truth and right ? For no other
reason under Heaven than just because Mr.
Seward, like an old leaven, still remains in
their hearts, and works in them to do mis
chief. The Secretary of State still boasts that he is
the policy-maker of the President. The calami
ties, therefore, which Mr. Johnson has in
flicted upon the nation through this policy are
to be registered against Mr. Seward. What
a catalogue of mingled blunders and crimes 1
Macaulay said of Antony Astley Cooper that
"every part of his life reflected infamy on
every other." In like manner, the impartial
historian will say of Mr. Johnson that every
measure of his administration reflected infamy
on every other. And yet, to all this record of
humiliation Mr. Seward stands pointing his
finger, saying, "This handwriting is mine !"
Nevertheless, Mr. Seward does not deserve
all the credit of all the mischief which he
himself has wrought. Ho is one of twins.
His other self is Thurlow Weed. These twaiu
are like Jacob and Fsau; you know the one
by his voice, the other by his hand. Both
have long ago forgotten their country to re
member themselves. The one now possesses
a great office; the other a great fortune. But
each has earned a very unsuccessful success.
"There is a way that seemeth right unto a
man, but the end thereof is death." "Verily,
they have their reward."
If Mr. Seward, since 18G1, had inscribed
against his own name such a publio record as
that of Thaddeus Stevens faithful, instead of
faithless what a grand renown might have
been his reward to-day 1 What loving en
thusiasm the American people would have
manifested towards the distinguished anti
slavtry Senator of New York ! What bounti
ful accompaniments of old age would have
been his portion "reverence and troops of
friends !"
To outlive one's fame is a pity; to outlive
one's usefulness is a calamity; to outlive one's
conscience is a disgrace. Mr. Seward has
brought upon himself this pity, this calamity,
and this disgrace.
Melt, snows of Auburn ! and unveil the
great man's garden once again to the sun;
but his pleasant plants, when they renew
their loaf und bloom, shall only, mock their
master's laurel, which shall not again be
.ml
REDDING CARDS.
PARTY INVITATIONS.
THE LATEST NOVELTIES.
R, HOSKINS & CO,,
(STATIONERS AND ENGHAVEUM,
i ltiulmflmrp WO. 13 AKCII STKEET.
gLANK BOO KG,
OF TUE BEST QUALITY,
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B. HOSKINS & CO.,
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STATIONERS AND PRINTERS,
81 tilth Mm rr NO. m AHfH STBEET
PE1VY WELLS OWNERS OF PUOPERTY
The only place to gn Privy Wells cleaned
infected ery low prices. a. PEYBON, j
Manufacturer of Poudrolie, '
( 10J eOLDSMITU'B MALL, L1BUAU V blreet.
MARCH 30, 1867.
FINANCIAL,
PENNSYLVANIA
STATE LOAN.
PROPOSALS FOR A LOAN
or
$23,000,000.
AN ACT
10 CREATZ A LOAN FOB THE EEDEflirriCS
0? THE OVERDUE BONDS 07 THB
COMMONWEALTH.
Whereas, The bonds of the Commonwealth,
and certain certificates of Indebtedness,
amounting to TWENTY-THHEE MILLIONS
OF DOLLARS, have been overdue and uupaid
for some time pnst;
And whereas, It Is desirable that the flame
should be raid, ami withdrawn from the market
therefore,
(Section 1. He it enarU'd by the tf niit and ITna
of licjiresentatives of the Commonwealth of Penn
sylvania in General Assembly met, and it is hereby
enacted bu the authority of the same. Tlint the
Governor, Auditor-General, mid (Slate Trea
surer be, and are hereby, tut liorized aud em
powered to borrow, ou the i.uUi of the Com
monwealth, In such amounts and with such
notice (not lenN than forty days) as they may
deem most expedient for tlie tutorest of the
(state, twenty-three millions of dollars, and
iHMie certificat es of loan or bonds of the Com
monwealth for the same, bearing interest at a
rate not exceeding six per centum per annum
pnynhle Remi-unnually, on the lat, of February
and 1st of August, in the city of l'liiliidelphia;
which certificates of loan or bonds shall not be
subject to any taxation whatever, for Ktate,
municipal, or local purposes, and shall be paya
ble as follows, namely: Five millions of dollars
payable at any time after live years, and
within ten years; eijjlit millions of dollars paya
ble at nny time alter ten years, and within flf
tecn years; and ten millions of dollars at any
time alter fifteen years, aud within twenty-five
years; and shall be signed by the Governor and
istnte Treasurer, and countorsit:ned by the
Auditor-General, and registered In the books of
the Auditor-General, and to ho transferable on
the books of the Common wealth, at the
Farmers' and Mechanics' .National Hunk, ol
Philadelphia; the proceeds ot tho whole of
which! loan, including premiums, etcetera,
received ou the same, small b.i applied to the
payment of the bonds aud crrlilicates of In
debtedness of the Commonwealth.
ta ction 2. The bids for the said loan shall be
opened In the presence of the Governor, Auditor-General,
and ltate Treasurer, and awarded
to the highest bidder: lrovidcd, That no certitl
caio hereby authorized to be issued shall be
negotiated lor Ions than Its par value.
Section 3. '1 he bonds of the (State aud certifi
cates of Indebtedness, now overdue, shall be
receivable in payment ol tho said loan, under
burn regulations as the Governor, Auditor
General, and State Treasurer may prescribe:
and every bidder for the loan now authorized
to he itsued, shall state In his bid whether the
same is payable in cash or In the bonds, or
certificates of indebtedness of the Coinmou
wealth. Section 4. That all trustees, executors, admin
istrators, guaroians, agents, treasurers, com
mittees, or other persons, holding, In a fidu
ciary capacity, bonds or certificates of indebt
edness of the (State or moneys, are hereby
authorised to bid for the loan hereby authorized
to be issued, and to surrender the bonds or
certificates of loan held by them at the time of
making such bid, and to receive the bonds
authorized to be issued by this act.
(Section 6. Any person or persons standing In
the Bduciary capacity stated in the fourth sec
tlon of this act, who may desire to invest
money in their hands for the benefit of the
trust, may, without any order of court, invest
the same in the bonds authorized to be Issued
by this act, at a rate of premium not exceed'
Inv twentv ner centum.
section 6. That from and aftor the passage of
this act, all the bonds ol mis Gommonweaitn
Klin 11 be nald off in the order of their maturity.
(section 7. That all loans of this Common
wealth, not yet due, shall bo exempt from
(State, municipal, or local luxation, after the
interest due February 1st, one thousand
eight hundred and sixty -seven, Shalt have been
Section 8. That all existing laws, or portions
thereof, inconsistent nerewiin, are nereby re-
pelUe'' JOHN P. GLASS,
Breaker ol the House ol Kepresentatlves.
U W. Li ALL,
Speaker of the (Senate.
Approved tho second day ot February, one
thousand eitht hundred and sixty-seven.
JOHN W. GEARY.
In accordance with the provisions of tho
above act of Assembly, sealed ropiwals Will
be received at t he Office of t he Treasurer
In the city of Ilarrisburg, I on usylvania, until
VI o'clock M., of the 1st day of April, A. D. Isti7,
to be endorsed as follows: "l'roposals for Penn
sylvania (State Loan," Treasury Department,
Harrlsburg, Pennsylvania. United (States of
America.
Uids will be received for f5.uwj,000, reimbursa
ble in five years and payable in ten years;
fc8,W0,U0U, relm bursable in ten y ears, a nd payable
In fifteen years; and $10,0U0,0'il, reimbursable in
fifteen years and payable in twenty-five years.
The rate of interest to be ell h"r five or six per
cent, per annum, which must be explicitly
stated in the bid, and the bids most advanta-
?;eous to the (State will be aeet.pt.ed. No bid for
ess than par will be considered. The bonds
will be Issued in sums of $ j0, aud such higher
sums as desired by the loaners, to be free from
(State, local, and municipal tuxes.
The overdue bonds of the Commonwealth of
Pennsylvania will be received at par in pay
ment of this loan, but bidders must state
whether they Intend to pay in cash or In the
overdue loans aforesaid.
No distinction will be made between bidders
paying In cash or overune lans.
JOHN W. GEARY,
Governor of Pennsylvania.
JOHN F. i I A ItTU AN FT,
Auditor-General
W. IL KEM15LE,
Huue Treasurer.
N. B. No newspaper publishing the above,
nnlens authorized, will receive pay. 3 7
QALIFORNIA WINE CO.
WINES,
From the Vineyards of Bonoma, Los Angelos, aud
Wapa CDUulies, California, consisting of the
following:
WINE HITTERS. '
Aitl.l4,
Ml Kit V,
not k.
Ml Kf TEL,
lA'IAHHt,
cxa it in ,
1'OltT,
DM4NDY,
CMAJIl'AUNE.
These WINES are warranted to be the pure Juice ol
the Kiupe, unsunnuwed by miy In ibe market, itud are
liiuhiy j-econmieiHleU lor Medicluul sud i auilly pur
poses. For bale by
E. L. CAUFFMAN,
AGENT,
NO. SI NOBTH rOVKTII STKEET,
3 13 wsl4t PHILADELPHIA.
QARLOW'S INDICO BLUE,
put ur AT
WILTBEKCEirS DRUG ST0BE,
0. 833 KOBTII SECOND STREET,
PUILADKLP11IA,
Will color more water than four times the same,
amount of ordiuary Indigo.
IT IS WARRANTED TO GIVE SATISFACTION,
It ia retailed at the same price as the Imitation and
Inferior wUcle. , ; ,119 3m
rufwrr uke. bedding, etc
JTURNITURE REDUCED
OI K TKIt'EM HAVE DEEN REDUCED
To the extent admitted of In the lato roduotioa
of material consistent with the production of
FIItST-CLASS WORK.
We Invite an Inspection of our STOCK by all
desiring to purchase. 3 16 stutlilniSp
RICHMOND & FOREPAUCI1.
KO. 40 MOITTH KEC'OXD STREET.
gEDDINC
OF KVEllY DESCRIPTION
WHOLESALE AND RETAIL,
AT REDUCED TltlCES.
NO. 932 HIDUE AVKM'I-t NEAR TIXE ST.
8 Mtutlis rp J. FULLER.
rfO HOUSEKEEPERS.
I have a large stock of every variety of
FURNITURE.
Which I will soli nt reduced prices, condlMlng of
PLAIN AND MA Kill. K TOP C'OTTAUili SUITS.
WALNUT I'll A M HKH KUTI8.
PAKLOK hl'lTi IN VELVET PLTJSH.
PAR1.UK tUlTb IN HAIRCLOTH.
ha IM.HU KIM'I'n IN RKI-S.
KtdeliiinrdH. Extension Tables, Wardrobes, Book-
cases, HI allr cases, Lounges, etc, etc.
I. I. HITSTIKK,
8 1 N. E. corner SECOND and RACK Streets.
ESTABLISHED 1705.
A. S. KOBINSOH.
French Plate Icokins-Glasses,
ENGRAVINGS, PAINTINGS, DRAWINGS ETC.
li annlucturer ot all kind ol
LOC'SUfO-OLAES, POETRidT, AKD PICTUBJS
No. OlO C1IESNUT STREET,
TUIT.D DOOR ABOVE THE CONTINENTAL,
1'HILADKI.PIirA. 815
JJOTJSE-I'UKNISHING GOODS.
EXCELLENT OPPORTUNITY TONECURB
RARUAIXM.
To close the estate of the late
JOHN A. DIUK1MIEY,
Importer and Dealer n
House-Furnishins Goods,
NO. 023 tlll-SNIT STREET,
Between NiHth and Tenth, South Side, Philadelphia
i
Els Administrators now offer the whole stock at
prices below the ordinary rates charged. This stocic
enibruces every thing wanted in a well-orderedhousa-hold:
Plain Min Ware, Brushes, Wooden Ware,
Buckets, Pluted Ware, Cutlery, Iron Ware, Japanned
Ware, and Cooking Utensils or every description.
A great variety of SHAKER GOOD.S, BIRO.
CAGES, etc. etc., can be obtained on the most reason
uble terms,
GENUINE ARCTIC REFRIGERATORS AND
WATER COOLERS.
A fine assortment of PAPIER-MACHE GOODS,
This Is the largest retail establishment in this Ha
In Philadelphia, aud clti.ens aud strangers will lluui
to their advamuge to examine our Block before pu
chasing.
NOTE. Onr friends In the country may orderi
mull, aud prompt atteutlon will be given. Ulttulf
SHIRTS, FURNISHING GOODS,&C,
JOHN C. ARRISON,
AT THE OLD STAND,
AOS. 1 AND S NORTH SIXTH STREET
PHILADELPHIA
Would invite the attention of bis friends and
customers to bis
LARUE AND SUPERIOR ASSORTHK"?
OP
HOSIERY- GLOVES,
AND THE LATEST NOVELTIES FOR OEM
TLEMEN'S WEAK.
A LbO,
TO HIS 1 IMPROVED PATTERN SHIRT,
Miule of the best materials by baud, and war
ranted to lit and give batiufaciion, or money
refunded.
PRICES MODERATE. 122J
j W M. HO F MANN,
NO. 9 NORTH EIGHTH STREET.
HOSIERY GOODS.
A LARGE ASSORTMENT OP HOBIERY OF
ENGLISH AND GERMAN MANUFACTURES,
For Ladles', Genie', and Children's Wear,
LADIES' MERINO AND MERINO UAEZR
VESTS.
MISSES' MERINO AND MERINO OACZB
VESTS.
UENTS' MERINO, MERINO UAUZE.t OT.
TON, AND HEAVY ALL-WOOL SUIRTM
AND DRAWERS.
YOUTHS' MERINO COTTON, AND ME.
RINO UAl'ZE SHIRTS SStutha
J. W. SOOTT & 0 0.1
SHIRT MANUFACTURERS,
AND BKALKBS IV '
MEN'S FURNISHING GOOD&,
No. 811 CHESS, ET STREET,
FOUR DOOR8 BELOW THE "CONTLNEjfTAX, 'J
g2?rP . PHIMDHLPmA.
PATENT SIIOULDER-SEAM
SHIRT MANUFACTORY,
AND GENTLEMEN'S FURNISHING STOIU3
PERFECT FITTING SHIRTS AND DRAWERS
made from measurement at very short notice.
All other articles 0 GENTLEMEN'S DRKsb
GOODS la full variety, DREsa
WINCHESTER A CO,t
1 Ul 706 CUESNUT BureeC
r
Villa nui'wt-w .