THE NEW YORK PRESS.
EDITORIAL OPINIONS OP THE LEADING JOl'KNAl.S
ITON critHENT Tol'K'S COM I'l I,i:i) EVDIIY
TiKX HOR TIIR KVKSI.NO TKUiUUAl'll.
Muscular Senators.
From the Independent.
Wv made a few remarks a week or two
since on the singular statement of Mr. l'arton,
in the Xorth Ameriean Review, that human
nature in New England was undergoing n
process of diminution. We have Been a
tabular statement of the physical peculiarities
of the present Senate, of the United States,
from which wo extract the following facts in
relation to the members of the present Senate
who are of New England birth ami education.
VI twenty-one iew hnglanders m the Senate,
the
average noignt is nve ieet eleven and a
lialf inches, their weight one hundred and
seventy-six and a half avoirdupois, the girth
around the chest thirty-eight and three
quarter inches. These characteristics give
no indications of the diminishing pro
cess spoken of by Mr. l'arton, when
compared with the average Eu
ropean, whose height is five feet, girth
around the chest thirty-four inches, weight
one hundred and forty-five pounds avoirdupois,
and size of head twenty-two inches. Senators
may be said, however, to lie exceptional men as
they are; but then in point of physical cha
racteristics they represent the classes who
are rather under than over the average
standard. The tallest member of the present
Senate is Cowan, of Pennsylvania; but after
the fourth of March that hfty honor will be
long to Stewart, of Nevada, who overtops
Suuiner by three-quarters of an inch. The
heaviest member is Van Winkle, of Western
Virginia while the broadest chest belongs to
Tomeroy, of Kansas, that sturdy radical mea
suring forty-four inches, and at tho same time
carrying upon his broad shoulders one of the
biggest heads in the Senate, (irimes, Nesmith,
l'oineroy, and Van Winkle have heads winch
measure twenty-four inches.
The smallest State in the Union sends as her
Senatorial representative the smallest man; he
is but live feet and nine-tenths of an inch in
altitude, and weighs but one hundred and
seventeen pounds all told. Tho Senatorial
heads have a remarkable uniformity of size,
the largest measuring but twenty-four inches
and the smallest but twenty-two. Lane, of
Kansas, carried the smallest head. It measured
only twenty-one inches. These statistics of the
personal characteristics of the Senate show us
very clearly, if we needed aiiy.proof of tho
fact, that there are no giants in that august
body at present; and we may congratulate our
selves that such is the case for giants, except
for the purpose of a show, are anything but
serviceable creatures to have in a house. It
may be interesting to the public to know that
the shortest member of tho Senate, Davis, of
Kentucky, is also the noisiest nature having
liountifully compensated a lack of height by an
unnatural length of tongue.
Klte-Flylng In Congress.
From the TYibune.
We learn from our telegraphic reports tho
reason why the Senate bill for exchanging tho
six per cent, compound legal-tenders into
three per cent, demand notes was defeated the
Other day in the IIouso. It was merely a pre
liminary movement of the inflationists to stop
contraction and get afloat another hundred
millions of greenbacks. This interesting job
was finished on Thrusday. The House voted, 95
to G5, not to pay the six per cent, legal-tenders,
but to substitute greenbacks for them. 15y
thirty majority the House has broken away
from its old financial advisers, and embarked
on tho sea of "wild eat" banking. We always
desire to understand the precise situation of
affairs, and thus we are, in view of recent de
velopments on this subject, glad to see this
vote and to understand tho ground of it. If
Congress or tho House have got any specific
views on the management of the currency
different from those of Mr. McCulloch, it will
be a relief to the country to have them
developed.
Not in the shape of sporadic votes, but in
intelligent discussion. Let us have an intel
ligible exposition of the policy which Congress
or the House desire to adopt, in lieu of that
recommended by the Secretary of the Treasury,
and hitherto sustained by them, it there is
an antagonist policy, as there seems to be, let
us know precisely what it is. Give us the
particulars. Let in light upon this subject, so
vital to the business and industrial interests of
the entire nation. It is of immense conse
quence that the country should know what is
before them. And they do not want votes
merely, they want views clearly defined, and
measures intelligently shaped and expounded.
If the National Legislature is really in the
hands of the paper-money men, and they
intend to leave Mr. McCulloch in the lurch,
.and to pursue a policy leading to bankruptcy,
let us know it, and let us know their precise
methods.
Let them declare themselves in the face of
day by open and exhaustive discussion. If
we have got profounder financiers in Congress
than have hitherto come to the surface, trot
them out, and let them bless us with their
expoundings. We grope in the dark ever
' since that twenty majority vote in tho House,
now increased to thirty, in opposition to con
traction. The country does not want to bo
led blindfold down a precipice ; it wants its
way illumined by the new lights of finance
which are, apparently, judging from Thurs
day's proceedings, coming out from under the
bushel where they have been bidden.
If Congress is going to reject the principle of
moderate contraction, let us know what we are
to have instead. Show us where we stand.
If there is anything in this matter beyond the
necessities of rotten banks, or the renewal
notes of bankrupt debtors, we should like to
see it defined. No solvent man, no solvent
bank, no solvent community, can honestly
object to the principle of a steady contraction
of the currency until we reach specie pay
ments, or need fear its results. It is tho
bankrupts and the speculators only who have
anything to apprehend from the application of
this touchstone of national and individual sol
vency. The see-saw debate and voting in tho House
on Thursday aptly enough illustrate the stability
of opiniou which, on financial topics, distin
guishes our legislators. Mr. Hooper's bill, as
reported, was a bill to retire the compounds,
plus a section to repeal the law now authori
zing the $4,000,000 per month contraction.
Mr. Hooper does not believe in flying his kite
without a respectable tail; his bill therefore
proposed to issue in place of the compound
notes certificates at 3-ti5 interest not a mea
sure which commends itself to us as sound,
lmt a miracle of prudence in comparison with
what tlw House finally adopted. Northwest
ern finance, in the person of Mr. Wilson, ob
lected to the extravagance of this tdan. on the
ground that it involved a yearly payment of
three or lour uiuuuus oi interest. It 13 a
THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH. HIIL AD
generous charity to suppose that Mr. Wilson,
and they who follow his lead, honestly believe
in this naving-at-the-spigot economy. v e con
cede the necessity which lies upon them to
advance an argument that shall have tho merit
of plausibility.
Mr. Stevens, however, is much too intrepid
a legislator on finance to allow himself to bo
interrupted in the pursuit of his policy by
any such trivialities as arguments. Helioving
in greenbacks as a national blessing, ha natu
rally thinks it impossible to have too many
blessings. A promise to pay that is repudiated
is, in his eyes, as good as a promise meant to
be kept; if anything, is a little better. Tho
highest stretch of financial virtue is to issue
a thousand millions of national promissory
notes, and the true policy to sustain the
national credit is to make it impossible to
pay the debts we have already incurred. Mr.
Stevens' view of the country's future is like
that of the bankrupt spendthrift who com
placently congratulated himself on his hope
less insolvency, and besought admiration for
his enormous debts as the evidence that he
had once enjoyed unlimited credit.
The House did not seem very certain whose
lead it would follow. One-half hour it is half
conservative with Mr. Hooper; the next it
adopts Mr. Stevens' amendment for $100,000,
000 of legal-tender lies, by an even majority of
40. Then in a moment of dyspeptic remorse
it hesitates, and rejects the whole bill for the
sake of the second clause prohibiting the
paltry 4,000,000 of monthly contraction which
the law now permits. Soothing its conscience
by striking out tho repealing section, it finally
passes the bill, and the country waked up on
Thursday morning to find the greenbacks of
considerably multiplied in number and reduced
in value. (Sold on Thursday took a jump on the
rumor of this bill becoming a law, of '1 per cent.,
or thereabout, upwards, lithe policy of indefi
nite extension for which the insolvent North
west clamors is to be pursued steadily in Con
gress, we see no reason why this most volatile
of metals may not again reach the highest
point it touched during the war. If it does
not, no thanks to Mr. Stevens and his clients,
tho national banks.
The Ultimatum of Congress Progress of
the Great Hevolutluu.
From the Herald.
Senator Reverdy Johnson's support at the
eleventh hour of the Reconstruction bill of
Congress is a remarkable incident and a very
encouraging fact. Every principle of this bill,
from first to last, Senator Johnson has actively
resisted. He has been a leading advocate of
the President's views and measures of South
ern restoration, and from his great reputation
as a constitutional lawyer and a Southern con
servative, this Maryland Senator stands de
servedly high in the President's confidence.
When, therefore, on the decisive test in tho
Senate upon this radical Southern Reconstruc
tion bill, we find this prominent leader of the
opposition coming over to the Republican side,
v e may say not only that it is a very remark
able, but a very significant incident. His rea
sons for this step are certainly very suggestive.
He said that if "he could have his wish he
would immediately receive tho Southern
Representatives (elected under the President's
policy) into this Chamber;" but that, as mat
ters now stand, he felt bound to "acquiesce
with the majority in anything that held out a
hope, however faint, of accomplishing that
object;" that "ho would vote for the bill
because he saw in it a mode of rescuing the
country from tho perils that now threaten
it, and not because he approved it in any par
ticular." The good example of Senator Johnson, let
us hope, foreshadows the course of President
Johnson. Tho Senator sees that further resist
ance is useless; that the contest is decided; that
Congress has the case absolutely in its hands,
and is prepared to remove even the President,
should he persist in blocking its path. He also
sees that Southern intractables have put a
check upon Northern concessions, and that
sinco the defiant and contemptuous rejection
by all the excluded States of the pending Con
stitutional amendment, harsher terms may be
exacted by Congress with the full approval of
the North. It is the ancient Roman tradition
of the Sibylline leaves over again. The old
woman came first with her nine books of the
Roman destinies to Tarquin the Second and
offered them for three hundred pieces of gold.
He denied her, whereupon she burned three
of the books, and still asked her full price for
tho remaining six, and next for the remaining
three, when her lull price was paid. Senator
Johnson sees this, and sees, too, that the best
thing lor the Administration and the bouth is
to accept this bill, and under its provisions
get the excluded States back into Congress as
soon as possible. It would be a master-stroke
of patriotism and policy on the part of Presi
dent Johnson to take the hint from Senator
Johnson and fall in with the resistless current
of "manifest destiny" upon this Southern
question; for ho may thus place himself right
before Congress and the country, and still
make his administration a great success upon
the all-important money question.
Louis Napoleon's abandonment of his grand
Mexican idea points out the way of wisdom to
President Johnson. The imperial Mexican
programme was a far more dazzling game in
the outset than Mr. Johnson's Southern policy
in its best days; and in finally giving up his
projected American balance of naval and com
mercial power, Napoleon has made a much
greater sacrifice of pride and ambition to the
law of necessity than is required of Mr. John
son. It is only the going of Mahomet to the
mountain on finding that tho mountain will
not come to Mahomet. We would also im
press'these facts upon the ruling minds of the
Southern States that they no longer live in
the age before tho flood, when men existed
over nine hundred years, but that there has
been a deluge and a great revolution from the
old order of things; that the heresy oi State
sovereignty is defunct; and that with slavery
all civil and political disabilities on account of
race or color, "excepting Indians not taxed,"
have been or must be wiped out. Wo would
also advise the responsible leading men of the
dominant white race of the South that while,
as they stand, they are powerless to help them
selves or obtain help from abroad, the door
opened by Congress will usher them into a
new era of prosperity, wealth, and power.
It is curious to note how the accidents of the
war and the blunders of opposing politicians
have assisted in the work ot this great political
revolution. A decisive defeat of the Rebels at
the first Hull Run might have saved Southern
slavery in tho collapse of the Jeff. Davis Con
federacy. Had McClellan succeeded at Rich
mond there would most likely have been no
emancipation proclamation from President
Lincoln. Had Andrew Johnson, when called
to take his place, convened Congress for the
legislative work of Southern reconstruction
instead of undertaking it himself, the States
concerned would doubtless have been restored
upon a half-way compromise on negro suffrage.
Had those States followed the example tf Ten
nessee, they would be now in Congress on the
same terms.
Had the Democrats in the House voted for
this last bill as it came from the Senate, they
would have secured to the leading Rolicls tho
privilege now denied them, of assisting In re
building their respective Stater,. As our fail
ures in the war in defense of Rlavery brought
about the extirpation of slavery, so all our
failures in half-way plans of restoration have
worked out a full and decisive settlement en
the basis of civil and political equality.
All these facts should incline President
Johnson to follow the example of Senator
Johnson, especially as any further resistance
to Congress will be utterly futile and exceed
ingly dangerous to the Executive. The sooner
be recognizes the necessities of the case the
better it will bo for himself, his Administra
tion, the South, the North, the Treasury, and
the ceneral interests of the Union.
President Jobnsnn mmtl the Reconstruc
tion UUI.
From the Time.
The decision of tho President, whatever it
may Ik?, in regard to the Reconstruction bill,
will be chiefly important in its bearing upon
his own position, and upon the fortunes of the
South. The more than two-thirds vote by
which tho bill passed both branches of Con
gress places it beyond the reach oi me veto.
The most that can happen is temporary delay.
To veto the measure openly would simply be
to insure its enactment as law, irrespective o
the President's hostility. To retain it in the
Executive pocket, and so to smother it for the
session, would lie unequally unavailing; since
the ( ongress w Inch is to assemble on the 4th
of March w ould at once pass a similar law,
and might possibly augment its harshness and
stringency. For the sake of the South it is
desirable that the contingency 'v obviated,
w hich can only bo done by an abs ute settle
ment within the next few days. nd for the
sake of the President himself it is t ' be hoped
that he will meet the issue im, vdiately,
whether his final decision bo for c ' against
the bill.
The principles upon which reconstrii Won is
provided for, and the conditions to wh.Ji it is
subjected, differ so widely from those favored
by the President, that his concurrence can
scarcely be expected. Ho has not shown him
self an adept in tho art of conciliation, or a
very earnest seeker after compromise. The
question has reached a stage, however, in
which the reaffirmation of his antagonism to
Congress can avail neither himself nor tho
country. It is not necessary that ho recant
bis declared opinions or surrender his version
of constitutional right and duty. Ho may
adhere consistently to both, and yet find him
self at liberty to follow Mr. Rev dy Johnson
in his acceptance of tho ineviti.. 'e. 15y no
possibility can he gain aught by i .fusing to
acquiesce in the action of Congress. He may
intensify the feeling against himself, and may
perchance bring other burdens upon tho South,
but he can no more hope to give effect to his
own views or to induce Congress to abate the
exercise of its power. The unexpectedly large
majorities on Wednesday placed th ;se points
beyond dispute.
Nor should the President forget he probable
influence of his course upon tb , temper and
policy of the South. Do what b may, the bill
will go into effect. What he may say or do
may nevertheless influence the Southern people
for good or evil. They were misled by his
advice into tho rejection of the Constitutional
amendment a measure which, compared with
this Reconstruction bill, was mildness itself.
Again, they have exulted in his checks upon
military authority, and have been encouraged
by his language and acts to rely upon the in
tervention of the Supreme Court. Intentionally
or otherwise, therefore, lie has incurred a
responsibility from which he cannot escape,
and the remembrance of this fact should not
be without influence upon his treatment of the
present bill. It is now possible for hi-n to
encourace the expectation that his views shall
more or less aflect the administration of the
law in which case much sullen defiance may
be looked for in the South; or, on the other
hand, by an unreserved acknowledgment
of the power of Congress and the will
of the loyal people, he may at the
outset convince the South of the neces
sity of accepting the terms offered with
out more ado. To the South it is no longer a
question of choice. The "dignity" which ob
structed Governor Urr's path cannot save the
present Governments from tho operation of
negro suffrage and tho disability clause of the
Constitutional amendment. The "passive re
sistance" and "masterly inactivity" which
Southern Solons have inculcated as infallible
prophylactics, will neither frustrate the Driga
tliers and their commands nor save from dis
franchisement a large and influential class.
The provisions of tho bill will bo brought into
play, happen what may. Now Constitutions
will be provided, despite the. disfranchisement
and exclusion from the conventions of every
prominent Rebel. The only open aspects of
tho question refer to the spirit in which these
events shall be received and the disposition to
be shown in relation to them. It is in connec
tion with these points that the President should
lcel his responsibility. And it is in view of this
responsibility, rather than in consideration of
any other circumstance, that wo trust the Pre
sident will respect the action of Congress as a
settlement ot the reconstruction question, troni
w hich there is no appeal.
The Congressional Candidates In Con
necticut.
From Vie World.
The Congressional nominations on both
tickets in Connecticut have now lioen made,
and the campaign has commenced in earnest.
The nominees in tho districts are as fol
lows :
Democratic.
1. Richard 1). Hubbard. 1.
2. Julius llolchkiss. 2.
3. Karl Martin. '3,
1. Win. 11. liuruum. 4,
Itadieal.
Henry (,'. Doming.
Cyrus Northrop.
II. 11. Kturkweuther.
1'. T. liuruum.
The nomination of Richard D. Hubliard in
the First District is almost equivalent to an
election. Ho is one of the ablest lawyers and
one of the most popular men in the State. He
has been repeatedly urged to allow his name
to be used in nomination, and, until this year,
has steadily refused. During the .Rebellion
he was what is callod a "war Democrat,"
and the Republican party even claimed him;
but, at any race, bis record is a consistent
one, for he believed that the war was for "the
restoration of the Union," while his opponent,
Henry C. Doming, now a rabid radical, wrote
a letter in 18u'l denouncing the unwarranted
"invasion of States," ami expressing other and
similar sentiments w hich would have ' been
satisfactory to Jeff. Davis himself. Mr. Julius
Hotchkiss, the Democratic candidate in the
Second District, is an energetic and successful
business man, and the New Haven Journal awl
Courier (radical) says "his personal character
Is excellent." and "nersonal character coes H
great way in Connecticut. Mr. Earl Martin, of
Killlngly, and Mr. William H. Harnuni who
is tho candidate against Thtneas T. Harnuia in
the Fourth District are strong nominations
and will command full votes.
The only nomination on the other side
w hich is reully a strong one is that of Professor
Cyrus Northrop, of Vale College, who runs ou
ELPIII A, SATURDAY, FEBURARY 23, 1867.
the radical ticket in tho Second District. In '
the last Congressional election this district i
pave tlie radical nominee llf majority; but J
the year following, ontho vote for Governor, i
this largo -majority was wined out, and the t
Democrats carried the two counties composing
tho, district by 18S7 majority. The changes in
the other districts, in a single year, are suffi
ciently striking to suggest the possibility that
still more marked changes may occur this
year. The following is tlie vote at the Con
gressional election in lSOO:
Pad.
Ma.
iiVSo
IHxtrlrt. Unit. Drm.
iKt. lUitfnrrt unit Tolland.. .10.1119 80. M
Ml. rsew H aven and Aliddlu-
sex 11.2'lfl B.vm 1715
3d. New London and Wind
ham RSKrt 4311) 4217
4th. Fairfield and Lllchfleid.11.717 0112
The above table shows the maioritv over tho
Democratic candidates; in the First and Second
Districts there were 'U4 scattering votes, but
in the four districts there is a clear radical ma
jority of 11, is:!,
A year later, 18(i(i, tho votes
in these districts
follows;
for Governor were as
Iem,
Ma).
Fad.
Maj.
Distriets. Icm.
1st. Hartford and
Had.
Tolland 10,9
N. ilnveu and
Middlesex 13,723
IS. London and
Wlndhiim ti.751
11,0117
11,836
9.170
130
2d
3d
1887
2125
125
4tb.
Fairfield and
Litchfield 11,090
11,805
Tho majorities to be overcome in tho First
and Third Districts are so small that it will
not be surprising if the Democrats should
carry every district but the Fourth; and to
carry these districts and the whole State
ticket, requires a change of but one vote in
two hundred in toe State. When radical ma
jorities of more than eleven thousand are re
duced to five hundred and forty-one in a single
year, proper effort ought easily to reduce the
five hundred and forty-one to considerably
less than nothing.
Congressional Reconstruction.
From the A'an'on.
At the end of the session, Congress has un
dertaken in earnest the work of reorganizing
the Southern States; ' and both Houses have
passed bills designed to break up the Govern
ments organized by the President, and to sub
ject the Rebel States to military rule while
new Governments are being organized upon
the basis of universal suffrage. At the time
of our present writing, the two Houses have
failed to agree upon any precise measure; and
although there is no doubt that they will agree
upon something immediately, the bill will
now bo subject to the risk of a pocket veto.
We are not without hope, however, that Mr
Johnson will for once be w ise enough to resist
the temptation to commit this act of folly, and
will either sign or openly veto the bill.
We stated last week the reasons for our
approval of the main features of the bill pro
viding military government for the South.
The condition of society there is so thoroughly
unsound, and the tonus ot law are so syste
matically perverted into oppression, and so
unblushingly overridden when perversion is
too troublesome a process, that it is a mockery
to refer any loyal man to an average Southern
court for justice. Tho existing Governments
of the Southern States were founded by mili
tary power, exercised in a totally unconstitu
tional manner by tho President, who usurped
to himself tho w hole authority of tho Legis
lature, and used powers conferred only tor
the purposes of war to establish institutions
designed to bo perpetual through times of
peace. Delay has so strengthened these
usurpations that they can be set aside only by
a vigorous exercise ot the same military power
which set them up.
To effect this is the purpose of the "Military
bill," as it is commonly called; and with this
purpose we heartily sympathize. On account
ot their oligm in executive usurpation, their
total exclusion ot the colored people, and
their practical exclusion of all loyal white
nan, w e are opposed to any kind of recogni
tion of tho de. fat to governments at the South.
We lielieve that the wickedness of their course
thus far, atrocious as it has been in Texas,
Mississippi, Louisiana, and elsewhere, is a
mere trifle compared with what it would
have been if Mr. Johnson's policy had -been
adopted by Congress; and we are unwilling
that the work of reorganization should bo in
any degree entrusted to men who have shown
such malignity and bigotry as the majority of
Southern officials.
But we have felt anxious that it should
appear not merely by speeches in Congress,
but by the text of the law itself, that a measure
so stringent, and in form so anti-republican, is
purely transitionary in its nature, and intended
to pave the way with all possible speed to a
reorganization of tho States upon a democratic
basis. Accordingly, in our judgment, the
amendment oll'ered by Mr. Hlaiuein the House,
and substantially adopted by the Senate,
greatly improved the bill. Nor do wo suppose
that this amendment would have excited any
opposition but for its indiscriminate admission
of disloyal men to the right of suffrage. This
is a point of no small difficulty, since without
such an administration of the law as cannot be
hoped for while Mr. Johnson remains in office,
it is vain to suppose that the loyal voters of
the South will have a fair chance at tho polls.
Their enemies are, at least, nearly as nume
rous, thoroughly organized, trained to political
action, in possession of all tho wealth of their
States, and unscrupulous as to the means of
victory. We believe that all these advantages
will fail them in the long run, if they persist
in maintaining unjust laws, and administering
them as they now do. Hut we cannot wonder
that Southern radicals, liKo Messrs. btokes
and Arnell, should be unwilling to adopt any
system of government w hich puts their necks
in present peril, no matter how confident they
may be that it will work beneficially for their
posterity.
Mr. Eliot's bill for the reconstruction of
Louisiana is much harsher in its operation
upon Rebels and Relel sympathizers than tho
amendment to the Military bill, since it re
qiiires all voters to take tho test-oath. This
of course puts tho government of the State
exclusively into tho hands of those w ho havo
always leen loyal, three-fourths of whom are
colored people. This is too severe a rule not
to bo highly injurious if permanently main
tained; and the probability is that when once
established it would bo kept up too long, and
finally be broken down by wholesale perjury,
as in Maryland, or nullified by the rising up
of a new generation able to take any oath as
to their freedom from nets of disloyalty, and
yet embittered by the exclusion of their
parents and lricnds. Months ago we urged
that no pian f '"ere exclusion would avail to
deprive Rebels of power, and that the remedy
should le sought in the opposite direction.
We are still of that opinion, which has re
ceived strong confirmation from tho total
failure of the exclusive system in Maryland
and Kentucky, and the acknowledged certainty
of its failure in Tennessee, where it has owed
all its limited success to the intense zeal if
Governor lhowulow.
No plan can 1k devised by hivrnftn wisdom
for the orennization of States having Mich dis-
rordant elements as those existing at the South
which will not be defective in its working. It
is easy to say that a system which operates
harshly upon Rebels should be preferred to one
which fails to do entire justice to the loyal; but
It must be remembered that the whole com
munity will be injured by the undue depres
sion of any of its parts, and that the loyal will
gain no real advantage by an unfair monopoly
of political power. The best solution that
occurs to us is a middle path, by which the
Government should be securod to the loyal
citizens for the first year or two, but afterwards
left to the operation of universal suffrage.
liven this restriction would not be favored by
us if we believed that Mr. Johnson would use
the military ower to organize and thoroughly
protect the Southern loyalists; for every re
striction gives rise to a bitterness or feeling
which breeds trouble for years after its cause
is removed. Hut with such a President as we
have, the country must 1 content to stumblo
along, as it best may, over the difficulties of
its path. If Mr. Johnson will execute the law,
however grudgingly, he is not likely to be im
peached. If he refuses to do so, the questions
ot reconstruction will be speedily simplified by
his removal from orace.
In looking back uion tho past, it is im
possible not to be impressed with a deep sense
of providential guidance in tho various con
flicts w hich have brought the American people
to such comparative unanimity in favor of jus
tice towards the colored race. Every diffi
culty thrown in the way has but increased
the popular determination to establish equal
rights, bix years ago tho iNortii would have
rejoiced to accept any mild restrictions
upon flie spread of slavery as a final settle
ment. Four years ago it would hare accepted
peace upon the basis of gradual emancipation.
Two years ago it would have been content
with emancipation and equal civil rights for
tho colored people with the right of suffrage.
One year ago a slight extension of tlrc suffrage
would have satisfied it. All these demands
were in their turn blindly resisted, in a man
ner that reminds us of the vision of tho old
prophet, who saw "an evil spirit from the
Lord" go forth to deceive the wicked King of
Israel into his merited ruin.
Now the nation has been brought up to the
demand of absolute justice nothing less, and
nothing more. No confiscations, no oppres
sions are sought to be imposed by the major
ity ot the Republicans in Congress; nut on
eoual justice they unanimously insist. Again
the short-sighted folly of tho Democratic party
interposes to defeat this measure, more liberal
than conquered people ever knew. Again the
demand rises higher, and the amendment
offered by Mr. Wilson, of Iowa, excluding a
large class of Rebels from the ballot-box, is
almost certain to prevail. Here we would
gladly stop. We desire nothing in the way of
punishment to be imposed upon the masses of
the Southern people. Put it may be tho
Divine decreo that they shall not be saved
the madness of themselves and their friends;
and that they shall be placed under the yoke
which they have done everything to invite.
If Mr. Johnson kills the measure of recon
struction now to be submitted to him, by
depriving Congress of an opportunity to repass
it over Ids veto, the doom of the South is
written. A sterner law will soon be passed
over his head, and the sullen population ex
cluded from the privilege of self-government
may thank their Northern allies, and their
own obstinacy, for a result which we depre
cate, and which the strongest anti-slavery men
never desired.
Reconstruction In Congress.
From the Independent.
The Reconstruction Committee reported a
bill last week providing for the division of the
Rebel States into districts, and the appoint
ment of officers not below the rank of Briga
dier-General to rule those districts, who are
clothed with large powers for the maintenance
of order therein until civil government shall
be fully established. This bill passed the
House by a large majority. It was a purely
military measure. On Sunday morning the
Senate passed the bill, but with a vitally im
portant additional section, which radically
changes its character, by providing for the
ultimate reconstruction of the States on a civil
basis. Whether the bill as amended can pass
the House remains to bo seen. Or, if it does
pass, w hether it w4'l be by a majority sufficient
to override the veto will be doubtful. Or,
w hether the President will veto it is, strange
to say, uncertain. We presume this com
bined military and civil measure will be
treated as a substitute for the two bills of the
New Orleans and the Reconstruction Com
mittees, which simultaneously passed the
House last week. As we write, the whole
subject of reconstruction is passing the ordeal
of Congressional action.
Though a long stride in the right direction,
the measure, as it passed the Senate, is not all
that could be desired. It secures the right of
the freedmen to the elective franchise only
while the Rebel States are in a fjuuni territorial
condition. The friends of tho negro will never
rest satisfied with any scheme that does not,
place that right beyond contingency. They'
demand that it be incorporated into the Fede
ral Constitution. The bill vests the appoint
ment of tho commanding generals of the dis
tricts solely with the President. There have
been ominous outgivings that Mr. Johnson,
alainied at the cry for "impeachment" and the
near approach of the Fortieth Congress, is try
ing to make terms with the radicals by "meet
ing them half way." We warn our friends to
beware of the baffled demagogue of Ten
nessee. Not insisting lu re that his repeated
treachery to those who elevated him to office
stamps him as utterly untrustworthy, wo do
say that the official who would go backward
from his word as Andrew Johnson did from his
pledge to Senator Trumbull respecting the
Freedmeii's Bureau bill is a "shyster," whose
word no prudent man should for a moment
trust. George 111 once deceived his minister,
the elder Pitt. Under a severe pressure, the
King went backward from his royal, word.
Never afterwards did Pitt trust hiin; and,
knowing this, whenever he fixed his eye upon
him, his Majesty recoiled before its eagle
glance. The historic incident does not quite
meet tho case; for we have no Pitts in Con
gress, and George III was a gentleman, never
deserted his friends, and very raidy lied. But,
if such leaders as we happen to have will fol
low tho example of the great Commoner, they
w ill not go far astray.
The Republican party is in a perilous posi
tion in regard to tho subject of reconstruction.
Let it take heed lest it wreck it .upon the
shoals of presidential aspirants, or sacrifice it
to the rivalries and jealousies of Congressional
leaders. The recent course of certain radicals
in the House gives ground for the suspicion
that they are either currying favor with the
President to got some office, or are unwilling
that any plan should succeed unless it ema
nates from their minds. The people have their
eyes upon these troublesome gentlemen, and
v ill sink the brand of disapprobation iutoheir
foreheads as soon as they perceive that they
are impelled by ambition or personal piques,
rather than inspired by principle and a broad
patriotism. We assure the leaders of tho out
going and tho incoming Congress that th
country expects them to adopt a policy, and
prove themselvescompetont to carry it into
Miocessful operation. Robert Walpole guided
the affairs of England with unparalleled skill
for a quarter of a century. Yet he was the
most corrupt -minister that ever lived. Hut
when his hand relaxed, and he became feeble
as well as corrupt, the people of England drova
him from the helm, and summoned " the pilot
that weathered the storm." Let us remind
Congress that evidence tending to show inca
pacity to govern a country is far more da
maging to a political party that positive proof
that it has plundered it. We entreat our
friends of the XXXIXth and the XLth Con
gress to cease their bickerings, adopt a wis
policy, and enforce it promptly and vigorously,
that the country may by and by havo rest.
A.
r
Sold by all droeRlats at 1 per bottle.
riUM'IPAI. LKPOT. KROMER'S.
No. 4U3CUKbMJT Street, PbilaUelpUU, Pa,
CITY ORDINANCES.
COMMON COUNCIL OK PHILADELPHIA..
CL.KKK'8 OKFICK,
riiil.APKLi'iiiA. February 22, 1807.
In pursuance of the annexed Resolution, Uio
following bill, entitled
"AN OKDINANCB
Creating a Loan to pay certain deficiencies, for
the l'uri liuse of the uinsaowne r.Mtaie. auu lor
other purposes," Is hereby published In accord
ance witu me act. oi Asscmoiy, ior puouoin.
formation.
JOHN ECKSTEIN,
Clerk of Common Council.
AN ORDINANCE CREATING A I.OAN TO PAY CER
TAIN DEFICIENCIES, FOR THE PURCHASE Or
. THK LANSDOWNK ESTATE, AND FOH OTUBK
l'URPOSKS.
(Section 1. The Select and Common Councils
of the City of Philadelphia do ordain, That tha
Mayor ot Philadelphia be and be la hereby
authorized to borrow, at not lexa than par, on
the credit of the city, from time to time, ona
million eight hundred thousand dollars, to ba
applied as lollows, viz.: First. To pay deflolen
clfB, one million five hundred thousand dollars.
Second. For the purchase of the Lansdowna
Ksta'e. and improvement of the same, ona
hundred tbousund dollars. Third. For a
House of Correction, one hundred thou
sand dollars. Fourth. To pay the Increase la
the (school Teachers' and House Cleauers'
salaries, one hundred thousand dollars for
which interest, not to exceed the rate or six per
ceut. per annum, shall be paid half yearly, on
the first days of January and July, at the offloa
of the City Treasurer. The principal of said loan
shall be payable and paid at the expiration of
thirty years from the date of the same, and not
before, without the consent of the holders
thereof; and t he certificate therefor.ln the usual
form ot the cerliMcuten of City Loan, shall ba
issued In sucli amounts as tlie lenders may re
quire, but not tor any IracMonal part of ona
hundred dollars, or, if required, In amounts of
live hundred or one thousand dollars; and it
shall be expressed in said certificates that tha
loan therein mentioned, and the interest thereof
are payable free from all taxes.
rtciiou 2. Whenever any loan shall be mada
by ii tue thereof, there shall be, by foroe of thin
orcinunce, annually appropriated out of the
inct.me of the corporate entules, and from the
sum raised by taxation, a sum sufficient to
pay tlie interest on said certiticates; aud the
lurlher sum of three-tenths of one per Centura
on l he par value of such certiticates so issus4
shall be appropriated quarterly out of said la
come and taxes to a sinking fund; which fund
nud its accumulations are hereby especially
pledged for the redemption aud payment of
said certiticates.
RESOLUTION TO PUBLISH A LOAN HILL.
ReMdved, That tho t lerk bo authorized to
publish, in two daily newspapers of this city,
daiy, lor four weeks, the Ordinance presented
to the Common Council on Thursday, February
21, lMJ7,entitled "An Ordinance Creating a Loan
to pay certain deficiencies, for the purchase of
the Lansdowne Estate, and for oi her purposes."
Aud the said Clerk, at the stated meetlmc of
Councils alter the expiration of four weeks
from the first day of said publication, shall pre
svm to this Council one of each of said news
papers for every day In which the same shall
have been niHde. 2 23 24t '
LEGAL NOTICES.
IN THE ORPHANS' CuORT FOR THE CITY
L AM COUNTY OK PHILADELPHIA.
i-Btnleol WILLIAM W.HM1TH, Deceased.
1 .u Auditor upiioliin-u by the Court to uuiiit, Brittle.
Slid billul tlie uccuuul OI 8AP10 KEWtlJj. Kiorll
lor ol thuliisl will anil tastamtml of WILLIAM. W.
bMl'lH.uuceaseil, uud to report tllstrlliiulou of tlie
bulai ce lu Hie lianas ot the accountant, will meet tlie
parlies interested lor tlie uurnone ol Ills appointment,
ou MONDAY, the 4ih day ot .March, 1WI7. at 4 o'clock
1'. 11. , at liiB olllce, No. 02 WALNUT Street, In the
city of Philadelphia. AiViOsJ J. KKLLY,
Z A llmiu'' Auditor.
Tj STATE OF ANN NORTH, DECEASED.
Letter) testamentary having been granted to tha
uuderslfcned. ail persons Indebted to tlie said estate are
requested to uiske psyintnt, and those bavins" claims,
to present them to
0. 625 N rt'xi'fl street!
Or to the Attorney,
UOKKBT V. OOXB.
No ft'iH H A1JUI Street.
Philadelphia. January 18. In7. 1 li6t
QEORCE PLOWMAN,
CARPENTER AND BUILDER
No. S3S CABTEB STREET,
A nd No. Ill DOCK Street.
Machine Wotk aa4 MlUwrlguilug prompUj ai
tended to. H
t.,. '
fCHEAPEST' f
HATS lV
B Sixth stNwSS jj
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