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3SEW YOBK PEESS.
EDITORIAL OriMOKS OF THE LEADING
JOURNALS UPON CURKINI TOPICS, i
COM PI HP KVFBY DAT KOK EVENING TKLrOFAPH
The Ful nrc of the South.
From the Herald.
We hear from all parts of the South that ill
telligent and observing people there arp
becoming seriously alarmed about the politieal
future ot the Southern States. They regard
the present political situation as pregnant
with danger to Southern interests, and argue
that the utmost care and moderation should
mark the course of their friends in the North,
or the South will be involved in Irretrievable
ruin. The men who take this view of things
arc not the skulks and cowards who in the
crHsh of battle either lied inglonously from
the field or remained in security atar from
scenes ot peril; but thpy are those who fought
to the last lor what tney conscientiously
believed to be their rights, and, when they
tailed, .yielded like men ot honor and candor
to the stipulations oi their victors. These are
the men who are willing to submit to any
reasonaole sacrifice to be restored aerain to the
enibiace of the Union: and no line ot policy
should be pursued by the trends ot the South
calculated to inspire them with hopes of better
terms of restoration ttian have been presented
by Coueresi in tne pending Constitutional
amenuiiiedt. All such hopes will, we feel safe
in predicting, prove delusive and fallacious.
They may be beautiful to the eye, but will bo
lound ashes to the taste. On the otucr hand, It
is barbarous lor toe niajoitty, or tnat portion of
them represented by the 'radical, to impose
unjust and merciless terms upon the South as a
prerequisite lor restoration. But it fortunately
.happens that neitherot these extremes expresses
the views ol the Northern people on ihe subject.
Neither the Copperheads, on the one hand, who
advise the South to hold off in expectation of
coming in upon its own terms, uor the radicals,
who would keep the South out until it accepts
the most abect terms of submission, represent
the true sentiment ot the people of tne North.
By taking the advice ol tne lormer in 1800,
when the South might have chosen its own
basis ot anjustment, tne futnl arbitration of the
sword was selected, and in the contest the South
lost. It will lose still more it it listens to the
syren voice ot the Coppei heads iu 18tiG, who
lave not the good sense and sagacity to counsel
the South properly, if they nad the power,
which they have not, to help it in its extremity.
On the question ot the Constitutional amend-1
ineni the Copperheads and radicals aoiree, Out
from ditlerent motivps one that it requires too
much, and the other -that it demands too little.
It was passed by Concrcfs, not by radical or
Copperhead votes, but in spite of tliem. It was
adopted as a middle and moderate course by
the conservatives, as asking not too much,
under the circumstances', for the South to ac
cept, nor too little tor the North to grant.
How unfortunate la it, then, for the interests
of the whole country, that Congress and the Pre
sident have got into a quarrel on the question,
The temper shown on both sides has not com
ported with the dnmity that should attach to
these co-ordinate branches of the Government,
and the sooner the breach is healed and the
legislative and execut i ve functions of the Govern
ment are made to worK harmoniously together,
the better lor the prosperity of the nation at
home and its standing and influence among
foieign powers.
Now in this crisis of the South is the moment
for President Johnson to stamp himself as one
of the wisest statesmen of the age. Let him
relax the rigidity of his views on the question
of restoration, accept the Constitutional amend
ment, which eoiDraces propositions no has him
self at one time and another recommended as a
basis for adjustment, and advise by proclama
tion the Southern State to convene their Legis
latures and ratity the amendment without delay.
This he can do gracefully at this time. If he
hesitates or procrastinates the fitting moment
may be forever lost, and the future of the South
be one saddening to reflect upon. Now is the
opportunity for "President Johnson to make a
great man of himself. He has the shaping of
the future of th3 South iu his hands.
He can do this now without menace or coer
cion. If he waits until the approaching elec
tions are over he may be so overwhelmed by
Republican victories that he cannot, with any
degree ol grace, modify a policy which he may
be ultimately compelled to abandon. The Presi
dent can do nothing lor the South while he
wages war aeainst a Republican Congress, sup
ported by vast Republican majorities. This the
Southerners know, and hence is he urged by the
most intelligent among them to so shape his
policy that the South will be saved from those
dangers in the future which an obstinate adhe
rence to that policy as at present trained is
almost bure to entail.
Affairs at the Gulf.
From the Tribune.
Our special telegram from New Orleans, printed
yesterday, gives a remarkable sequel to
the official revelations contained In the report
of General Sheridan's Military Commission. A
year ago, General Sheridan obtained knowledge
of the existence of secret societies in his Depart
ment, and disbanded several associations of
Confederate soldiers. More recent developments
have added to the stock of information in pos
session of the military, and we again hear of an
extensive secret society, not in Louisiana alone,
but in other parts of the South, and even in
New York. What 1b the cause of General Sherl
dan's concentration ot troops we shall not strive
to conjecture; Dut tne late massacre in jxew
Orleans, and the turbulent and implacable
smrit of which the events in Texas are indica
tions, maybe good reasons lor the strongest
ana nuest measures wnicn uenerai rnenaau
Colonel Mason, the commander of the soldiers
Charged with the burning of Brenham, declares
his belief that the citizens were tne aggressors,
and that the town was fired by them. General
yheridau has instructed Brevet Major Smith
not to permit himself to be arrested Dy any
civil autboritv. and a despatch to the Associated
FressJ probably from an ex-Rebel correspond
ent) states that this officer has proclaimed
martial law and ordered the disarming of the
citizens, a story whose perefect truth we have
some reason to aouot. in a icuer 10 uovernor
Throckmorton, General Sheridan explains his
great anxiety to have peace, but doubts "if much
justice can be done in a community ihat com
pels our own men to remain inside the defenses
thrown around their camps." We have this
from General Sheridan, who is too good an
officer to deal in exaggerations. The crimes ot
the Rebellion, whose infamy Memphis and New
Orleans have not suffered to sleep, will not per
mit us to doubt the latest news from the Gulf.
The Constitutional Amendment In the'
North.
From the Times.
The threats of the radicals are a fruitful source
of controversy. The terriblo things which ora
torical zealots declare to be in reserve for the
South if it refuse to do their bidding, are dwelt
upon as Indications of a settled purpose In the
mind of the Republican party. The dissatisfac
tion expressed In relation to the pending Consti
tutional amendment, because it makes no pro
vision for negro suffrage, is held to be proof of
a general determination to insist upon that
measure as a condition precedent of the adrais
ion of Southern Representatives. It must be
onfessed that the absence of everything re
etubling a guarantee that the South shall be
admitted if it ratify the amendment, leaves
Kroumls of doubt which ought not to be suffered
to continue.-
. Common fairness requires that a request to
Wily shall be accompanied with a pledge that
THE DAILY flyENINfl ; TELEGRATH.PHILDELPlILi; , SATURDAY,- i
the 1 net Of ratification shall remove all l.in
drances to restoration save those which may
ariso from individual inability to take the pre
scribed oath. In thealense of this pledge nil
knowledge upon the Subject Is inferential. The
admission 01 Tennessee, and the failure of at
tempts io give lorm and expression ro the more
vioieni crochets of the extremists, allord prima
facie evidence of a willingness to consider the
adoption of the amendment the sign of a State's
fitness for recognition. And this is all. For
aught dob me we have no assurance beyond the
general fact that Congress Jound no other basis
of asreeraent than an amendment which in
it elf is singularly free irom harshness or in
justice, j
Further evidence In the same direction may
be gathered Irom the resolves of the Convent
tious and the prevalent tone of speeches upon
thes'.ump. As at Syiacuse. the representative
organizations of the Republican party have
eschewed the ultra views of Mr. Tbnddeus Ste
vens, and with scarcely an exception have left
Mr. Wendell Phillips' in the cold. Neither In
this State, nor In Pennsylvania, nor in Ohio,
nor in Indiana, nor in Illinois, has ne?ro suf
frage been generully presented as an aiticleof
the pnrty taith. On the contrary, In each or
these States the Constitutional amendment has
been approved as an official embodiment of
terms presented by the victorious North to the
defeated South. True, there are speakers who
go much beyond the party platforms. There
are some who, as a matter' of princlole, affirm
their adhesion to measures not accepted by the
party; nnd there are many who Imitate the'follv
of Forney, the blackguardism and blasohemv
of Brown low, and the wickedness of those wno
preach the doctrine of slaughter and theft.
But, as a rule, the candidates eschew these ex
travagances, and plant themselves upon the
amendment as the measure with which they
win lie conieni.
Take General Lonnn. now hard at work In
Illinois, ns nn exemplification of this fact. For
three or tour months past he has been classed
among the radicals, and unquestionably some
of his utterances have been seasoned hotly
enough to satisfy the most radical stomach. In
one ot his latest and most elaborate speeches,
however, as reported in a Chicago journsl of
Monday lnl, he plants himself upon the amend
ment, ana in pan rests ins justification of it
upon its acknowledgment of State rights in the
matter of suffrage. His words are unmistakable.
"1 am in favor of the nrineinles of that Consti
tutional amendment, and that leaves the States
entirely tree to arrange the matter for them
selves." And nearly his entire argument is
tinped with the same comparative moderation:
not making it exactly as we would have it, but
affording a wholesome contrast to the talk of
the missionaries of incendiarism at present In
the West.
The South will do well to bear these signs of
the times in remembrance when the proposed
amendment comes up for review. It will commit
u grievous mistake it itimasinos that theamend-
ment is not sustained by the North as temperate,
reasonaiiie, and lust. Aua it will do grievous
wrong to the neoDle of the North if it bo mUled
bv partisan clamor, and confound their demand
lor tue amendment with the reckless assump
tions of itinerant agitators.
The Terms of Ktioust ruction.
From the Nation.
Quite an animated controversy has sprung up
on the question whether the faith of the Re
publican party is pledged to restore the Southern
States to their former privileges, in case they
adopt the Constitutional amendment. The
question was hardly thought worth arguing by
the so-called conservative press until very re
cently; but it now bids fair to become the most
important question of the day. There is no
longer any doubt that the terms of reconstruc
tion will be dictated by the Republican party,
and that Mr. Johnson is henceforth a mere
cipher, if, indeed, his value to his allies is not
better represented by a negative quantity not
merely adding nothing, but actually diminish
ing their strength. The rats who were tempted
by the prospect of office to desert what they
supposed to be a sinking ship are rushing back
in droves with ludicrous panic. No politician
doubts the result outside the State of New
York, and scarcely any sensible Johnson man
pretends to believe that this State will resist the
general current.
under tnese circumstances it is a matter of
the highest importance to know what is the
policy of the.triumphnat party ; for if it is pledged
to admit tne southern btaies upon tncir adop
tion ot the new amendment, it is quite possible,
not to say proouuie, mui iuue flutes win yieia.
Indeed, if Air. Johnson should advise them to
do so, thcie can be little doubt that they would
prompt ly comply ; and thus reconstruction would
be close at hand. Mr. Johnson's notorious
obstinacy may prevent this result from taking
place; but he will have had a terrible lesson
before Congress meets again, and may be wiser
than he Is now.
On the one hand the New York State Conven
tion and the National Committee- have pledged
the party to receive any State adopting the
amendment. On the other hand, several dis
tinguished Congressmen have declared their
intention to Insist upon more stringent terms.
Tho Reconstruction Committee reported
a bill guaranteeing admission to the Rebel
States upon the final adoption of the amend
ment; but this bill was lost in the House, every
Democratic member voting against it, together
with all the very conservative and very radical
Republicans.
It thus appears that there is no authoritative
pledge for the admission of anv State upon its
adoption of the Constitutional" amendment; yet
it is not difficult to see that the Republican
party is substantially committed to a certain
policy in respect to this matter, and that the
South has now, as it has often had before, an
opportunity to choose its own destiny. If
enough Southern States ratify the amendment
before next January to make its final passage
secure, and do this in a spirit manifesting good
faith, we believe that they will certainly be re
stored to their places in Congress. We believe
that the same result would probably attend
such a ratification at any time before next Feb
ruary ; but it the South should remain obstinate
up to that time, we judge that its subsequent
Bubmlssiou would not avail it. Certainly we
should hold Congress to be abundantly justitied
in refusing to wait alter the month ot January
for the action of the South.
Our reasons for this belief are easily stated.
The Republican party is generally fighting its
Dames upon tne uhbip ui mc nuitiiuuiuui, nun
on the assumption that it contains the terms of
reconstructio'n. Certainly no State Convention
and no national committee have authority to
bind the whole party to any particular course
of action; but as a matter ot fact a sufficient
number of candidates for Congress are commit
ting themselves to this policy to make it certain
that it will be carried out, if the South is shrewd
enough to present the question in a practical
lorm. We do not see how the majority of Con
gress can well refuse to admit any ot Mr. John
son's States upon the adoption of the amend
ment by the requisite number of States, in
cluding, of couise, the particular State asking
for admission.
But when it is broadly asserted, as it is by
some journals which affect a peculiar know
ledge of the popular will (though they have
shown in the past an ignorance of it almost lu
dicrous, considering their pretensions!, that the
party is pieugeu unconditionally to the admis
sion of every State ratifying the amendment, we
deny It. Congress is under no obligation what
ever to admit any Rebel State until the ratidca
tion ot the ameudment is secure. , It may waive
this condition, as it did tn favor of Tennessee,
but it is in no way bound to do so In favor of
South Carolina. This, however, is unlikely to
be a practical question. The amendment will
probably be ratiaed either by all the revolted
States or by none, except possibly North Caro
lina. The more important question is, How long is
Congress bound to keep the oiler of admission
open upon these terms? Iu order to determine
tins, it is necessary to consider all the circum
stances. Cleurly there is no sort of obligation
resting upon Cont ress to keep Its offer open for
nn indefinite period. It has tho same right to
retract its propositions before their acceptance
upon the other side which any private person
has In an ordinary business transaction. We
suppose that the oftcr of Congress ought to be
left open until the Southern legislatures (ad
those Illegal and 'Unlawful assemblies" are
by courtesy called ) have had an opportunity to
accept it. South Carolina and Texas have had
this ipportunity, but have thrown it away.
Most of the other Southern legislatures will not
meet until January. It seems, therefore, fair that
('ongiess should allow them until the middle of
that mouth' to decide upon their course. Iv
cannot well allow a lonuer term without con
senting to a full year's delay, since . the term of
Congress itsell expires on the 4th of Alarcn
next, and it will have only six weeks from the
middle of January in which to frame and carry
out a new policy. The South will have had six
months in which to make up its mind, and may
justly be held to its decision.
We have thus gone through with all the de
tails of the policy to which we believe Congress
to be committed. It remains to be asked what
Congress ought to do in certain contingencies as
to which it is not committed. It has contracted
no undertaking, express or implied, with any
State which refuses to accept the amendment.
And we think that It will be the imperative duty
of Congress to reorganize every revolted State
which thus holds out after the 16th or 20th of
J anuary, by means of a State convention to be
elected by all the loyal people of each State,
without the slightest regard to f he uncoustiiu
tion usurpations set up by Mr. Johnson. It is
at best a highly dangerous precedent to recog
nize governments set up and maintained by
militury pow r and executive dictation.
That which Mr. Johnson lias done to please
the white people of the South, may at some
future day be imi'ated by another President to
please black people, or without regard to the
wishes ol any part ol the people. But if from
considerations of temporary expediency, it Is
thought necessary to sanction the usurpations
of the President, it is certain that such a sanc
tion should not be given in so vague a form as
to imply that his action was inherently right
and lawful. And such an inference might fairly
be drawn from any action of Congress whirdi
should leave the Southern States free to come in
ar any time with tne lorm of government
adopted by tbcm under Mr. Johnson's dictation,
and by voters of his selection.
Moreover, it-is perfectly true, as Mr. Beecher
urges, that the work of reconstruction ought to
be completed at an early day, and that the
nation as a whole suffers by delay. This does
not prove, as he imagines, that the work had
better be completed anyhow thau that any
delay should be sutfe red. A certain measure of
time Is Indispensable in every great achieve
ment; and cxeessive haste would be ruinous in
so great a task as this. But an indefinite post
ponement of reconstruction is full of danger.
Congress has given the Rebels of the South an
option to assume the responsibility of govern
ment if they will; but it has no right to keep
tho whole nation waiting for them. If the
Rebels will not act wih Congress, the latter is
not merely at liberty, but is morally bound, U
appeal to the loyalists of the South, and to give
them the power to institute and carry on repub
lican forms of government in harmony with the
Federal authority.
Pennsylvania Next Tuesday.
From Vie World.
Can the State called "Keystone" belostled
from its place in the Union arch next Taeoday,
or will it stand firm against all the assaults of
the red-handed rauicals 'that is the question
now engaging every thinking mind. At times
we have feared for the result malign influences
in that State are so numerous and so potent; but
it is impossible to resist the evidence which
reaches us from our ftlends m every portion of
the State that the best results may be hoped
Irom their tireless energy and their thorough
organization, and from the harmony which pre
vails among all patriotic Union men in Penn
vania. The presence ot the great National Union Con
vention in the capital of that State was, of
itself, an influence worth many votes to the
Union cause. The people of that metropolis
saw and heard lor themselves, and those of the
State heard by immediate report, the truth
rcgardingthe disposition of the Southern people
and of the duty of the people of the North to
themselves and to the supreme law once framed
in Philadelphia, which organized us into a
repiesentative government.
The ToTch-and-Turnentiue Convention which
afterwards met in Philadelphia, and the But
ler and Banks breed of Soldiers' Convention
which caricatured the great Cleveland Conven
tion ot the fighting soldiers of the war, were
two influences which made ns votes by tho hun
died and the thousand. It is not in the hearts
of the masses of the Northern people to "send
three armies southwardly; one to kill, one to
apply torch and turpentiue, one to parcel out
the confiscated lands." The ravening fury of
Brownlow and his confreres shocked and shook
off many a Republican whom it was meant to
inflame with a new and .more fiery zeal in the
radical service.
Finally, the negro-suffrage issue has been
squarely set before the people of Pennsylvania
by both sides, lleister Clymer has declared
himself against the Federal Government's im
rosmg suffrage laws upon any State, much less
in the interest of the ienorant and incompetent
Southern blacks; while General Geary, who is
running against him, has declared himself in
favor of that course, and avowed his desire for
negro suffrage. Thaddeus Stevens frankly and
defiantly has declared for negro sutfioire, and
John Hickman has avowed his wish for negro
suffrage and negro social equality. The people
of Pennsylvania would not vote for "negro
political and social equality" in their own State
they will hardly vote to make the Federal
Government impose it upon the people of the
Sonthern States, whose negroes are more nume
rous, more ignorant, and utterly incompetent to
discharge the political do ties of freemen.
These causes, a thorough canvass and organi
zation of the State, great energy and ability in
the Pennsylvania Democratic press, and a con
sciousness of the splendid reinforcement and the
fresh courage which victory in Pennsylvania
next Tuesday would give to the friends of the
Union in New York and the other States which
vote in November, have inspired the noble
Democracy of the Keystone State with the ardor
which desires and the zeal which achieves a dis
astrous rout to the disunionists on the first field
of battle.
PRESIDENT JOHNSON.
The Proposed Plan for Impeachment
tm Have Supreme Power, Etc.
From the Independent, October 4.
Impeachment is resorted to so rarely in our Gov
ernment, that we have thought proper to discuss
some of the points connected with it, which may
not be familiar to our readers.
In providing tor the trial and punishment of de
linquent publio officers, the Constitution of the
United btates has borrowed from England the pecu
liar process of legislative impeachment. - The liouse
of Representatives has the sole power ot impeach
ment, and the Senate the role right to try impeach
menti. No forms or methods of proceeding are
prescribed by the Constitution, because the proce
dure is quite aside Irom ordinary judicial process,
and must vary to meet the necessity of each ease.
As the great eeldou says i "These case are to be
riled by the law of raniumont, and not by the
common or civil law." The language of the Con
stitution is t "The President, Vice-President, and
all eivil o ulcers of the United (sutps shall be re
niovey irom office on impeachment for and convic
tions ot treason, bribery, or other Uigh crimes and
timdenieanors."
The liouse has been called, in this connection,
the giand inquest ot the nation, which it Is in a par
llanieutnry way, not bound by the usages of courts,
but making lis own precedents, wherever justice and
the publio pood require new methods The House
has been likened to a grand jury, which It Is in re
gard to the presentation of charges, but it is also
the publio prosecutor In the mauaiimnont of the
trial It Is not bound by any such rule as If its de
termination to impeach was ol the uature ot a jaclg.
munt after trial ; because, as Littleton saith, "This
is not a liouse for definite juduuieut, but lor iufoi
nation, denunciation, or presentment ;" and titer,
fore it is settled that "common taiu" Is sufficient
ground for ordoriug au inquiry, which may lead to
, uineachinent.
In Judge Samuel Tbase'k case, 1804-8, the state
ment by Mr. Kandolph that he was convinced of
the exlHtcnce of grounds ot impeachment led to the
appointment of a committee ol luquiry. The flint
committee was directed "to inquire into the official
conauct of hairnet Chase, one ot the awooiate
justices of the Hnprrme Court," and report whether
be had "so actd in bis Judicial cspacity as to re
quire the interposition ot the constitutional piwer
of this House." This wan the7tb of January, 18U4
On the 6th of March they reported that they are ot
opiaton that Mr Chase 'be impcaoticd or lneli
crimps and misdemeanors " Mr. Hantfolph and
Mr. Karly wero appointed "to go to tho Benatn, and
at the bar thereof, in thn name of toe House of
Kepreeontatlves, and of all the people ol .the United
Hiaies, impeach Hamnol Chase," eto , and to state
that the House would, ' in due time, exhibit particu
lar articles ol impeachment "
On the l.'itn a Committeo, of wh'ch John Ran.
doipb was chairman, was appointed to prepare arti
cles, which wero iei orted on the 20th, but not voted
ou until the next session. In December the five
distinct articles ot impeachment were sevorally
adopted by the House i and the seven managers
were chosen by ba lot toconeuct thi trial The
Senate also adopted a oodo of rules ot proceeding
Incaceof impeachment, and so the trial went on,
InMing irom February 1. 1805, to the 1st of March
following. The result was a complete acquittal,
theie not being a tno-tnirds vote of guilty on any
one article.
ihe regulations and restrictions as to Impeach
inert established by the Constitution are only those :
1 he Senate is to be under a peciai cath in trying
an impeachment; no conviction can take placo
without a vote ot ' two-thirds of the members pre
sent:" and Judgment shall not extend I urthir than
removal from office and permanent disqualification
lor oniue. u oiner oeiaus oi lorm ana mauie r o
t roceuure are loft by the Constitution to bo dotcr
mined Irom time to time by enstora, common sense,
the nature of the ease, and publio justice, na the
difcretion of the Huate may prescribe, to as to do
wuaieverjiisrice ana tne puono good may reouire,
under the uenerai Driuclme of onr (iorernment.
Tho completeness aDd finality of this discretion is
icen in the faci that tho Judgment of the J-enato, ear
ned by a two-thirds vote, is absolutely final and irre
versible, so that there is no longer any human au
thority w men can revise the judgmont, or sol aside
the rlcerce.
this prerogative oi Impeachment is. in fact, the
only abMOinto power known in our form of govern
ment, ine juugmentot tne fupromo court is final
only an a decision of (the case in hand, and mr
giving1 that very deelsion the Judges may be im
peached and removed. The Presldout wielded "the
ixecutive power ot the Uoveramont" without ap
peal or oontrof, except as the "advice and counsel
ol the fcooate" is required in certain matters; but
lor any one of his aots be may be impeached by the
liouse, and adjudged guiltr by the tienato of a mis
demeanor, ana removed from office by a two-thirds
vote.
In addition, as things now are, while we aro with
out any Vice-President, tho (senate would fill the
vacancy which it bad made, the president of the
Senate heing by law the next In tho oroor of suc
cession. An act of Congress, passed by both Houses
in concurrence, may be vetoed by tho Presidont; or,
If pasKtd by a two-thiras vote over the President's
veto, may be virtually annulled by the Supreme
Couit lor unconstitutionality. And then, again
for ihat dcoree the Judges may bo impeached and
removed. Hut a judgment by two-thirds of the
feenate, on an impeachment by vote ol the liouse,
bus no remedy under heaven.
'1 he two Houses aro brought toguther by the torms
of the Corstitution on the first Monday in December
of every year, sutuout any call irom the Executive.
When together, each Houso organizes itself by the
choice of its officers, without asking or requiring
executive approval. And each House judges, with
out appeal, of the qualifications of iU meinbors, and
can expel the obnoxious by a two-thirds vote, with
no poxHible appeal or reversal. And, when once
afscmbled and organized, the two Houses can go on
withtboir noik as long as they see fit, with no
power ot the Executive or the Judiciary to intertero,
io prorogue, or to dissolve eituer House. Congress
can a one excroise the power of legislation. A either
Premdent nor Supreme Court can give to any rule
the force of law except by authority ot Congress,
The Constitution, by requiring a two-thirds vote
to convict after an impeachment, shows the care by
which this supreme and final arbitrament is socured
from being made a plaything for tools, or a dau por
ous instrument in the hands of signlng and wicked
men. And the absence of all other rules of proce
dure shows that it was Intended to mako this the
ultima ratio, the lat resort ot the liovemment, the
repository of that paramount and irreversible pre
rogative which human imperfection renders neces
sary in the last resort, to avert the nooe.-mty of a re
volution a tho only remedy lor evils that are no
longer possible to oe borne.
Such a power needs to be as unrestricted as ft Is
final, because it is designed to be put forth in all
possible and all concivable emergencies, and must
ibereiore make its own rules irom time to time, as
the exigency ot the time may require. If it were
bounn by precedents, or limited by forms, the only
study ot hostile agents, would be to keep their mis
chiet outside ot those lines, and the country would
be without remedy.
The limitation of the penalty to be imposed by
impeachment to the bare removal from office and
disqualification for future trusts, shows the care with
which this terrible weapon was guarded against the
possibility of being used as the im-truinout of ven
geance or the means ot usurpation. Its leading
object Is not punishment, but to put an instant step
to abuses of tdmiuutiiuon, Toe roraoral from
office m hardly regarded in this country aa a pun
ishment, tecause the people never look upon the
possession of office as in any sense a personal
rignt. If removal wero looked upon in tno nature
ot a penalty, or as implying a charge or couvio
tion of misconduct, it would be imoossible for
the people to take so quietly the present whole
sale removals made by the President ot men above
thesui-picion ol wrong, and lor no possible cause
except ihat they continue to agree in opinion with
the peoplo, while the President has turned arainst
them. A case is supi ouable in which anv reason
which serves for removals by the President wou d
be equally valid to warrant removals by impeach
ment the penalty in either case being the same
The use of a constitutional power in one case to cut
short the abuse of a similar power in the other
would be neither anomalous or dangerous. The
penalty of disqualification indicted by a two-thirds
vote ol the Senate, would bs a more serious matter,
and not likeiy to bo lightly appnod.
That a prerogative so potent aud so easily applied
has so rarely lound or made occasions lor its exor
cise, proves only the perlectiou of the machine and
the fidelity of its management, so that it seldom
brings into action the unction of the "governor"
and the safety-valve. Its existence needs to be re
called to mind, and .its capabilities should be occa
sionally contemplated, that heedless officials may
learn to beware of bringing themselves under its
operation. Be lore they know it, they may find
themselves hurled from the office they abused, aud
forever out off' from the highest privileges ot citi
zenship, and that without remedy.
QI.EN ECHO MILLS,
CERMANTOWN.
McCALLlMS, CREASE & SLOAN,
KANUFACTITEEES AND IMPOETEKS OF
CARPETINGS.
WHOLESALE DEPARTMENT, ,
No. 500 CIIESNUT Street.
RETAIL DEPARTMEAT,
No. 510 CIIESNUT Street,
Oi'i'osiTB lNDKPKunstica utih. 19 U lux
OCTOBER G, 18GG.
NEW PUBLICATIONS.
a IDE PICTORIAL BOOK OF ANFCIX)TE3
. KD lNUUKNTS Or TUB RERfcLMONi
Hernia Patriotic. Honmntlo. Ilnmoron. and Tragic!.
'i here Is a certain norilon of the war that will nxver
ge lino the regular historic, and will not ket embodied
in romance and poetry, which is a very real part oi It,
nd will II preserved. Convey to succeeding generations
a bettei Idea ot the spirit of Ihe conflict than many dry
reports orcorclul narratives ot vestn, and tins part may
bs called I he gossip, the ftin. the pathos, of tne war.
This Illustrates the character ot the leaders, the humor
of he fold era, ihe devotion of women, the bravery of
men, the pluck ol our heroes, Ihe romance and hardships
of the service. From the beginning ol the war the
author has been engaged In collecting all the anecdote
connecied with or Mandative of It. and u groapedand
eliNKlfled them under appropriate heads, ana la a very
attractive lorm.
'ihe vo'ume la tirolnselv Uhistrnted with over 00 en
graving by the Unit artists, which are teally beautliuli
worthy of examination a specimen of th art. Many
ot them are st into th body of the text.afier the popu
lar siy le ol Losing's Pictorial Kleld JJoo ot the Revolu
tion. The book's contents Inciudo reminiscence of
camp, picket, spy. scout, bivouac, siege, and battle-field
advnture thrilling teat ot bravery, wit drollery,
comical ami ludicrous adveutiiren. etc., etc.
Amusement as well aslnntruotloii maybe fount In
cveiy page, as graphic detail, brl' lant wit. and authen
te nlvtory are akiliu ly interwoven lathis work ot
liieraiyart.
I t la work sells lUell. The people are tired or dry de
tal s and parnxan works, and want something humomu
romantic, and Startling, cur agent are making irom
SKiO to '20fl per month, clear ot ail expenses rend lor
circulars lvlnn lull particulars, aud see our terms and
proof oi the above assertion.
Adilreo. NA flONAI, PTJBLTSH'HO CO..
9 29 tm No. 601 MlKUB Street, Philadelphia, l'a.
LEGAL NOTICES.
TN THE COURT OF.CUMMON PI.KAS tOR THE
1 mi' AMI COI'MT OKPI1ILADELPH A.
WILLIAM h.. UAIKMAIS v. JULIA ANW BATE-
. ma jt.
December Tetm 18, o. 71. In Divorce.
Madam i You will oleane notice that the Court have
granted a rule on you to chow cause why a divorce irom
the bond oi matrimony should not be decreea in the
above enne. (returnable on the 20th dav of October, A I).
Is66, at 10 o'clock a. M ., personal notice having tailed
vd uvcouui oi your, aosence-
CiEOBGE W. WOLtARTOV,
Attorney for Libelant.
To Julia Ann Batemau.
October 4, 1SH6. 10 S 4t
"INSTATE OP JOHN DUPOUY, DECEASED.
J Li Tho Auditor appointed bv the Orphan' Conrt tor
the City and County ol Philadelphia, to audit, settle,
and HiiUHt the account ot liOKMlO H. JONES, Ad
ministrator of the estate of JOHN lil'l'Ot T. de
ceased, and te report distribution ot the balance lathe
hamlH of the accountant, will meet the parties Intoreited
lor too puiriONc oi inn appointment, on am in day,
October H. 1S6S. at 4 o'clock P. M. at hi (I lllce No
711 Vv ALKTJT btreet, la the city o Philadelphia.
ygf UlSlUOl JOtia I'LAI IOJN, Auuitor.
GOVERNMENT SALES.
s
ALE OF NAVY POWDERS.
Bureau of Obdnanck, Navy Department, I
nABHiJimifl ;ity, aepiomDor m, isoo
There will be sold nt Public Auction to thu highest
binders, at noon, on J HURSDAY. tho eiirhtocntii
(ISthidavot October, 1G0, at the ofiico ot tho In
spector ol ordnance, at the Navy Yard. Brooklyn,
New York, about iwentv-civht hundred barrels
(281 0) ot i.owder, composed ot cannon and mortar
now acre.
ihe powders will be sold by snmplo, and in lots to
suit purclmscis.
l'erms Cnrh, in Governments tunds, one-half to
be deposited on the conclusion ot the alo, and the
remainder within ton davs afterwards, during
which time thu powders must be removed from the
magazine, ot hoi wise they will revert to the Govern
ment. Purchasers will be required to furnish tholr own
packages where the powder is not in barrols.
U A. WISE.
9 25 tuths UO 13 Chiet of Bureau.
B
UKEAU OF ORDNANCE.
Navy Department. I
Washington City, September 20, 1860. J
8ALK OK NAVY POWDKR8.
There will be sold at public auction, to the highest
bidders, nt noon, THURSDAY, the eighteenth (18 1
da; ot October, 1866, at the olllce ot the Inspector
ot Ordnance, at the Navy Yard, Brooklyn. New
York, about twenty-eight hundred (2800) barrels ot
ponder, composed or Cannon and Mortar Powders.
The Powdois will bo sold by sample, and in lots to
suit pui chafers
lerms Cash, in Government funds; ono-halft o be
deposited on the conclusion of the sale and the re
mainder ten days afterward?, during which time the
Powders must beremoved from tho Magazino,;other
wie they will revert to the Government.
Purchasers will be required to furnish their own
packages where the Powder is not in barrel.
H. A. WISE,
8 22stnthilt Chiet of Bureau.
PASSENGER RAILWAYS.
THE SPRUCE AND PINE STREETS
RAILWAY.
TBTJNK LIKE.
This Road now. in addition to Its main line on Spruce
and l'lne streets, paxse through the entire western por
tion of the cliy rMiiiri trora the extreme north
west at r airmonnt Paik. and along the entire toute to
the extreme southwest at Gray's Ferry, can take the
cars on '1 wenty-sccond and Twenty third streeta and
the Gray's Ferry Road, and be carried through, via
fjpruce street, to the Exchange lor a
hlSULE FAKE.
In addtlton to the several Parks and the beautiful
scenery along the Bchuyikill tront. there are mauv
objects of interest along this route to make it attractive
The road is splendidly equipped, the cars being nearly
all entirely new, and always kept clean aud com
fortable. Cars leave the Fxchange every few minutes during
the day and every hour alter midnight. to lm
P B It FECTIOJM
18 RARELY ATTAINED. YET '
A. B. W. BULLAE, D'S
IMPROVED OIL SOAP.
, FOB EEiloVIKQ
Crease, Paint, Pitch, and Varnlsii,
Fiom all Goods of Durable Colors, is ahead of anything
yet discovered.
It leaves the Goods sort, aud as penect aa when new
with no snot upon which dust can collect, as is theoase
with all the preparations hereteiore sold tor cleansing
good.
It Is delicately pertumed. and cntlrelyfrce from th
dtxakreeable odor of benzine, and ail other resinous
fluids.
' COUNTERFEITS
Oi this preparation are extant therefore be sure and
take none but that hich has the autograph of A. B. VV
bULLAKD on the label
Manufactured by the Proprietors,
A. B. W. BULLARD & CO.,
WOltCEHTEK, MAS),
General Agents for Pennsylvania,
DYOTT & CO.
Uo. 232 Worth SECOND Btreet, Philadelphia.
For sale by all Druggists. 7 8 8m
SHE1UFF'S. SUPPLEMENTAL PKOCLA
il ATION.
OTlCE IS HEREBY GIVEN,
That the qualified voters ot the Mxtn Kiectlnn mi.
slon of th Mneieenth Ward will vote for a member of
mo uuiuv ui itouicrommiveB oi tne uenerai Assembly,
as a part oi the Fifteenth District. ,
i he qualified voters of the Ughth Ward are to elect'
uui uuv uii-iiiuor ui i ue v.ouimon council,
'Ihe qualified voters of the First oeoond, Third, and
fourth Election Divlnions, Twenty-secoud Ward, will
elect one perecn to serve aa an Assessor, for the unex
pired term ot John B. Waterbouse, real ned.
'ihe qualified electors of tie ihi d tleonon Division,
lweuty third Ward, will jointly elect two persous to
serve as hchool Directors; and those residing In that
part of said division lately the townxlupot Btberry,
ar to eleut one pen on to serve as a Director of Publio
rcliools, lor the unexpired term of Owen Knight, re
moved irom the distrlut.
The qualified electors of the Fourth. Filth, Sixth,
Seventh and Eighth Division oi 'aid ward, are to elect
lour peisoas lor Directors or Pub, to Schools, two of
them for three years oue for two yeais, and oueot tlieiu
Inr nn tmr.
And the qualified electors of the Ninth Division of
sum wuiu aro w eiusi nut one acuool Director for
three years.
the place ot voting In the Plxth Division, Tenth
Ward, tuis been changed to the 8. W. coi ner of Uebhurd
and Kace stieets.
'ihe place of voting In the Fourth Division. Four
teenth Ward, has been changed to the Hall, K. W. cor
ner ol 'thirteenth aud tipnug Harden streets.
'1 he place oi voting in the Ninth Division, Fifteenth
Ward, will beat No. 1814 North street.
The pace of vothm ui tne Klevouth Olvlslon, Fif
teenth Ward, has bi n cbnngedto the lioune of Jeuhtua
11. Muni). N E corner of Fraud and Hlilrley street
The place ot voting hi the Muth Dlvl.ton Tweutieth
w ard wl,l be at ti. H. I., ooruer of Nmuteeulb street
and It id ye avenue. ...
The folm will be open t 1 O'clock A. M and clos
at ti o'clock P. t. .
' HENRY C. HOWPLL, Sheriff. -
Sheriff's Office, September iil), A, It. IsMi. V so t
i
CLOTHING.
I. arv
al 'a. t,
IknfZZ Si1
BOOTS AND SHOES.
P. WAItE, JR & CO.'S GUM-ROLE BOOT
and Shoe store. M FAlllAN'8 FirstNational.Ma.
914 SPRING GARDEN Street. '
$2.-LADIE8 GUM-SOLE BALMORALS
made ot the best Leather In the Uppers, lor only
a VI Hlitt'H Vim, K.llnn.l tl.tn, u..,T "
14 SPRING GARDEN Slroet '
J (SUM-SOLE B00T3 AND SHOES, FOR
Men and liovp, will last longer than lour pasra
leather soles; do not need re soling For touuilrv
uen, blacksmith, or all who wear out leather soosi,
they aie invaluable. Oue trial will convince that titer
are ll that thev sre repieseutcd to be. Mold at First
National, No. mSPRlNot GARDEN Btreot
$2. LADIES, COME AND SEE THE ft
Guui-Fole Mioesi easy to the feet and dry. Bay
them tor yourchlldicni save vou the exoenseof"
buying two pairs ol lestlier soles Hrst National
Agency lor Gum Sole Shoes, No. 014 SPRLNG Att
DEN Street. 9 15 In
COAL.
JAMES O Mi It I E If
SEALER IN
LEHIGH AND SCHUYLKILL COAL.
BT TBK CARGO OB SINGLE TON.
Yard, Eroad Street, below Fitzwater.
Eas constantly on hand a competent supply of Ut
atove superior Coal, suitable for family use, to
which he calls the attention of bis friends and the
publio generally. .
Orders loft at Mo. 206 South Fifth street, No. 88
South Seventeenth street, or through Despatch er
Post Office, promptly attended to. t
A SUPERIOR QUALITY OF BLACKSMITHS
COAL. 'A
J-JAZLETOX LEIIiail COAL.
A PECIALTY.
11. W. PATRICK & CO.
No. 304 N0ETH BROAD STREET,
Would solicit oroers for the above Coal, which they
have always on hand, together with their celebrated
RE-BROKEN SCHUYLKILL COAL.
825 smw6m
CO A LI CO A LI COAL!
The best LEHIGH and SCHUYLKILL COAL, pre
pared expressly lor tamliy use, constantly on hand tm
my Yard, No 1517 CALl.OWHILl. Mrtet unuer cover,
deliveied on short notice well screeneo, and picked free
ot slate, at the lowest cash prices. A trial will seoorw
your custom.
JOHN A. WILSON,
Successor to W. L. FOtJIK.
Thiladelphia, AueuHt 27, ltM), o M6m
FERTILIZERS.
MUO N IATED rilOSPIIATK
A CONCENTRATED FERTILIZER.
This preparation contains; Fure Ground Bone and the
best Fertilizing Salts known to sirilcultuial chemistry,
combined in such a manner as to develop their produc
tive properties only when used on the soil. Price 64
per ton. For sale at the manufacturers' depots,
No. 724 MARKET Street, Philadelphia,
No. 8 BURLING SLIP, New Tort.
WILLIAM FT.T.Tg ft CO.,
Manufacturer.
0 7 tlO 10
BAUGII'S RAW BONE
SUPER-PHOSPHATE OF LIME.
The great Fertilizer lor all croos. Quick In Its actio
and permanent in its effects. Established over twelve
yeais.
Dealers supplied by the cargo, direct from the wharf
ot the manufactory, on liberal terms.
Manufactured only by
BAUGH & SONS, "
Office No. 20 South DELAWARE Avonus,
9 4smw5rp j Philadelphia.
Gr -A- X-j ' I , Car XI 1
FOR THE COUNTRY.
FERRIS & CO.'S AUTOMATIC OAS
MACHINES
For Private Residences, Mills, Hotels,
Churches, Etc. Etc.
Furnishing from Ten to Btx Hundred
Lights, sis may be Required.
This machine is guaranteed t docs not gat out ot order
and the time to manage it Is about Ave minutes a week.
The simplicity of this apparatus, Its entire freedom
from danger, the cheapness and quality ot the lUht
over all others , baa gained for it the lavorabls opinion
of those acquainted with Its irerlts. The names ot
those having seed them for the last three years will
be given by calling at our OFFICE,
No. 105 SOUTH FOUUTII STREET,
Where the machines on be seen In operation. ' t
FERRIS CO., Box 1491 P. O,
r
Sfiid for Pamphlet . r
O U T Hi Elt Y.'
A fine assortment of POCKET and
TAIIi.K tiTLtttY. KAZOKM, RA
ZOR STItni's. LADIES' H018HOU4.
A?T!rjti TAILORS' ttUKARM, HC. at
Cutlory Store, No. US South TKNTU Htreet,
a)8f ' '1 tree doors shove Walnut
810
NOUTII STREET, M. P'ANCON'A-
ravs the hliibest price for Ladles' and
dents' cast off I lothmg. No.SlO bOUtu btreot fcelow
F.lplilii. Suus
'few) v
atV' .tit