The evening telegraph. (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, September 19, 1866, FIFTH EDITION, Image 1

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TOL. TLNo. 68.
PIIILADELPIIIA, WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 19, I860.
DOUBLE SHEET-THREE CENTS.
HELMBOLD'S
COMFOTJKD
'HIGHLY CONCENTRATED
FLUID EXTRACT OF BUCHU.
A positive snO. specific rerr,dy tor dimwwii of the
H-AmhH,KlDNVYH. URaVEL, AND DHOFHlCAL
8W f I.L1MIH. 'ibis medicine Increase the powers of
Iteration, and excites the abseibenta into healthy
ctton, by which the matter of calcareous deposlilons
and all nnnatural enlargements are reduced, as well as
patnsnA Inflammation, aud Is good for men, women,
ana couaien.
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hint
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lIHHHiltlHHHH
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HUH HUH
HELMBOLD'S EXTRACT BUCIIU,
Vet weakness, attended with the foUowtos; tymptoms t
indumotiiion vo .xcruuu, fy""
i o mil Mea.ory,
A i hervea,
Vendor IMxease,
initicts ot Vision,
Hot hands, ,
inmcuity ot UreatalngO
TrewnMiR,
W .Business.
ram tn the Back,
Flushing ot the Body,
VaiintlAfil nf IhA tVa.
)rjness ot im '"i
i!.r.i i ...nude. Pallid Countenance.
These symptoms. If allowed to go on (which tula Medl-
rln invariably remove") soon follow
""'"pAli'lTY, EPILEPTIC FITS, ETC.,
innnAof which the patient mar expire. Who can say
tbey are not frequently followed by those 'dlreiul dis
eases." ls9Ali!iTY AND CONSUMPTION t
Man rare aware of the cause of their su Anting, bnt
mne will conless. The records of the Insane asylums
Znd the melancholy deaths by consumption bear ample
witness to the truth of the assertion.
ihe constitution, once affected by organic weakness,
J,!iirei the aid of medicine to strengthen and lnviiro
E the system, which UEL.M HOLD'H EXTRACT OK
"vCltU Invariably does. A trial will convince the most
Bkeptical. EKEF.KEEEEEE '
VEEEEEEEEEE
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in Affections peculiar to Females the Extract BccntJ
a auraauulled by any fther remedy, and for ail complaints
"BU1r 2t. A I- h. incline .rrl.i,,.o ll,
V bee symptoms above. Ho iiunlly should be wlth-
IXL
ELL
LLL
LIE
ELL
LEL
ELL.
LLL
ELL
Ll.L
LELE1XLLI.LLL
LLELLLLLLLLL
rake no Balsam, Mercury, or unpleasant medicine for
J;ie...nB?8SEfficT BUCUD
AMD
1MPB0VEIJ BOSK WAbH.
.v. AUAtaea in all their staitcs. at lltfle expense.
Mttle or no change of dlet,n Inconvenience, and SO
JuXFOBUBE.
MMMM
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M to MM
M MAIM
MM.d hi
MM M
MUN
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SIMM
Mil 11
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USE HELMBOLD'S EXTBACT BCCHlT
For all ffl!iffi1fot?ffim?krbeam
From whatever cause originating, and no matter how
g standing. Diseases of these organs require the aid
mULkbOLD'fl EXTBACT BTJCnU IS THE GREAT
ti iiiiK l 1C and It is certain to have the desired effect
all diseases ft.r which it is recommended.
BBBBBBBB
BUBBBBBBB
BBB BBB
BBB BBB
BBB BBB
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BBBBBBBB
BBB BBJ?.n
BBB BBB
BBB BBB
BBBBBBBBB
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JJl'OOD!
m.OOD! lH,OOD!
hftVROI.TVH
MOHLY CONCENTRA 1'EI) COMPOUND
B FLUID EXTRACT 8AK3APARILLA,
For nnrifvintl the Blood and removing all chronic can
KfntJonil Srseasca arising from an impure state ol th
and the onlT reliable and ellectual known remedy
r th.SSre ! Scrofula, Bcaid Head, Salt Rueum, Pains
t HwaUtaSi ot the T Bones. Ulcerations 01 the Throat
Zd LTt, Bfot2hM. Pimples on the Face, Tetter, Ery-
TwoAUmepoorTfuls ot the Extijct of 8rHParlHa
n nlnt of water Is equal to the LUbou Diet
Sfrmk ami one b oTt i e is inllv equal to a gallon of the
byrupof SarsaparUla, or the decooUen as usually made.
" OOOO
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tinn OOO
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HELMBOLD'o ROSE WASH,
i, TPUent Lotion. UBed in connection with the EX
VHACTO toUCHt' and SAKSAPaRILLA. In such dls
easos as reeommended. Evidence of the most re.ponsl
bmtni reliable character will accomDanv the meulclnes.
a i.J? nilclt directions for use. wifA bundrrdt of thou
td. oi living Twltnesses. and upwards ef 30.0IW nnsoll
JSSS certificates and recommendatory letters, many ot
ii?h areiroin the highest souice., Including eminent
pJ,cfiSs cKrgymei?, SUtesmen etc. The Proprietor
never reiortid to their publication in the news
ntDe?s: he does not do this trom the fact that his articles
iUSt as Standard Preparations, and do not need to be
the Doric column, stands
elmo"p.i?e, mkjestic. having Fact for Its , taaU. Induc
tSm lorita plUar, and Troth alons tor its Capital.
LLL
LLL
ELL
LLL
LEL
LLL
LLL
L1X
LLL
ELIXLLLLLLL
LLLELLl LLt-L
My Extract 8arsapanlia is a Blood Purifier; my Ex
ttact Buchu la a Dlurttlo, aud will act aa such In all
'Both are prepared on purelv sclentlfto principles
i vacuo and aie the most active of either that cau be
Bi.iie A ready and conclusive tent will be a oomiiari
on ot their properties with tho.0 set lorth In the lollow-
toBoe DUpensatory of the United Ktates,
fee Proiesor DtwKts' VHuauie works on the Practtoe
CfPhynll. ll,. Tr Punin Plil.
rtee remara. ujhuo u -
Mnwr . H
I .L I tt I M
by Dr. Epiikim MoDowrll. a
Flee renin;"
lie uoyal uonega
the Xritusacttons
i ilvKBS, Fellow oi 'he Boval Collide of Surgeous.
L2 most o? late stan-lard works o.i Medicine,
eee mo nnminDDD
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SOLD BY DRUOGI8T8 EVERYWHERE.
Address letters for Information, In oonndenoe, to
H. T. HELM BOLD, Chemist.
PRINCIPAL DEPOTS t
iVIMDOLD'! DRUO AND CIlKNICALj
WAHKHOUSE,
So. 084 BROADWAY, New York;
OB TO
1IEUW BOLD'S MEDICAL) DEPOT,
Wo. 104 South TENTH Btraet Philadelphia
ttewaraai Counterlelts. Ask lor Uoluibuld'al Take
iiMlrated Physic an ana memoer ot tj
" Hu5eon"re and, and pubdshed in
". V.i .nA duenn's Journal.
mint) xvinn . .
THIRD EDITION
THE POLITICAL WORLD.
PLATFORM OF THE REPUB
LICAN PARTY.
Address of the National Union
Executive Committee to the
People of the United States.
THE PLAN FOR RECONSTRUCTION.
Impartial Suffrage Demanded.
NEW BASIS OF REPRESENTATION.
An Eloquent Appeal for Union,
Liberty, and Justice.
Fellow CiHzens: Vrv crave diflercuces bav
Jne arim between our immediate Representa
tives in Coneress and the President, wlio owes
bin position to your votes, we are impelled to
ask jour attention thereto, and to suggest the
duties to jour country which tney rcnaer ltu
nerative. We shall avoid the uee of hard words. Of
thee there have already been too niauy. And,
that the matters In issuu roavbu brousht witliin
the narrowest compass, let hs flrst elimiuute
ttom the controversy all that has already
been settled or has never oeen in aispute.
The Republic has been desperately assailed
from within, and its very existence seriously
imperilled. Thirteen States were claimed a3
having withdrawn from the Union, and were
represented for years in a hostile Conarcas
meeting at Richmond. Ten ot these Stales
were, tor a time, wholly in the power of a hostile
Confederacy; the other three partially so. The
undoubtedly loyal States were repeatedly and
formidably invaded by Rebel armies, which
were only expelled alter obstinate uud bloody
battles. Through four yeais of arduous, despe
rate civil strife, the hosts ot the Rebel Confede
racy withstood those of the Union. Agents of
that Confederacy traversed the civilized world,
seeking allies in their war against the Re
public, and inciting the rapacious and unprinci
pled to tit out armed corsairs to prey upon her
commerce.
By State authority, and in the perverted names
of patriotism and loyalty, hundreds of thousands
of our countrymen were conscripted into Rebel
armies, and made to lijrht desperately for our
national disruption and ruin. And though, by
the blessing of God and the valor aud constam-y
of our loyal people, the Rebellion was dually
and utterly crushed, it did not succumb until it
hud caused the destruction of more than halt a
million ot precious human lives, not to speak ol
property to the value of at least five billions of
dollars.
At length the RebM armies surrendered, and
the Rebel power utterly collapsed aud vanished.
What then?
The claim of the insurarents that they either
now reacquired or had never forfeited their con
stitutional rights iu ihe Union, including that of
representation in Congress, stands in pointed
antagonism alike to the requirements ot Con
gress and to those ot the acting President. It
was the Executive alone who, after the Rebel
lion was no more, appointed Provisional Gov
ernors for the now suhiuissive, unarmed South
ern States, on the assumption that the Rebel
lion had been "revolutionary," and had de
prived the people under its sway of all civil
government, and who required the assembling
ot ''a Convention, composed of delegates to be
chocen by that portion of the people of said
State who are loyal to the United States, aud no
others, for the purpose of altering and
amending the Constitution of said State."
It was President Johnson who, so late
as October last when all shadow of
overt resistance to the Union had long since
disappeared insisted that it was not enough
that a State which bad revolted must recoguie
her ordinance of secession as null and void from
the beginning, and ratify the Constitutional
amendment prohibiting slavery evermore, but
she must alno repudiate "every (Jollar of indebt
edness created to uid in carrying on the Rebel
lion." It was he who ordered the dispersion bv
military force of any Legislature chosen under
the Rebellion which should assume power to
make laws after that Rebellion had tallen. It
was he who referred to Congress h!1 inquirers as
to the probability of Representatives trom the
States lately in revolt being admitted to seats
in either House, and suggested that tuev should
present their credentials, not at the organiza
tion of Congress, but alter wards. And finally, it
was he, and not Congress, who sugeested to his
Governor Sharkey, of Mississippi, that
"If you could extend the elective franchise to al
persons of color who can read the Constitution of
the United btates in English and write thoir names,
and to all persons ot color who onn real estate
valued at not less than 260, and pav taxes thereon,
you would completely disarm the adversary, uud set
an example that other States will lollow."
It, then, there be any controversy as to the
right ot the loyal States to exact conditions aud
require guarautees of those which plunged
madly into recession aud rebellion, the sup
porters respectively of Andrew Johnson and of
Congress cannot be antagonist pal'lie to that
contest, since their record places them on tbe
sutne Fide.
It being tbus agreed that ronditions of restora
tion and guarantees against future rebellion
mav be exacted of (he States lately in revolt,
the right ot Congress to a voice in prescribing
those conditions and in shaping those guaran
tees is plainly incou test uble. Whether it take
the shape ot law or of a Constitutional amend
ment, the action of Congress is vital. Even if
they were to be settled by treaty, tbe ratifica
tion ot the senate, dv a two-thuds vote, would
be indispensable. There is nothing in the
Federal Constitution, nor in the nature of tbe
case, that countenances an Executive monopoly
of this power.
What, tben, is the ground of complaint
against Congress f
Is it charued that the action of the two Houses
whs tardv and hesitating? Consider how mo
nicntons were the questions involved, the issues
depending. Consider how novel ana extraordi
nary was the situation. Consider how utterly
silent and blank is the Federal Constitution
touching the treatment of insurgent States,
whether during their flagrant hostility to the
Uuion or alter their discomfiture. Consider
with how many embarrasnmenU and diflicul
ties the problem is beset, and you will not
wonder that month! were rea uired to devise.
perlect, and pass, bv a two-thirds vote in either
House, a lust and safe plan ot reconstruction.
Yet that plan has been matured. It has passed
the Senate by 83 to 11, aud the House by 138 to
3. It Is now fairly before the country, having
aiieaoy ieen ratified by the Legislatures ot
tl'Orul QtlltPd fillrl miUfln'.! K.. nstnn IT,. (1am it
the Ptate ol Tennessee has been formally restored
to all the privileges ene torfcttcd by Rebellion,
Including rcpreeentatron in either House of
Congress. And the door thus passed through
stands inviting openly to all who Mill linger
without.
Are the conditions thus prescribed intolerable,
or even humiliating ? They aie in substance
these:
I. All persons born or naturalized In this
country are henceforth citizens of the United
States, and shall enjoy all the rights of citizens
evermore; and no Stat shall have power to
contravene this most righteous and necessary
provision.
II. While tho States claim and exercise the
power of denying the elective franchise to a
part of their people, the weight of each State
in the Union shall be measured by and based
upon its enfranchised population, if any State
shall choose, lor no crime, to deny political
rights to any race or caste, it must no longer
count lhat race or caste as a basis of political
power in the Union.
III. He who has once held office on the
ptiength of his solemn OBth to support the Fede
ral Constitution, and has nevertheless forsworn
himself and treasonably plotted to subvert that
Constitution, shall hcnceiotth hold no political
olhce till Congress, by a two-thirds vote, shall
remove or modify the disability.
IV. The national debt shall be nowise repu
diated nor invalidated; and no debt incurred in
support of the Rebellion shall ever be assumed
or paid by any Slate; nor shall payment be
rtinae for the loss or emancipation of any slave.
V. Congress shall have power to enforce these
guarantees by appropriate leeislatiou.
Such, fellow-citizens, are the conditions of re
construction proposed by Congress and already
accepted by the loyal Legislature of Tennessee.
Are they hursh or degrading? Do you discern
therein a disposition to trample on the prostrate
or push an advantage to the uttermost? Do
they embody aught of vengeance, or any con
fiscation but that of slavery ? We solicit your
candid, impartial judgment.
What is intended by the third section is sim
ply to give loyalty a fair start In the recon
Miucted States. Lnder the Johnson policy, the
Rebels monopolize power and place even in
communities where they are decidedly outnum
bered. Their geueruW are Governors and Mem
bers elect ot Congreps; their colonels and majors
till the legislatures, and olliciaie as sheriffs.
Not onlv are tne steadlastlv loval proscribed.
but even stny-at-bome Rebels have little chance
in competition with those who lought to sub
vert toe Union. When this Rebel monopoly of
ofiice shall have been broken up, aud loyalty to
the Union si, ail have become general and
ftt-arty, Congress may remove the disability,
and will uouhtlcBs lunke haste to do so.
We do not perceive that the nistice or fitness
of the fourth section prescribing that the Union
pi blic debt shall be promptly met, but that of
the Rebel Coulederacy never is serioubly con
tested. There remains, 1 ben, but the second section,
which prescribes in substance that political
power In the Union shall henceforth be based
only on that portion ot the people of each State
who are deemed by it6 Constitution hi deposi
tories of such power. In other words A State
which choofps to hold part of its population iu
iguorance and vassalaae powerless, uneducated,
unfranchised shall not count that portiou to
iulatice the educated, intelligent, enirancbised
citizens of other States.
We do not purpose to argue the justice of this
provision. As well argue the shape of a cube
cr the correctness cf the multiplication table,
lie who does not feet tbnt this is simply and
mildly just, would not be persuaded though one
rose trom the dead to convince him. That there
are those among us who would not have it rati
fied, sadly demonstrates that the good work of
Emancipation is not yet complete.
But," say some, "this section Is designed to
coerce the South iuto according sull'rage" to her
blacks." Not so, we reply; but only to notify
her ruling caste that we will no longer bribe
them to keep their blacks in serfdom. An
atistocracy rarely surrenders its privileges, no
matter how oppressive, from abstract devotion
To justice and right. It must have cogent, pal
pable reasons for so doing. We say, therefore,
to South Carolina, "If you persistently restrict
all power to your 300,000 whites, we must insist
that these no longer balance, in Congress and
the choice of President, 700,000 Northern white
freemen, but only 300,000. If you keep your
blacks evermore in serldom, it must not be
because we tempted you so to do and rewarded
you lor so doing."
Fellow-citizens of every State, but especially
of those soon to nold elections I we entveai
your earnest, constant heed to the grave ques
tions now at issue. If those who so wantonly
plunged the Union into civil war shall be
allowed uy you to atciate terms oi reconstruc
tion, you win nave ueeuieseiy sown tne outer
seeds ot future rebellion and bloody strife.
Alieady you are threatened with a recognition
bv the President of a sham Congress, made up
oi tbe tactions which recently coalesced at
Philadelphia on a platform of Johnsonisui
a Congress constituted by nullifying and over-
ilittng a plain law of the land a Congress
wholly inspired trom the White House, and
nppealing to the sword alone tor support. So
glaring an attempt at usurpation would be even
more criminal than absurd. Happily tbe peo
ple, by electing an overwhelming majority of
tnorougniy loyai representatives, are render
ing us initiation impossible.
We cannot cUse without a most deserved
tribute to the Reneral fidelity wherewith. In
view of the President's defection, the great
body of the people, and even ot the Federal
office-holders, stand fast by their convictions
and their principles. Tbe boundless patronage
of tbe Executive, though most unscrupulously
wielded against those to whose votes he owes it,
hu8 corrupted very few, either ot those who
shared or ot those who would gladly share in its
eriovmeut Not one ot the twenty-two States
which voted to re-elect Abraham Lincoln has
glveu in its adhesion to the President's policy;
while New Jersey the ouly tree State that
voted against him has added her.'clf to their
m niber.
Our great war has taught impressively tbe
peril of injustice; aud the lesnon has sunk deep
into millions oi neans. xne American people.
ct astened by suflering, are wiser and nobler
ti un they were, with a quttker and more oncn
ear for every generous suggestion. The fearful
lessons of Memphis and New Orleans have not
beu lost on them, as is proved by the result of
the recent elections in Vermont ami Maine. We
cherish no shadow ot doubt lhat Pennsylvania,
Ohio, Indiana, and Iowa first, then New York,
New Jersey, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin,
Kansas, aud Minnesota will do likewise, and
that a true restoration, a genuine, abiding peace
will thus oe secured to our country a peace
that will endure, because based on the ever
lasting foundations ol humanity, justice, aud
ireeuom.
Mabccs L. Wakd New Jerney, Chairman.
John L. Defkles, Indiana, Seoietary.
llORACK UKKKLKY New York,
18. A. PcuviANOit Pennsylvania,
William Claflik Massachusetts
IS. B. bMiriiKHH Delaware.
H. W. Hoffman Maryland,
11. H. STAHKWtATHEB... Connecticut, .
It. B. Cowkn Ohio.
jounU. Clarke n6w Hampbbire,
SAHUH P. UUBBKY lUUtllO.
Abbaham B. Uabomeb. .Vermont,
.1. 8. Kowlek Tennessee,
Burtom C. Cook Illinois,
Marsh Giddikob Miubigan,
' V. . bTCBBS Iowa,
A. W. Camfbkll 'est Virginia,
8. Judd Wisconsin,
D, It. Uooolob North Carolina,
8. A. Boyd Missouri,
W J. Coknimo Virginia.
TuOM as'Kimphoh Minnesota,
(! 1. Hobinb . Florida,
NtWTOs l.L-MiiMis Dakota.
THE CLEVELAND CONVENTION
A Soldiers' and Sailors' Platform
ilddren of the Johnson Military Men to the Sol
diers and Citizens of the United States Rati
fication cf the Raymond-Johnson-Couch-and-Orr
Address The Constitutional
Amendments a Sar to Reunion,
Etc. Etc. Etc.
Clkvelaho, Sept. 19. At the evening session of
tbo Soldiers' jobneon Convention yesterday, tho
following resolutions and address were adopted:
thb platform.
Hon. L. D. Campbell, from the Committee on
Resolutions, renorted the follo.vina- platform, wuloli
was auopted with immense chberin:
The Union soldiers and sauors who served In the
army and navy of the United btatei tn the recent
war lor tho suppression of tho Insurrection, the
maintenance of the Constitution, the Government,
and tbe ting ol the Uuion, grateful to Almighty uod
lor His preservation of them tbrouirh the ptrils aud
hard-hipa ot civil war, ai U lor 11 is mercy in crown
ing their efforts wilh victory, lreedom, and peace,
deploring the absence from their midst of many
brave and lanbiul comrades, who have s aled with
their hle-blood their devotion to the sacred cause
ot American nationality, and determined now as
hcretotore to stand by the pnncip es tor which their
irlorious dead have fallen, and bv winch tboir sui
vivors have triumphed, being assembled in Na'ional
Muis Convention in the city of Clevelana, Ohio,
this 17th day ot September, 1866, do resolve and
d-cree :
First. That we heartily approve the resolution
adopted by the National Union Convention, held in
the oity of Philadelphia on the 14tn day ot Augnst
last, composed ol delegates representing all the
Males and Territories of the United States.
Kecond. Ibut our object in taking up arms to sup
press the late ltebollioii was to defend and maintain
tiie supremacy ot the Constitution, and to presore
tho Uuion with all the aigmty, equality, and rights
ol tho peveral biatt-8 unimpaired, and not In any
-p nt of oppression, nor lor any purpose of conquest
nd tnlijuvauon : ane that whenever more snail do
any armed rcBistnnco to Hie lawiully constituted
authorities of our National Union, eiihor in ibo
South or in the North, in the hast, or in tho West,
emulating tbe r-ell-eacrificing patrioiUrn of our r.'vo-
lutionary loieiatners, we win a nam pioace to its
support our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred
honor.
THE COMMITTER'S ADDRESS.
General Este. trom the same committee, reported
a lengthy address, which was received with enthu
siasm and adopted with waving of flags, cheers, and
signing "jxaiiv kouuu tne t lag, uoys."
ADDKESS.
More thrn flfti en month, have elapsed since you were
released noui service and permitted to return to your
homes with the assurance, oi ihe country that your
work was done, and i hat the Rebellion was substantially
suppressed. For lour years, ou tbe ocean and In fields
siretening irom i-e.tyt.ourg to new ur.eans, you nau
iouht In order to restore the Integrliy ol the nation, aud
you tested Irom your tolls with the conviction that It
only remained lor statesmen to rlvot the bioken bands
which )ou bad laid h geiher You Knew that this task
reuulied wisdom aud uuiiberatlon; but yoa had a right
to ezpeot that like your own.it would oe taken up
promptly aud conducted wita smgleners ol purpose
I ou nau yuurHeivea leu party lies mutuu wuu jvu
marcheuto the iieid, aud theuceforth kuew only your
country, i ou had a right to demand that In tbe peace-
lul completion or your work they would lonowyour
example, lou expected that those who had called upon
you to suppress not only revolution bat the spirit of
revolution, and to vlndkatetthe violated law, would set
a new exam p'e to the nation by a strict adherence to
their constitutional power and a revival of the old spirit
oi sacred obedience to law.
I on exDtcico, una alter me perioriitance oi buoii ser
vices you hud a peculiar right to demand, that your suc
cessors In the uorkot restoration should not oulv d -vise
measures which should be Just, but should propose
them at the s. ason when they should be practicable )
and that by means ot the measuies and the sympathies
ot the Jscrtli. ihe peop.e ot the Couth, suiijeoteu to all
the penalties should loan since have boeii brought back
to tne perionnaDce ot all Ita duties in this nation, and,
w hich the vindication ot tbe law demanded, to a reoi par
ticipation in its lite. For more tuanaycar you have
looked on in silence, anu the work lor which ou pro
vided the opportunity has not been done. Your succes
sors nave acted neither wisely nor in season.
'i bat which would have been well aud wisely acconi-
fi'isbed, 11 proposed at the proper time, bos been made
tnpracticuble hy delay, and a condition which it wouid
hsve been ol doubtful wisdom to linnose at auv tltne is
at last imposed when It Is too late. Alter you had been
withdrawn irom the field, because you bad annihilated
the power ot your opponents to disobey their Govern
ment, an entire year was added to their already long
estrangement from it beiore any conditions of retura
were bnereu toiuem, anu wDen wese conuuions were
at ast aimonnced, they contained terms which pro
posed to make the estrangement of a large portion of
our population perpetua . The youth ot toe South,
v bo bad never known when the Rebellion had com
menced or what It was to share In tne duties and bust
nessof national citizens, have grown to manhood and
Influence in its affairs and still a-e itrauge in their own
lund and excluded trom the instruction wuicn might
nuke them patriots.
i he union oi these Pts'es, for which these partisans
deemed your lives not too grent a price. Is vet as mcoui
p ete as when you inarched home, and by their uioa
suies Its restoration is a. in ludetiultely postponed. 'I hoy
savtoyou It our terms are not acceptea by the Boutii
we can wait It becomes therefore your pocadar duty,
since you prepared the giound lor this final work to
im.uire how It has been done and to consider whether
it is wise and saie to wait. Meantime, w lil e you deter
mine to v. alt or moe, it is ludispem-lhle first to intrench
ourelves In a position of lmpiegnable lacts Xue
power of the atloual Government over the all'ulrs of
lis insurgent cillzeus, except lor purposes of Judicial
punishment. Is purely of a belligerent charaoter. and
Its belligerent right concerning them Is Included la,
while it Is aho limited by, ono of the grants of the Con
stitution. 1 he Government is autbsrlzel to suppress Insurrec
tion by n.llltary means, and theaa Include all bellige
rent functions and capacities which may be necessary
lor that end. In the exercise of Its necessary bellige
rent right It is as competent to require ot Its insurgent
culzena as It would he to require ot a lorelgn enemv, not
only the i laying down ot arms, but the surrender of
every position whleh threatened a renewal of the con
flict. The right is perfect and complete for its purpose,
but It Is limited by its purpose. The Constitution directs
that armies and belligerent law snail be used tor the
suppression ot Insurrection. With this complete sup
pretslon, which includes tbe pi even tlon of a renewal,
the legitimate application ot compulsion to their future
course as communities must cease
It is not true that in case ot war this Government
acquires all ot the belllgetent rights known to Inter
national law. It has oniv so much ot that klud of right
over Its own peop e as t finds embodied in Its ownO on
slltutlon. It derives irom this source so rducu as is
necetsary Iu suppressing Insurrection, and this does not
include the right to take and hold its rebellious citizens
aud their territory as a conquest. It is authorized to
employ war to vindicate its old title to allegiance, not to
soqulre a new one. tn accoidance with this ruie, the
1" resident as Commander-in-Chief, comcelled the Insur
gents, after they pad laid down their arms to abolish by
theli local laws tbe institution of slavery, the agitation
of which had been tho cause of this war and might be the
cause ot another; to deo are null and void their acts of
secession, which bad been part ot their belligerent ac
tion, and antll rescinded embodied a e aim which
threatened future contlict. aud finally to tepudlute their
war debts, the recognlzatlo i of which would have been
a hostile act, vindicating the leglt'macy of Indirection
end threatening Its renewal. The institution ot slavery,
the ordinances ot secession and the maintenance ot au
Insurrectionary war debt, werejstrlctly tostlle positions,
and threatened a possible renewal ol tbe war until ihey
rhould be stirieunered. There could be no eotnpl te
surrender ot the belligerent attitude of the Insurant
communities oi the south: there ore the Commander-lu-Cblel.
clothed with the double tunctlons of military
commander and of the civil execution of the laws of the
Uu on, compelled thl. surrender, and at this point the
belligerent power of the National Government the
power to apply compulsion In auv form to the political
iutureoi ihe late y revolted suites was exhausted.
'I his legitimate aud restricted use ot - oro mill ion ap
peared accomplish the desired end It Is true that
the subdued aud impoverished people of tbe south did
not and could not at once pass irom hostility to irh-ud-hip.
J beir homes were darkened with sorrow which
no sense ot error could mitigate) their fte'ds were Corne
ll rles their tanus were the burut paih of our armies,
ana they cou.d not love us In tbe midst of their desola
tion. But they knew that the Issue of the appeal to
arms had been determined forever against them They
siiw lhat they bad lost by the war what they had at
tempted by work to save. They bad sunVred too much
to dream oi renewing the strife, and seeing no future
beiore them but that of citizens of the United Ktates
they were ready to return to their allegiance as denned
to them anew by the eveut of the strugg e.
When OBirnss hist assembled they bad acquired a
temper towards tbe National Government as hea.thy aa
It ws possible for any people to attain altar such a
conflict and such experleuoos. In this respect the
resultlof the war was unexampled In the history of
nations. Their disposition was governed by their acts.
They had. npon the requirement ot the Oommauder-ln
' blur, surrendered every position which could truth
fully ba deemed hostile to the Government, and by his
advice, not under his compulsion, thtv went lurther,
and In oommon ltb the loval mates ratified the Con
stitutional amendment which lore- i abo.l-die slavery,
ai d gave to Congress tbe power, by appropriate legis
lation, to ovnt Its re establishment They m'gtil
bsve conceded s'll more i but month alter month
pasted withont sc ion, and meantime they were sub
jected t milltaiy government.
Inn stem was ever hfltirr adanted than Onr national
Government to the peTioraian.ee of the duties tor which
It was designed ; no Government cou'd be leas adapted
to the regulation ot aflairs In a sabjected neighboring
teitltory Mistakes Injustice, even fraud, Inevitably
mingled with and marred Its operations throngh distant
atenctes and these have produced ihelr natural effect.
The pio onged exercise of such inactions uan on y In
jure It has already Injnred ourselves. We Cannot afford
to alter tne spirit or our g'eat national system, anu uy
ctmrallzing render two Governments of this Union
bateiul to the people of a 1 the Bta es North and South
alike ( but the evils of our present mistakes, committed
in the duties of a i unci Ion for winch tho Government
was Lever drslened. do not wait ihe slow deve opment
Ol line 'j heir eflect npon the subjeo ed Sou ill Is aoallv
disaster. We are training inturo citizens by the worst
possible Instraction, and every month's persistence
makes the evl plainer to us.
It Is manifest tha' the experiences of this delay, and
ot unrepao lean Uia under military constraint, tbe tem
per of tbe peosle has become much less commendable
than It wss at tha conclusion oi active hostilities that
the work ol true reunion has grown more dlfflcu t that
perils oi onr condition oniy Increase It It Is for you,
therefore, to ask whether tbe reasons for this delay are
sufficient, and whether the new conditions Imposed by
Cingn ss are likely to prove a Anal reaoedv. The manner
In it bleb these conditions, tn the lorm oi an amend nent
to the national Constitution, have been presented, not
only to Ihe people of tbe South, but to the nation is
without prcccden'. Forthetlrei time In the history ot
this Goveriiment propositions without connection have,
been nnlted in one amendment, and the people have
been denied the opportunity of tree choice concerning
each 'J be first section oi this s.ngle article defines citi
zenship ol th - United States. The second lays down the
basis ol repiesentafon. The thlro Is In tbe following
words:
i- o pel son shail be a Senator or Representative In Con
Klcss or eli ctor ol President anu Vice Presfient, or bold
a x ofr,ce. civil or military, under the United Htates.or
Uliiiri an., ruiio uu i-'e . . .1. .... .j ....u u umu.
us b uien.btr ot Congress, or as anoftlceiot the United
ttthina or aa a member ot any Htate Legislature, or as an
executive or Judicial officer of any Ntate, to sunuort tha
l institution ot the United states, shah have engaged la
Insurrection or -ebellh n against tbe same, or given aid
or conilori to the em mtes thereof. Hut congress may,
lit a vote 01 two-iniius oi eaun nouse, remove aucuuisa
l.illtv 'i he affect of each of these utterly disconnected nro-
positions is made to depend npon the acceptance or
lelectlou 01 tne wnoie. it seems incieaioie mat loose
who insisted noon thus connecting them couid have ex
netted that tl.ev would be ratified. Tie Boutnern
people, alter following their political leaders Into the
laie Btiuggie, sou snaring me risa ui tueir late turuuiia
lour years of terr'ble war. are called upon to aid the
proscription. Whatever punishment their bodies may
deserve at toe bauds ol tbe Government, it is uninteiil
ble bat statesmen should have creamed ol asking their
associates and tol.owers to lntllct that punlsonient
upon mem, especially a punisiimeni or lasting
uistrace more terrible than anv which the Govern
ment Use t is auiheilzed to Impose. If in the midst
o( tneir errors the people ot the south retain tbe ordi
nury fidelity of comrades in arms to each other the
con mou sent ment of honor which rules all companionship-they
wtl not voluntarily desett the men whom
thev have voluntarily and steadily followed amid so
many perils. Ihey will not accept this third s ctlun of
tbe amendment, and they are forbidden to accept the
other without It. We believe that ihe oniy ellect ot
such a proportion will be a prolonged exclusion of the
South Hum the practice of seli-govcrnment and the
tra ning ot psirlotl in ; but ll they could be persuaded or
constrainea to accept it we are at a loss to perceive tne
hi netlt to be derived Irom it. becau-e no actol Congress.
nor anything contained In the proposed amendment gives
any pieage or assurance mat tne auopnon ot mose
auicnomentB win secure the acmlssion of loyal repre
sentatives irom the southern 8 fates now exo.uded or
t lie recognition oi their constitutional relations to the
Government ot tbe United btates.
j he preamble and resolution adopted In the case of
Tennessee ao not commit uongross to tne restoration oi
tl-e Union, should their example be lollowed at once by
every other Sou.liern State. It Is evident irom tbe
course nursued by the extreme men who urge these
an endments anil from the sentiments enunciated by
tlu in. that it Is tbelr fixed purpose, even it the ainend
n tnts be adopted, to still insist upon the poilt'cal
equa lty of the co ored race as a condition precedent to
admitting loyal representatives trom the Southern
Slates lately In Rebellion. Ihe partisans of these con
ditions attempted te excite Ihe Indignation and alarm ot
the country by ucclarlug the readmisslou oi the Mouth
v. ithout them is an abandonment oi all the dear-bought
irultsot tbe war. It is not tor tho soldiers aud satlots
ol that war to shrink irom being wise lest they should
be susnected oi lnsultlrit the graves ot fhelr comrades.
and forgetting the objects tor which they suifored so
niiie.b.
1 hey know that there lsaprogiess in the lite ot this
na ion, ana mat mere it a oou woo animates tost nio
ami thev hold that lcar to be us lntldel as It Is cowardlv.
Ji.tlons never die in tbelr adolescence The mauhood
wli'ch this people has vindicated in war will not sicken
and perish In peace. Tbe South cannot, if It would, cost
mi tlto obligations of events; and under the good that
in s been done it nas shared aireas'y, ana foraiawas
lriesirtlbie as time must continue to share the common
tlt.t eionmeni ot this season oi auick growth. The .North.
yt Ith Its sense of Justice Its faith In true Pemocraoy, Its
viLor and industry and vast wealth, must Inevitabl r rule
tuls land but It will secure and beneficially exerc.se that
ru e ouly by the same process which governs all true
civillzatlou- not by force. Ii fear Is entertained that
he Southern people may be insincere In what they have
done towards reconstruction, and that they desire ad
mission to the national councbs only that they may
undo It aud repudiate our national debt, here Is a con
tinued exclusion by means ot the proposed amendment,
which will not be ratified. Their exc.uslon cannot be
permanent.
'I his people will not suffer It to be lasting, and ibey
will return at last without those conditions, but still loss
inclined to patriotism and good laltb. They are Ameri
ci ds and. they have at least tbe weakness oommon to
the nation and to them, as it would he to us. Exclusion
irom the Union and trom complete sels government Is
disorganization politically and socially. The treedmen
among them and tbe rest of the nation might sutler by
everything which demoralized their condition, and be
benefitted by everything which elevates It. i rue, we do
not believe tbe people of tbe South will violate the good
uith which they have pledged to us. In the Kutlonal
Union Convention at Philadelphia more than thro
hi.Lthed southern delegates, holding influential posl
tn ns at home, claiming to represent, and, as we
Ltlleve, actually representing constituencies who can
make good their promises, cordially co-opera.ed with
the JSorth In pledging that Convention aud tho people
tl at the public debt of the United Btates shou d forever
rr mam sacred ; that the insurrectional v debt should not
be paid, and that the rights oi the treedmen should be
protected. We believe that the men who mtdo these
elections v. Ill keep them ; especially as soldiers who
know the character ot their late opponents we hellevo
tlint the soidlers of the bouth-men who have en
d u red so b.avely and constantly tha trials and
pr.vatlons of tour years ot war are. despite the
error of their cause men of personal honor and sell
respect, and that they will permit the communities
In which they dwell to violate promises given in the
most solemn terms We bold, then, that no reason has
been given which can Justify an adheience to the course
which baa been proposed by Congress, or lor a further
Continuance ot the present unhappy condition of the
country. If the same class of men who have established
this policy shall oe returned to the next Con
fuse, that condition Will grow worse for two
visit) longer. Who can estimate the evils which will
meantime have tallen npon all racea In those com
munities as well as ourselves' It l our duty to
remember that the Government Is not the em
boovment of perfect theories, but Is a practical
business, and aeals with the wise and unwise,
tit - well and lll-dlsptsrd, as a mlngied mass of that
civilization which is a growth, and not the result ot
loice. We believe t-iat nationality with Its distribution
o powers between the cential ana local Governments, Is
the chief Instrumentality and Is the best blessing of
political and civil lile lor all races and communities In
this land, and that our first duty to all Is to ace that It is
as promptly ss possible re-estab ished. By means of it
we shall accomplish not only peace and saletv, but Jus
tice to the nation aud the ireeumeu. Upon all of those
BLcred rights we shall Insist.
l e speak as soldiers, because we believe that an ap
peal Irom us to the brave men who met us In battle to
unite with us in giving peace to our common country,
in fulfilling pledges which have been made and guaran
t elng to ilia treedmen the rights which honor and im
munity enjoin will not be made in vain. We shall ask
end expect that thev, like ourselves will nnlto In main
taining tbe law. on serving the peace, vindicating good
will, and itpho.diug the honor and lutesMy of our coin
niou country. ... .
We want a Union not merely in name, but a Union In
frcti not a Union merely of geographical linos, but a
Union of licaiU. Sucu a Union we lought to maintain,
smha Union we wish to enlov. By It alone cau out
nation accomplish Its true mission an i fulill Its true des
tiny, so believing, we anxlousyand earnestly appeal
to van. onr tormer comrades In arms to assist Ii the
gn at work ot pacification. We appeal to yju, not as
democrats, not es Republicans, but as patriots and
national Union men. . .,
tet no eliminations or roorlmlnations mar or disturb
tiutt mutual esteem which should be eer cherished by
those who have shared common danger in coutundlng
lor a oninion eaiise. We were brotuers during ihe
dink days of the Rebellion let us remain friends dur
ing the brighter days ot peace! ai d as we carried deso
lation to the south when she was hostile and defiant,
let us unit In tendering to her not only Just but gene
rous treatment now that she Is subdued and disarmed.
If we hut do this, II we but evince the magnuni ulty of
spirit always polltlo from the victor to the conquered,
the honor and pride ot the Southern soldiers will so rs
fpond that our beloved Union shall be stronger, better,
firmer than ever before. May tbe Cod ot our fathom
who, bv ills olessinr. enabled them through a seven
years' war to estahl'sh a Union, and we their children
and sons, to vindicate It lu the late terrible struggle
giant His aid and assistance In our edorU to establish
and perpetuate It
Tbe customary resolutions of thanks wore adopted,
tie doxology sune bv the entire assemblage, a beue
diction pronounced bv the chaplain, and the Con
vention, with cheers for (iraut, Karragut, the I'resi.
dent, and tbe Constitution, adjourned lii.tdte.
Tune Your Pipes ! The Journal du Havre says
p tun, vuc yi tur a- bi avutiuus ut lllflfHriS .01D1-
tlon next year will be n prize of 10,000 frane3 for
the best siiigrr iu the w orld.
I MANAGED MY CHILDBED
rrtOK
INFANCY TO MARRIAGE.
BY
MRS. WARREN.
AUTHOR OF
BOW I MANAGED MY IIOUSE ON TWO HUN
DEED POUNDS A YKAR," "COMTOHT
FOR SMALL INCOMES," ETC.
CCOHT1SCED TBO at TTJBSDAT'S EVKHINO TELEGRAPH.
CHAPTER VII.
Bible Teaching The Artist's Success A Dream
of the Future Illness Death Rebellion A
Second Death Submission. t
While the jtirls were at home we had our cub-
ton ary verses of the Bible, two or three, but
not more, read ever; morning alter br oak fast.
and the usual comments made upon tbe mean
ing that la; bidden or developed in the sacred
words, a custom which 1 found fir more condu
cive to probt than reading a whole chapter as a
matter ot duty, while the thoughts were per
haps wanderinu far away. Therefore, one verse
rightly understood wan better than a weary
hour spent in rending without retiection. After
this pleasant occupation was over, Mary looked
up with the lii;lit ot some amusing thought, and
met my inquiring look.
"Do you Know, mamma, one day there was a
Bible class examioed ? that is, to many girls
were given a number of questions to study ou a
Tuesday, and oil the following Saturday morn
ing they were expected to nave the answers
ready. Alice came into the room, joined the
class and answered witn tbe rest, and so well
that she was to have a good mark. But when
they came to put it against her name it was not
down on the class board. Alice looked quite
frightened, and was ready to cry, and when
asked why she hod chosen to join the class
without being told to do so, aud that she was
DcclecOne her French, Bhe was going away
without saying a word, hut I replied, 'Alice did
not lo.-e her time in studying these Bible ques
tions, ma'am, for mamma taught us all she has
been asked.' Mrs. Forbes said she was rejoiced
to hear it; she wished there were more Chri
tinn mothers in the land; and then, denr, dar
ling mamma, 1 felt so proud of you, and 1 tben
understood the mcaumg of the phrase in Pro
verbs, 'Her children arise up and call her
blessed.' "
Jly heart fairly rose in overflowing gratitude
to God, as I listened to my Mary's words.. I
had ntver wearied my children with long
prajers, or long Scripture readings or sermons.
The two or three verses suflicei for a pleasant
discourse whlcb could be easily remembered,
and fitted to daily application. Sometimes I
read out one ot tbe Bible histories; the place
where the event happened wa. traced, il possi
ble, on the map of ancient Palestine, and thus
lile and interest in the subject were given; and
more than even gratifying my children, I lound
lilt own account in prepuriug the employment
ot the hour for them. It is astonishing bow dif
ferently 1 understood the meaning of much that
I now read from what I did In my young days,
and how clear the sense was made to me. This
can well be iniugined if one teflects tbat in
childhood, or eveu girlhood, how seldom trou
bles appear; and in s tinny days, who dreams of
dancer? who fees the necessity of providing
aeainst a tempest? It is only when helpless,
beaten, and drifted, we lay hold of the strong,
and are gratetul, and that which we once passed
by unheeded becomes iu its need tho only one
thing we desire. With rare exceptions, we never
truly seek God till trouble comes. We pray to,
and read of him, but we lay no hold of him iu
laun as me une tieaierot all our griefs.
Not one of my children ever felt Bible reading
to be a weariness, because they were never al
lowed to read it as they pleaded. I taught them
that though it C3ntaihed all information tbat
was needed lor our guidance iu this life, and for
happiness hereafter, still it was never to be ap
proached In a careless, irrpverent manner, or to
be taken up at any moment, aud thus I led them
to prefer always reading tt with me; and, al-
though it was always ready at hand, and the
opening aud reading it by themselves was not
actually forbidden, it came to be understood
that mamma liked best to read, to comment
upon, and explain it to them, and that without
her it was in Home sense a forbidden book, or
rather, something set apart as sacred; and from
this very circumstance alone, so contradictory
is the natuie of all human beings, a know
ledge of its contents was tue one thing earnestly
desired.
My studdy Dick seemed eveu more interested
in i ible reading than the others. His school
lite has not altered btm. He was still a child
apart from the rest. He took nothing lor
gianted. He would tire one with inquiries why
t-ueu a tb,ng was. It could only be said of him
that he hungered and thirsted for knowledge,
but at every fresh accession of information he
pondered and doubted how he could prove it.
Dot, or John, as it w&s proper to call him,
though in my thoughts he was always "Dot,"
was in London, and frequently writing home
bopetully. He was getting on, hoped to be
w ith us at Christmas, was copyine a painting of
the Holy Family In the Natioual Gallery, and
it was to be a Christmas gift to his darling
mother. The happy season soon came. bl3
Christmas eve arrived, but no John. It was not
the days of railroads then, and tbe coach which
was due at seven bad not reached our quiet
town at 10. For we had long left London and
beu settled in the country, where my husband
was tbe manager of a country bank.
How well do I remember that evening 1 The
dining-room was bright with the glare of a
ruddy fire, on which a log ot wood had been
pluced, aud occasionally It lighted up with a
flash of radiance so cheering and so grateful In
ltu warmth, for there bad been a heavy fall of
snow for two days. The table was set out with
all the delicacies which Christmas brings, and
in honor of our young artist's arrival a Christ
inas pudding was to be cut. Tbe wainscoted
v nils gleamed with pictures, the , ornaments
scattered about flashed with scintillations of
Wflcome, which shut out thoughts of evil. I
was alone. Tbo rest, with their father, all
w armly wrapped up, had gone to see the cause
ol the unusual delay. Presently the trampline
of feet was heard, the servunts rushed to the
dc or, and once more 1 heard my boy's voice,
once more I clasped him iu thankfuluess.
We were soon seated rouud the table, and as
merry as reunited hearts always are.
"Now for my preseut, Dot," said I, the next
morning after breakfast.
"Well, mamnia." he replied, "I know I
haveii't done ihe rieht thing, but I've sold your
present, and that is what I've got for it," dis
playing ten sovereigns.
"But how?" I asked, in astonishment.
"it was a small w ater-color copy of Oorresrglo's
Holy Family, that I thought you would be de
lighted with. Wheu it was finished a gentleman,
w ho bad. I must say, been kind euough to watch
my nropress several time, looked over my
shoulder and a-ked me what I was going to do
with it. I told him it was tor a Christmas
present to you.
" 'Well, you can paint your mother another
picture,' said he, 'and let me have that. I'll
give you ten pounds for it.'
"I hesituted, and he laughe l and said, -
" 'Make up your mind, mv boy, and tell obi
8 , the door-keeper. He knows where to
find me.' . Ai
"1 thouarht the matter over and over. I m
to wish to bring It home; tt had been to rue like
a rf. I bad even got to love It, ami kent
touching and retouebng evet af'er I cou-
fit) vtlvt-
t