G
THE DAILY EVENING TEJ.EGR.Aril. rElLADELPHIA, FRIDAY, AUGUST 31, 18GG.
THE POLITICAL WORLD.
Clin. Bullcr and Wendell Phillips
on the President.
"What the lawyer Hero of the War
Claims that He Captured.
The Theory Under Which He Governed
New Oi leans.
The South to be Kept Cut of the Union Until tho
Heavens Mult with rervent Heat.
AVriMlrll Phillips Opinion of t he Phila
delphia ( ouvrnllou,
It Will Cause a Desperato Conflict
in I8G3.
More Blocf., ant! Even the Block and the Axe,
the Kea-v.res Demanded,
Congrcrc Wcnourccd for Not Insisting
Upon JNcgfO Kuflrnge.
The Republican Tarty "IIa3 ITo
Principle Whatever."
II. F. Hurler's !. I a OloiMt-sii-i-, Miinh.
Mr. Cbuli man, my Friends and NeiahOors:
Allow nie in the tirst place to thank you lor the
pportunity wliirh you have so counloously
allorded mo of speak imr upon ihe Issues of the
day. They sue very simple, they are unehuiiKed,
they are the same now ihat they were lbUl; tney
are pel hups b( urj followed out in a tiiiterent
Held, but they arc lo com plote the Kiue.i then
left unfinished. Jn 18iil the Piepresentatives in
Congress of the present e.even iusurircut (States,
aided by some oiheis, lolt their seats in the
Congress ol the Untied htates lorthi'. purpose oi
desiroyinu this Government. And I am one ol
thoBe who believe that they desire now to
return to their seats fur a like' purpose. Let us
calmly, candidly, justly reason tosrether upon
this matter, aud it iipmi the whole we are con
vinced thai the issue is such as 1 have indicated,
then the plain duly of every loyal man, ol every
true lover ol his country, is seen in the coming
political contest, us it wa"? seen in the ereateoniot
of armies wh'ch has just heun concluded. We
remember, and we have by far too many re
minders to 1'oraet, that tor the purpose ot
makiiiK a frmu slave empire anil lor the pur
pose of holding political power, which the jrreut
growth ol industry and enterprise of the North
was fast taking away from them, with a wicked
ness unparalleled, without any possible cause
except the constitutional election ot a President
the choice of the great body of the people
these eleven insurgent States of the Union went
out of tue Union. Now let no man misunder
stand me. When 1 use the term, went out of
the Union, I do not mean that by their nets tney
uttered the eovern.'iicntal rijrht ot the United
fStaiej over a loot ot territory of the United
Slates, or over any citizen of the United
States. All remain in spite of secession, in
spite of rebellion, in spite of treason, all remain
under the (.'overument ot the United States,
subject in itslaws, amenable to its tribunals, and
holding it by the power of its wins. Hut these
insurgents poinir forward, organized them
selves into conim unities bound by the old boun
daries ol the States. Ihey passed ordinances of
secession, made themselves a constitution, re
pudiated all their constitutional obligations,
elected for themselves a general and Uui'orent
form of froverumoiir, rouUiiitf tho nnrnpr.tiuif
from slavery, and declared themselves forever
free from all political oblicitions to the United
States, or any rights under its Constitution or
any amenities to ils laws. They enacted laws
for themselves; they raised armies, and went
forward to an extent and with an audacity un
paralleled; and summing it up in a word, they
fought lor lour years wub a determination and
bravery which, in a pood cause, would have
been worthy the admiration of the worid, and
with a lerocity and cruelty to their opponents and
prisoners ot war whom they captured lrom the
United States unparalleled in the history of war.
These men were subjects of the United State,
out no less subjects because they were traitors,
and uo h-s traitors because they were enemies.
With varied fortune, at some times seeming so
dark that a convention assembled at Chicago
and declared the war a failuie: at some times so
daik that even pood and loyal men, puttiu?
their trust in the pood God, who had guided their
fathers and would protect their sons, doubted the
existence of a controlling Power, but by the
bravery of our soldiers, by the patriotism of our
people, and by the stability of our lmtitutions,
we, in the spring of 18(15, were enabled to conq uer
acd capture every loot of territory, and every
army of the Rebellion. My friends, what did we
capture, with the exception of men ? What were
these men in the iudement aud unanimous
opinion of the Supreme Court of the United
States ? They -were public enemies, captured in
war, surrendered by the surrender of the armies
which they had raised to uproot the Govern
ment of the United States, and when we cap
tured them we captured everything they had.
We captured men and property, their slaves,
their rights, constitutional aud otherwise. All
were conquered and, indeed, one general ot
the United States had occasion to deflms what
Tights were left to captured liebels, and that
definition never has been disputed, and I need
not say that in the judgment of one general
ranLot be disputed, that the only right left to
captured Rebels was the right lb hang. (Ap-
,luuse.) If they received anything else it was
torn clemency and mercy and not from justice.
(Loud applause.) At the moment when the
conquering armies of the United States were
sweeping over tho land irresistibly, and when
tho power of the Confederacy was being frac
tured, and when their President was fleeing and
pursued by the cavalry of the United States, at
th'it moment, in the spirit that starved our
prisoners at Libb.v, Belle isle and Andersonville,
they raised the assassin band ol Booth airainst
the great and good Lincoln the last crowning
infamy of the war. And that raised the Vice
President of the United Status into power; and
while I propose to deal with all ot his acts and
opinions with that respect due to any man in a
high ollice, it will yet be necessary to examine
those acta and opinions, lie. then declared that
treason should bemadeodious aud traitors should
lie punished. That declaration was made to every
committee from every State that visited him. aud
1 need not tell this audience how that declara
tion thrilled every loyal heart. Every man said:
"Well, if wo have lost Lincoln, we have pot
Johnson, and the Rebels will fare, wnran tuiih
him than with Lincoln." He issued his procla
mation tor a reward for the principal conspira
tors, lie reduced to sanction the terms of sur
render by Sherman to Johnson, and it will be
, quite material for us, for a moment, to consider
what thOoe terms were. General Sherman, auxi
ous, as he said, to paeiflcate the country, agreed
with General Joirisn that if he would Barren,
der, the people ot ue Confederate States shoull
be restored to all the right, civil and politi
cal, which they enjovci before the war. That
was one of the principal forms of the
When that surrender wa knowa at Washing
ton, and the capitulation "nnnidereri ,t .
at once repudiated by every iiyal man. What
was it that we had been fighting for ? What
bad we gained if these terms were nlinw.wn
Andrew Johnson issued an ordr requiring
that these terms of surrender ihould be
net aside. Why? Because it rettoid these
Rebels to thor-e riehU which leao. to a
part in the Government of the United Etntea.
iUDd thus JCB'Jer nugatorj Ulg War la Tt"UvU
we have been ennagrd. Mark this, because, we
want to see if, after all, the present policy of the
Philadelphia Convention Is to be carried out,
we have not enacted the same terms of sur
render. The Government of the United State
had the right to name the terms upon which
the South should be readmitted to the Union,
and they would have been instantly and eaeerly
subscribed lo, had they been never so hard and
severe. President Johnson takes a power for
which there is nowairant in the Constitution,
that no State should conic back until it parsed
the Constitutional Amendment abolishing
slavery, and until it agreed to annul and make
void it's ordinances of secession. If those State-,
as is uow claimed, had a'l their rights in the
Ut ion that is, if South Carolina had the same
right as Massachusetts, aud if in exhibiting that
right it Massachusetts men ana South. Carolina
m..r. mnrn Vinniwl in march nvm in nrm for nn
exhibition any where why did the President
tinderiae to put a coniiiiion upon tun houmern
States of Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and other
rebellious States? I was saying that if at the
moment that Piesldrnt Ji hnson issued his order
that Ihcse States should not bo allowed to have
ny other than a military government until they
pa.-sed certain acts one of which was to nullity
he ordinances ot secession, and another to
adopt the constitutional amendment abolishing
slavery if at that tune it was competent for
me to make tlint order, I should put it that
there Mates hud necn in rencilion their rights
had hern captured, and it was lor the United
S'ates to say upon what terms they would take
them back. Nowhere in the Constitution. I
can safety challenge any constitutional lawyer
in the country to put hi'i linger upon a passage
anywhere which elves the President a right, to
say to a Stale in the Union, do this or do that, or
don't do this or do that, adopt, this proposition
or that proposition. President Johnson gave
them orders as their chiel Executive because ho
rc:ogn ized that those Sta es that had rebelled had
a diiicrent pos ition in the country from thelo.snl
States. Let me repeat this, bee. nise upon this
tilings the whole ,ucsiinn. 1 agree, it these
revolted, rehclli'ius I oiileder.ite States have
never lust any of their rights by tho war or
their oast act's, if they have the same rights
that thry had before the war, then no man.
lias a right to keep cut their representatives, or
to impose any condition upon them, and tiiery
loie when gentlemen say to inc. "Uoiurress has
no right to sav what Massachusetts shall do,"
1 agree. Neither Congress nor the President
has any right to eay what Massachusetts shall
do, or Pennsylvania," or New york or omit to
do. But when Massachusetts rebels against
the Government, ami takes anus, and after lour
years or lour months is subdued, alter she has
to surrender because she cannot tight longer,
and lies bound hand ami toot before tha power
ot the United States. I will say that Massa
chusetts then lias lost her m'.its, and that she
has 10 come under the law ot the con
queror, and can come back into the Union
only when, in the jiidgin-nt ol the loyal States, it
shall be lor the benefit ot the whole country lo
receive her buck. Congress came together in
Liecembi r, ni:d lor the lii-t nine the President
enunciated the doctrine that the-e Suites had a
right to representation by loyal representatives.
it always seemed lo me that mere was a fallacy
in that" statement, that it was sophistry, and I
have seen very many pood, honest, loyal men
lhatwcie stumbled by this argument." "Why
won't Conutvss admit the loyal representatives
into the Union? Is it not wrong for Congress
to keen out iovalmen.' Suppose the South is
disloyal aud scuds loyal representatives, why
should not they be admitted':" Suppose, my
friend, you who have a doubt upon this ques
tionsuppose the loyal Stater, should send dis-
loval men to the Loner e.-s ot the Lnrted States,
will you admit the disloyal representative? No,
because he misrepresents his constituency, and Oe '
ought not to t:e aumitted. Suppose a disloyal con
stituency si nils a loyal representative, should he
be adinuUd? No. Why? Because he mil-represents
his constituency, le it not perleetly an
answer a perfect one, aud not to be overcome
by any nttitict that the right ol representation
is not the right ot me representatives, but ot
the eonstitncuci ? If the constituency is loyal,
then it will hardly do to inquire into the loyalty
of the representative, and, thcrelore, we all
applaud the answer ot John Randolph. When
asked if lie was old enough to corneto Congress,
he said, "Ask my constituents." I assume that
President Johnson believed that they were
loyal, and that they had surrendered in good
UBtl.. VtjU I.? .Jt..ecJ' . li.u, lu K,ou.l Initll ' 1
supTJOse that a horse-tlnet, when he gets in
Stale prison, surrenders the right ot horse
stealing in pood 'itith. He doesn't mean to steal
any more until he gets out. (Laughter.) They
surrendered, not because they wanted to, but
because they were obliged to, not from love ot
country, but lrom tear; they surrendered be
cause they were whipped, and soundly whipped,
too. I think 1 do no discredit to Presi
dent Johnson to say that 1 think he was mis
taken. These men said we have surrendered In
good laith; we have agreed to take up our rela
tions ui the United States; and iu 1805, in May,
June, and July, that was their reeling. They
were like the convicted sinner, ready to say,
Lord. Lord, what will you nave us to do ? '
But the dillicully was, they louud that they lirst
obtained pardons; and second, that they were
sustained by the Presitlent; and third, that the
North was far too lenient and forgiving ; and
then arose this most monstrous theory that they
had all the rights which they lormerly had under
the Constitution; that the terms which Sherman
gave to Johnson, and which the President ot the
United States rejected, were the true terms on
which they surrendered. When did tbey pet these
terms? 1 understand mat Alexander n.
Stephens, one ol their ablest men, claims that
they are not responsible lor what was done iu
their absence; that thone Rebels who leit their
seats have the right to come baclc anil vote upon
ihe ouestion whether men and money should bo
iurnisbed to put down tho Rebellion. And the
answer ot Mr. Stephens belore the Conimittte'e
of Reconstruction is, mat tne soutn are nor
bound bv anything done in their absence; and
the bounties of our soldiers are not binding
upon them; pensions ol our widows and orpnaua
are not binding upon them, because they were
unfortunately absent wheu they were voted.
(Applause.) In the spring of 18G5 they were
ready to accept any terms, but they went
on claiming right after right until at last
the question caiue between the President and
Congiess. The President claimed tne right to
say when they were in a tit condition to become
a portion of tho Union, and Congress claimed
that it was the right of the whole law-making
power, including the House of Representatives
and the President, to say when theso men were
lit to come back; and this is the struggle. The
issue is now made. When we talk witn anybody
who claims to support the policy of Piesident
Johnson, he immediately tells us about tho Con
stitution and the wisdom of our fathrs, and
that he is content to do as our lathers did. So
ami. What did our fathers do? I won't cite
Massachusetts, for she was always "thought to
be rabid; but I will take the State of North
Carolina; and at the end of the Revolution
what law did she pass ? She gave the tory am
ncbtv lor all his past misdemeanors, protection
lor his lile. liberty, and property; but never
lorever should he have any part iu the eovern
ment of the State. I go back to the wisdom of
the talhers, and every State in tho Uniou at that
flay passed the same or oirnilar orders, except
South Carolina, and she let the tory pack take
part in her government; and the consequence
is that she has never had a republican govern
ment to this day. It seems that heretofore,
under the Constitution of the States, the Presi
dent has never before undertaken to say a State
was or wan not tit to come back but by the law
of Congress. States carved out of Western ter
ritory come In by laws of Congress, and in the
purchase ot Louisiana nobody doubted thatit
was the right of Congress to recognize the right
of taking States in tho Union by purchase or
otherwise. We see that the issue now turns
upon another question. Are these men tit to
come back? What is the evidence on that point?
Whether the right of Congress or of the Presi
dent, let us pass It to the second point are
they ready to come back?
On 'that point we have lately had some Iu
stiuetion. There assembled at Philadelphia
on the 14th ot this month these men in conven
tion us delegates it men can be called delegates
who generally went on their own hook a con
vention of men assembled aud undertook to tell
vt, by prccJiicaUtc, icbut dux politico fiesta
and duties were, and how we are to-settle; this
war wh'ch tbey did not favor, did not tight.
I speak with great earnestness and interest on
this point. Let me put a rase to you. At the
time when yon had bad news from the
army in Virginia, were not certain
ot your fellow citizens seen in the
streets with smiling and joyous countenances,
and raying! "Didn't I tell you so?1' "I knew
it would be so;" "I told you this war was a
failutc:" and when news came of glorious vic
tory, like rairauut at Now Orleans or Mobile,
would jcu not see the same men saying, "I
don't believe that tclearain;" "We soall hear
the true account in a few days." Tha'. is the
class of men sent as delegates to Philadelphia.
Where ihey undertake, to iiistrnct you on your
duties, you should ask them, Did you tight tor
our side did you favor it? No. they say, but
we want to settle it now. Much oblig-d, but
we want to settle it ourselves; we fought It in
the held, and we will settle- it here. The dele
gates of South Carolina and Massachusetts walk
arm in arm into that Convention, and. there
fore, the whole matter is li atomized, tho
whole country is fraternizpd. You re
member what in the emblem ot
South. Carolina the rattle.-nake. And
when the rattlo-nakc and copperhead twine
and twine, it don't seem to make much diilcr
rnce to the rest of the beasts of the tM(.
Therefore, if j ou will allow me to go ba a
moment to the language of my prolession, "I
demur" to these men instructing me in my poli
tical duty. And these men come together re-pre.-ent
iip neither section. We know that the
men who went from here do not represent Mas
sachusetts. There is no man so blind, no child
so foolish, who cannot see that these men are
not the representatives of Massachusetts'. Tate
our old friend Mr. Wiufhrop, lor w hom person
ally 1 have the highest regard; everybody knows
that helms nut tor ten years controlled any
hte.'j'S ole but his own. lake that very respect
able lawyer, Judge Curtis, an admirable judge
and n proiound scholar; it was on.y in 1H."1 that,
he published an opinion that certain coali
tions were an indictable oltense, and
sinew then we have not heard a word
t;oni him until this Philadelphia Con
vention. I will only say this, gentlemen, that
when , you find anybody from thl: State sup
porting slavery, you will find that he only car-pc-with
him the clothi's on his hack. I have
said to on that these meu do not represent the
North, inid in this respect that convention was
the most memorable tliat win; ever held. Not a
speech allowed lrom Southern men, and not a
representative Southern man there. Mr. Orr
was shorn ol his power, and it shows you that
he don't represent the people ot the South any
more than our would-be Governor Couch repre
sents Massachusetts. Wad-1 Hampton, the
chieftain, had to beg and pray that they would
not vote lor him, aud would vote for Orr, or he
would have been elected. Again, Governor
Perry w as chosen by President Johnson because
he had been tabooed duringthe war by the entire
voice ot the South, and lie da ined to be almost
the only Union man there. Ilothey represent the
South? And what did they do? They passed ten
resolutions. For tear I t-tioiiH make a mi-tike 1
brought them in my hand and 1 will give you a
synopsis ol ton e oi'thein.
I have piven you evidence of the Philadelphia
C mention which was to teach us our political
duty, end to show that the South was ready to
fraternize, and I was grieved more than 1 would
like to cxpiess (because I have ever had kindly
Tier-'onal relations with the President of the
United States), wheu I heard ot his saying to
ihe committee to Reverdy Johnson, a man
who, when I was in Batiiiuore, stood on the
fence for more than n month not knowing
which way to leap, until he found that we were
considerably the strongest on Federal Hill,
and our guns pointed towards his
house I was grieved, I say, to
hear the President say that a portion ot Con
gress, not the whole Congress, were attempting
to usurp power. I should like to have stood
behind him and said: "What arc you thinking
of? That is a portion of Congress only because
elected by a portion of the states; but this
Congress is elected by precisely the same per
sons that elected von: are you only u portion of
a President? And if you say this thing is to be
tiied over again, and the rest oi' the States come
iLto Congress in order to set this matter light,
and bring the dialoynl States into Congress,
hadn't you. being elected by only a portioa of
;,u'","'l .better ro-iorn v.onr place' And then,
it you cot elected on that issue, I thing ou wilt
be allowed to do pictty much as you please."
He knows, and you know, and I ki.ow,
that these eleven State would have
hanecd him so quick at the beginning
ot ihe war that ne would not have had
time to breathe a prayer. We see by the tone
ot the papers that these people are not ready
lor reconstruction. There is a mass of over
whelming evidence upon the subject. I lor ouu
do not believe that any portion of this country
is ready to participate in the government oi the
country until any man of any part of the couu
try has equal rights with any other man. And
until that can be done ir every portion of the
United States, ihat portion is not ready to be
admitted as a portion ot the United States. Tho
Sonibern man, whether arrived at the common
age of man or not. knows that he can go to any
part ot the North and speak his sentiments
lreely, and 1 do not want any part
of this country represented in Congiess
until you and I can go and argue
the principles of free government without
fear oi the.knile or pistol, or of being murdered
by a mob. Aud when men usk me how long I
would keep theso men out, I say keep them out
until the heavens melt with fervent heat, umil
they will allow tree speech and free press
throughout their land. And it it should not
come in this generation we will swear our sons
to keep them out till they become tit tor a re
publican form of government. 1 now remember
a man who came to nie among the very irst at
New Orleans, aud took tne by the hand, aud
with tears in bis eyes said, "I thank (iod that
you have come; I bless God that your flag waves
over me again, the symbol of justice and
protection of my country;" and yet I have
seen that man murdered iu cold blood by the
chicl of police, whom 1 had condemned to death
for the murder of a Union man, and only re
frained from hanging him because the act took
place before my arrival, and 1 doubted my au
thority to Ciecule hini. Tfcat murdered man
was Bostie, the best aud purest Union man that
ever trod the soil ot Louisiana, lor he perilled
his life wheu he had no hope, in defease of the
Hag. I speak w ith feeling, tor he was one of my
best and stauchest advisers, aud aided mo by ail
means in his power. As long as I hid a com
mand the flHg sheltered him, and every other
man within my territory. And that that man
should be nun dered, with that flag lying over
him not to him an emblem ot power and
protection and we be told that these men
are our brothers! (Applause.) The rattle
snake may be a brother of the copperhead,
but not mine not mine! And wliat was his
otleuse! He undertook to assemble with the
Convention, and discuss their nkh's as we are
assembled here to-night a ricUt guaranteed by
the Constitution ot tne United states, and under
any one attempts to pull down the United States
the protection ot the flag: and Ishould liketoeay
to my old friend. General Dix. "You said, wheii
Hug shoot him on tho spot;" out now whenever
a man raises an American tlae you seem to want
some Thug to shoot him on the spot. And you,
General Dix, goto Philadelphia, und talk about
your brethren ! They are tio brethren of mine.
Either their hearts or mine- must change belore
I can give them the right hand ot fellowship.
Major-General Sheridan i not even a Republi
can; he is a brave soldier; before the war a
Democrat; remains so i.ow for nughtlknow;
certainly he does not five any outward mani
festation ot change ot opinion. He makes a
repieseutation to General Grunt w hich I will read
to jou; and, by-the-by, I t that three of tiio
Johnson paper do not print this telegram, for no
reason that I can see, except that he don't agree
with the eighth article in the Philadelphia reso
lutions. (The speaker then read General Sheri
dan's despatches.) Now, my friends, I have
read to you, as you see, the testimony unwil
lingly drawn out in answer, giving a ghs over
the tenor of the despatch. The President's des
patch asked for as kindly a report as possible ol
too a 11 air. I Have read to you the testimony of
one who is opposed to the Republican party,
but whose loyalty to the country is unquestioned,
wherein Jjo t?Ujyu, tjja, jhjs, wag a. jjjafisii;re
and a murder, that the police shot down men
even while prisoners. They are but thrgsand
miirdeiT8, Hnd they are Johnson men in good
standing for coming back into tho Union. When
the President asks General Sheridan if the civil
power Is stittiolent to take enre of iheso men, he
answer", "I should say emphatically it is
not." This is after the Pr'cldent has issued his
proclamation ot thelHth of August, that peace
rciened and civil authority is suflicient protection
for all citizen?. 1 am sorry to see that In face of the
facts ihat Horton the clergyman, Dostie the pure
patriot, liyer, ana others ie dead.nna wounded
men are conrng North, wtin the testimony of
nil these unavenged, with Northern peoole un
protected so that they are obliged to leave New
Orleans, that the President has Issue 1 his pro
clamation that pence has obtained throughout
all the land, and the civil courts are ample to
protect lite and liberty. And in face of General
Sheridan's emphatic disavowal of the ability of
the civil authorities to protect the citizens the
President on the Kit hot August turns over every
Union man in the South to the mercies ot the
thujs assa-slns and murderers of Lincoln nnd
Do'tie. Are yon ready to say that these men
shall sit in Congress, make laws for you, have
power to say whether 'your debts shall b" paid
or go unpaid, whether bounties shall be
paid to your soldiers, pensions to your
widows, or whetner the tiag ot the
United states thall be upheld? To have a
iiornon ot tr.e country in governmental rela
tions to the coi.ntry where no lovnl mad can
speak, and i.o loyal men can assemble? I have
had si n:e private tocnninuts lrom another por
titin ol the Union. It was because Texas had
concluded to come into the Union that this pro
clamation ol peace was issued. A gentleman.
born in a town in this county, formerly serving
u on my stall, was sent upon' an Inspection tour
to Texa-, find he made his report, and was forth
with ordered home, becuuse ho reported what
he saw, nnd in what condition he saw things.
What is the d'.tlcrence between the President
and Congress or between the Philadelphia Con
vention and Congress? because 1 believe now
we are to look to that as an exponent of his feel
ing. Congress says these men shall not come' back
until they pass the Constitutional amendment.
And what is there in the Constitutional amend
ment that fault should be found with it? The
nrst section (and 1 thought it was in the Con
stitution already) is that every citeen ot every
State shall have the right of every citizen of
every State in other words, that any one here
shalf walk in peice in South Carolina, the ?ame
as a citizen ot South Carolina can now walk in
Massachusetts as Couch nnd Orr walked arm
in arm at Plnlac'elphia. The second section
provides that the United States debt shall never
be repudiated. That is where the convention
agree with us, cnly we want Southern men to
put it on paper. Aud that the Confederate debt
shal1 be lorever repudiated, because Mr. Alex
om!er H. Stephens savs they are not bound by
what was doue in their absence, and therefore
thev are not Pound by the Confederate debt, nnd
the moment they get back, we shall
have a motion not to pay interest on
the national debt, but a movement, to
pay the Confederate debt and, succeeding,
under these cir.a,mstan es, what would your
Sevi-n-thiities be wor'h'r The next section is
that representation at the South shall be in pro
portion to the population, precisely us it is at
the North, not counting those persons who are
not allowed to vote. Under our Constitution
the nearo was counted- as thri'c-filths, and the
muster was allowed to represent his Maves
three-tilths ol them as persons. Now there are
no slaves: and having got rid of slavery, they
claim to represent them not only as three-tilths,
but as a whole: and that leaves the South with
about two-thirds us many votes in a proportion
ately equal population. 1 do not mean tj give
the proportion exactly, but it is about that.
Now we say vou shall not have your population
counted uuiil jou allow them to vote, and then
you may have them counted just as we do at
the Nonh. Is not that lair and just, and not
only fair and just, but niagnnniinous ? Come
back, only don't ask lor more power than
you had ' belore. The next proposition on
the part ot Congress is, that whenever thev
will allow all persons to vfe then they shall
be counted a direct oiler to the South in favor
of giving all persons the right to vote, without
regard to color or race. I propose to deal with
very great fiankness with you, my neighbors
ami" triends. I am not in iavor of ihat proposi
tion ot Congress tor this reason the negro
riiner is quiHinea in uaving a right 10 voie, ui
he is not. He oueht to vote or he ougut not.
No taxation w ithout representation, we settled
in the beginning of this evening, if he has the
right to vote, and Congress offers to the people
the Constitutional amendment to fix the great
rights ot citizens, then 1 say I wont oiler a bribe
to anybody to give the right He shall have
the right directly, and in so many words:
therefore 1 am against it, for it don't go as far
as 1 would eo; it stops short. Don't let any man
say, are you in favor of indiscriminate pull'rage ?
1 am in lavor of anybody's voting that Is now tit
to vote, aud 1 don't think the question of
color enters into the question of fitness. Fix your
standard of qualification, nnd when any man
comes here fit to vote, let him vote. Let Con
gress rix it; let these people tlx it, and then ask
thtm to come back into the Union. Let us all
hx it by the Constitutional amendment. We
call upon the negro to light our battles, and
we wont allow mm to aia in goveruiug the
country he aided in defending. I cannot un
derstand why Cougri'ss did not go forward. It
was well enough, as far as they went, to oiler to
the South the gift of power, if thev would let
the negro vote. I would say to the South, gen
tlemen, we nought you four years, we captured
your armies, we captured you, and you are all
ours, and we will give you so many rights, so
niui lr representation, and jou may make such
laws. I never go in lor iudiroctness. I mean
what I say, and I carry out what I say as well
as I can. 1 give everybody lair notice that I
thall try to get, whenever and wherever
I have the opportunity, impartial suf
frage lor every man in my command.
And ansbody that don't like that I don't
w ant him to go with me. We are to,) afraid of
this tear about negro equality. And are you
going to make the negro your equal I am not
going to niako him anything. I am going to
leave him to make himself. Iam not going to
be so poor ami contemptible as to build myself
up by crowding him down. If he can really beat
me fairly, beat nie I am willing he should. Any
man who talks about being alraid of the negro
is not tho better man ot the two. The first ques
tion is one of great concernment. It I have any
doubt it is about this convention to elect dele
gates to Congress, aud to override tho North,
and forming a conjunction with them in tho
North, wo would have all our work to do
over again. Aud Mr. Blair tells you that
unless they get control of the Government
in the manner proposed, and the whole
South is admitted, civil war' must rage
again. Governor Brownlow, ol Tennessee, teds
you that theie is now an attempt in Tennessee to
get hold ot that Government, and to overthrow
ihe Constitution of Tennessee, which disirau
chises Rebels, so that they may elect disloyal
representatives to the next Congress. There
fore It becomes tho duty of every man to sustain
Congress, in sustaining first the Civil Rights
bill which gives to everybody their rights in
every State, and tustain Congress iu giving
protection to the negro, in holding these States
where they are, and insisting ihut tree speech,
a free press, civil and religious liberty, shall be
guaranteed until a change can be made. Sus
tain the loyal men of the South. Sustain them,
though but ten honest nfen can be found in a
State; for ten men would have saved Sodom;
and these States are not much worse than
Sodom, aud let these ten righteous men save
them. Let us have a Republican party in
the South. Let us have a party where
lreo speech can be heard, and when
a loyal representative ot a loyal con
stituency comes to the doors of Cougress we
w ill admit him. Born in a Democratic State
and reared a Democrat, taught it from my very
youth up, I felt raysolt obliged to uphold the
Pouih in all its claims and all its exactions, so
long as it should remain under the Constitution.
To do that I sacridced everything that I hat'i of
political preferment; I stood almost m a very
small minority with my fellow-cit z.ens, because
the Constitution of the fathers seemed to me to
give them certain rights, and I therelore stood
hv thoffl rid ts of the South uo to the hour that
i ihey repudiated their ohligatjote under the J
Cotistitwtion and attempted to secede from the i
Union. And when thjy set rvdrfn the Constitu
tion that released me from my obligations to
them. They became my enemies iu war, and
my friends In peace when they retnrn to the true
principles of republican liberty and law. There
fore, my frieiids.my old Democratic friei.ds.benot
siraid ot any idea that yon will be charged
with any change of your parties. We have
fought together in the old Democratic party for
many years we will tight tour jcars more if
necessary to save the true democratic Govern
ment where every man shall have a right to
equality in every Slate. He who swerves from
that principle, swerves from it because he has
not seen the course of events. Tho true denio
ciatic tiinciple Is equal rights to every man,
una there is no such thing as having an excep
tion in lavor ot or against tne negro equal
rights to all men. And one of the mest remark
able events in politicnl.life which has. struck my
observation is the action of our Democratic Irish
friends. They come from a land ot oppression
to a land ot libeity. having been almost enslaved
themselves; why should they want to crush
down and join n party that seeus to crush down
the negro' lg that true democracy ? Is that the
liberty which we desire to establish in Ireland
that one man a little lower than another shall
be kept under still? That is the liberty that
Ireland now enjoys. Therefore, my Democratic
triends, I propose to speak to you ns an old
Democrat, who never has swerved from the path
who stands 'yy every shibboleth ot the party
w ho stands by every right of the lowest man, as
well as the highest, and demands equal justice
for all. Be not he deceived by party ties.
Therefore, come back to the true principles
of justice for all men equal rights for all men.
Away with the idea that this is a white man's
Boverr.ment ! it is God's government. It is
made lor white men, black men, or grey men
all men, aud all men with a pcrtcct equality;
nnd eny man who claims to be a Democrat
must subsciibe to that, or he claims a name
without the substance. Be not dillideni. but
crnie up to the true standard of the country.
Stand by the country, stand by the tlag; stand
by the 'principles, of the latbeist, and Bee to it
that this thing shall be settled that every
n.nn. from Maine to Texas, upon every part tit
American soil, shall be tree to express his
sentiments, and be protected iu life, liberty,
and the pursuit ot happiness; and then we
shall, indeed, have n free, united, and gloiious
country.
tVi-uctt'll Phillips' Opinion of the Phila
delphia. Convention.
From the Anti-Slavery Standard, 4urju.it 25.
The great Rebel Convention lnu met and ad
journed. Some meu tcspise it as a failure, sure
to have no important resu ts. We regard it
utilcieiitly. Even if its Immediate results are
unimportant which is by no means certain it
will probably prepare a way lor n desperate
conflict in lhi;8. Newspaper critics make them
selves merry over the insiuuiticancc oi one or
another ot the actors iu this Convention, but
should do well to remember that many of its
members are men thoroughly used to political
management, accustomed to wield grat States
cunning men, unscrupulous, und backed by
the whole patronage oi the Government.
Some men are loud of comparing this
ns-embly to the Democratic Convention,
which nominated McClellan at Chicago.
But there are two great difl'ereLces. It was war
tune tseu, and the patronage ot the Government
was ngainst luicago. Now the Government is
on the side ot the Rebels, and besides, we have
fallen from the enthusiasm of war to the vapors
ami oars, by-paths ot pontics, vve are tree to
confess thnt we see great reason to fear the
etlect or such a Conveutiou as that of Pniladel
phiu. Not that the party will be able to carry
many elections this full. Ou the contrary.
everything bids fair for the great Republican
success. But what is the meaning ot a Repub
lican success ? To w bat rs tne party pledged ?
Ot what principle docs their success guaiantee
the triumph ? oi no principle whatever. Thev
are pledged to nothing vital. Republican ora
tors continually tell us to be of good courage
the party w ill succeed, dram it; what nolo
does it give to the negro? Whatpromise does it
hold out of claiming lorhim his riehts? They do
not enter the canvass even claiming lor him tue
ballot; is It likely they will come out lrom it
ready to do lor him more than they oiiored ? Is
there such a case in our party history? Con
cress, the proper rep: eseutative of tho Repub-
neuii imnv, nits jiciocu me uioranar ot the
question of suffrage, it lays belore the country
the proposed Constitutional amendment, the
plan ot which is to punish weaken the States.
while they refuse tho necro bisbnliot. Not four
weeks ago Pepublieans denounced us tor doubl
ing the assertions of Congress that even the
adoption of those amendments would not secure
the admission of the Rebel States; that Congress
would still insist on Impartial sutirage as a
condition of admission; that tho amendment
was only part ot its policy, etc. etc But
read the speeches of Mr. Senator Wilson at
Natick and at Boston, and you will see that
ho parades these amendments as the "policy" of
Congress as its answer to Johnson's "policy;"
and both speechos allow that those amendments
once adopted, mo Mates will oe allowed to re
turn. Congress therefore surrenders the real
question at issue. Suppose, therefore, that the
lull elections do sustain the Kepubltcan nartv.
tf.en, it the amendment is adopted the Rebel
states take meir places in Congress at once.
Once there, and wielding their present represen
tation (based on counting three-tilths of the
slave basts), which they must do till a new
apportionment is made, how much mischief
may not be consummated in those lew months !
But even after a new apportionment, every
credible witness assure us the South will
prefer, years to come, the compact strength of a
reduced white basis to the democratic reality ot
negro sutirage. But suppose, after Republican
success this Ja.ll. Congress meets and finds the
amendments rejected ? That same syren voice,
expediency, wnieh dictated giving up tne ques
tion of negro sutirage, will lustily and demand
tbey shall suirender the idea embodied In the
amendment, and, falling still lower, Und some
basis or theory on which tney and the ttebcls
can meet nnd unite in a joint Congress. We
see, therefore, no hope on tho mere success of
tne itepuoncan party this ran, witn trie canvass
conducted according to present avowals. The
South fights to avert negro suffrage. Having
lailed to sustain slavery by war, she now plans
to come as near as possible towards etfecting the
sume thing oy ponticui intrigr.e. mere
is no political party in the North that
needs her on this issue. This is the
danger. The public are wise enough, mean
well enough, but luck concentration, organiza
tion, nud leaders. Now, in such circumstances,
the plot concocted at Philadelpnia is to bn
leared. Wilv men, corrupt men, willing to use
any means their ab lity doubled by their utter
un.-erupuluusncss wielding wealth and patron
age, men bearing tho pre'stige of many a success
hitheito; such men are a power! Meu of mo
derate capacity, w hen mey act unlettered by
any sense ot right aud wrong, equal themselves
to great mirds for a while. This explains Napo
leon III. When the Devil made him up betook
care not to burden him with any moral sense,
and hence this jockey, riding without weight.
has distanced many a competitor abler, but
burdened witn a conscience one valuable
confession we wrench lrom this Conven
tion. Ihe promises they feel obliged 10
muke, the principles they see it wise to profes,
the coat their hypocrisy compels them to as
sume, show us what, in their opinion, is the
opinion of the loyal North. Thus we guage
what, in their judgment, the people long for,
and will have, unless balked. This list is: No
slavery, payment of the nation's debt, uo right
cf secession, and equal civil rights everywhere
for all men. A valuable confession that. If
even the Rebels contoss eomuch. what is proba
bly the real heart ot the masses? Does it not claim
equal sutirage also? The address of this Con
vention informs us of its standpoint in the first
line: "Since the meeting of the last National
Convention in 1860." Consequently there has
been no nation since 1800. Surely there
have been conventions enough professiug to
represent all the loyal States; but you observe
in their view theretias not been, because there
could not be wit bout the Rebels any Nutioual
Convention since 1800. The argument against
the proposod Constitutional amendment Is based
on tne same idea; and. if valid, covers the anti
JBYP7 WBeflvlwt Qi IW, leadcring thai also
null SDd void. Do the Southern members o'
this Convention intend to warn ns that thev.
reserve the right to contest that when a favors-
able opportnnity occurs? vve know not. All
we do know is that the South organized her
force at that Convention. She deployed them
into line. Her rhiht rests on Philadelphia.
under Weed. Seward, Vallandlgbam, and Garrett
Uavis. ner left Is encamped at New Orleans,
with Mayor Monroe and his butchers for general
and stall. The headquarters at the White House,
and the next move will be on the Cnpitol. hold
ing Senate and House of Representatives.
Our duty is to put there mea w ho will at every
hazard save the nation, remembering that they
stand where the Long 1' I in men t stood in 1619;
and though the block and axe in trout of the
palace may be no fitting measure now, they aro
bound to liud and use some meisure lit and e ill -cient
to secure their purpose, the deposition of
me peijurea and usurping traitor. But alas!
tho courage and "thoroughuec-s" which would
make that possible, would at the same time
make it necessary. In the presence of a united
North, led by courageous men. thera would bo
now, as in "lf02, no Rebel Democratic party
wort h counting. Some toresee a coup u'rtut in
the literal sense a violent move ngaiust Con
gress. We hardly expect that. That is too good
to be true. The ctinnin? traitors at Philadelphia
do not intend to give the North any such advan
tage. They see their mistake at Sumter, and
have no intention to repeat it. "Tno burnt
child dreads a painted tire," savs a proverb.
Thoroughly whipped in that method, the Soutk
w ill never risk provoking another lstil, if it can
possibly be avoided. The aiovo upou Congress
upon what this traitor Accident dares to
describe ns "a tody called, or w hiea assumes to
be. the Congress of the United States'' will bo
made under legal forms. The trick will be so
covered that it will bepr a specious argument of
constitutionality. Seward belongs to the Bar
naul, not to the Cromwell class. But whether a
blow come trom Jetlerson Daus'hand, oratrick
lrom the brain of William II. Seward, either
w ill fail iu the end. We have no fears for tho
final result. Justiee will triumph. We hava
(iod's promise for that. The Jew in Egypt,
burdened aud crushed, never doubted he should
see Canaan. God had promised that; but
whether iu four years or forty, or through,
what ptriN. none could tell. "We also shall
reach our Canaan. But whether in four year
or forty through what peril whether as ono
nation or two whether all gathered round the
temple at Jerusalem, or with one king there,
another in Samaria none can tell.
Wenukll PuiLurs.
PROPOSALS.
ASSISTANT QU AK 1 Elf MASTER'S OFFICE.
No HySiGlliAliDbtreot.
PuiLAnKLi'iiiA, Au mist 22. 18C6. '
Sealed Proposals w ill bo n eeivtd at this
ell ce urtd J2 o'clock M.. SAil'KDAY, September
1, 18(16, for the immediate delivery at the United
Mates Storehouse, HANOVER S'reet wharf, Phila
delphia, Pa., of tho following Quartermasters'
Mores, viz
,'ldoz. Door Neck Holts.
m Shutter Bolts.
10 gross tutting Bul
lous. ,
2 dozen Putt.- Rulve-i.
2 dozen Drawc? Pum-
blcr Locks.
5 boxes Glass, 13x16.
100 C. a. Lettering Pea
ells. 5c0 pounds Puttv.
200 falious Turpentine.
1 hhl. Spanish VVhitiug.
2 liMs. Copal Varnish.
2( 0 V all Krtishe.
HO pi.uiicls I in, Block.
lOOK.&i- Closet Locks,
6 boxes Glass,, 10x12.
75 pounds Glue.
50 pounds IHaek Wiix.
000 pounds Wbito Und,
in oil.
10 pounds Umber, raw,
in oil.
1 bbl. Coach Varnish.
1 gross btriping (us
Borteiiinnciis.
lOlbs.liinn Tra'gacanth.
All or tho above-described articles to ho of thu
bet quality, and subject to the in-pectlon of an in
spector appointed ou behalf ol tho United btatos
bcvcruiuciit.
i-aniilos of the above-named stoics to bo deliverod
at the United States Storehouse, twenty-four hours v
previous to tho opening of the bids.
Bidders will state price in writing and figures, and
the BUiotint or quantity of each article bid lor.
Each bid must bo gunraiitccd bv two responsible
persons, whose sigualuies mii"f be appended to tho
guaruntto, and certitiod to as bcirnr good and suit)
cient security fur tho amount involved, by a United
Mutes Judye, At oruey. or Collector ot tho Port,
otherwise the bid will not bo considered.
1 ho iU lit to reject any bid deemed too high or un
reasonable is reserved, and no bid lrom a delimiting
contractor will bo received.
Proposals to bo made out in duplicate on tho regu
lar pi mted forms, w hich may bo hud on application
at tins ollice.
'1 he envelopes f o be endorsed " Proposals for
Qnuitciinaster'aStores,"aiid addiessed to the under
signed. hids will ho opened on SATURDAY, September
1, 1S66, at 12 o'clock M., and bidders aro requested,
to be present.
By order of
Brevet Brig -Gen. G. H. CROSMAN,
Assistant Quartermnster-General U. 8 A,
GEORGE It. ORMB,
8 22 ft Bvt. Major and Assistant Quarteruiatcr.
CLOTHING DEPOT, SCHUYLKILL
ARSENAL
OFircK Executive and IssPKermo Opftckr,
l'llILADKI.PHIA, Pa , AllBU-t 22, 1866 f
Sealed Proposals will bo received at this Oitice
until noon SATURDAY, September 1, Tst6, ror de
livery at the Schuylkill Arsenal, in merchantable
packat-es
200 Pairs Sowed Booteos, Size No 15,
200 1 airs Sewed Booteos, Sizo No, 16,
Army Standard.
sample can be seen at this Office.
Bidders must state in their proposals the prlco
(which must be riven lu writing as well as in
tii urea), and also the quantity and tune ot dulivery.
Each bid must be guuiauteed by two responsible
persons (whose signatured aud places of residence
must be appended to the guarantee l, and ccrtiUod to
as being good and sufficient security for the amount
involved by some public fuuotiouary of the United
Sta'es.
Bids from defaulting contractors, and those that
do not fully compiv with the requirements ol this
advertisement, win not rte conioerea.
Blank tonus for proposals, embracing the terms of
tho puarantee required on each bid, cau bo had on
application at this ollice, and none others which do
not enibiace this gnaranteo will tie considered, nor
w ill any proposal be considered which does not con
loiin to the requirements therein stated.
Bids must oe; endorsed "Proposals for Bootees,"
and binders are requested to bo present at the open
ing ol bids.
JJy order of
Brevot Brig -Gen. O. 11. CPOSMAN,
Ast. QuarterniaHter-Oeneral U. S. Army.
HENRY W. JANES,
Capt. and A. Q. M . Bvt Major U. 8. Army,
8 22 Ut Executive and Inspecting Officer.
WHISKY, BRANDY, WINE, ETC.
QHESATT C110YE WHISKY,
ruiLADtu-uiA, fieptomuer H. lBo.
GHOVl. WUISKY winch you send us, aud find tliat K
contains nonk of the roisoNOi s si hstascb known .
n siL on., hlih in the cliui'uciri.stlo aud Injurious In
Kicuitnt et tiio wblskii-8 iu general ute.
ilOOTll, OAJiBKTT ft CAM AC,
Analytical cbeuiUU
Kiw Tom September l1
1 hTO analyzed a sample ot I'liKsNUT liKOVfl
WHISKY received lrom kir Cbarle Wharton, Jr.,
l blimdiililuT and liawnn careiullv tested it, I ars
p cased to male tbut It la eutlre,y ikKgruoM poihonou '
ok .li una g aubsiancca It in ail uuuuaily pur
uuc tluc-u. vVrcd uuuilly ol whisky,
JA.A1LS H. ( DILTON, M. T.,
Analytical I tieium1
TiosTOK, March l.iaw
1 . mnAj .h.mUil I . .... - , , .
J IO,I limuo .-"-""- DI'.iJfllBUl VUUUUUrUTlU BUUM ,
pies ol OlK.hMJ'l GROVE WHl.-KY, which proveai
re iree lioin the heavy r ush Olm, and periecily pure a
Horn trie praln urcil lu mimuiiicturlmr it
Uepectlully, A. A. I1AYKS, M. T .
fcUto Aeeayer, So. 16 Boylatuo street.
r or faie by barrel, deml oou.cr bottle tii 0.23 North
THIRD Street P nllaue.plua. ii
NATHANS & SONS
IMPORTERS
OK
BRANDIES, WINES, GIN3
Eto. Etc.
No. 19 North FRONT Street.
PUJLADELPUIA
HORACE A. HATHAIIB, I
Ho. 225 north TUllto Hfroet. 1
II anvthlnK wnswt.Dted to piovo the absolute rut It J
ot thin VtlilnUy. tiio loiiow in certitlcuh: ohoiild dolt.
There Ib no mcohohc siiuiulunt known couiuuuidluff sudir
tCl D lUtULBtlOU l,OU KUCIl liim sow ecu:
1