8
THE DAILY EVENING TELEGftAPII. PHILADELPHIA, SATURDAY, MAY 19, 1860.
"MY POLICY."
SCATHING RADICAL ANALYSIS OP
THE "PRESIDENT'S TLAN."
Miss Anna U. Dickinson's Lec
ture at the Academy of
Music Last Evening.
"V MODERN JOAN D'AfiC"
ON RECONSTRUCTION.
Dangers Besotting the Republic
CONGRESS THE ARK OF SAFETY.
BtatiiN oi tlie Frccdmau.
MISTAKES OF PRESIDENT JOHNSON.
How They May be Rectified,
ABIDING FAITH IN THE PEOPLE.
icto.. Etc.. x:to.. Etc., x:te.
Special Jicportfor The Evening Telegraph.
One cf tho largest and inost Intelligent audiences
T the ooson assembled at the Academy of Muslo
last owning to listen to Miss Anna E. Dickinson's
lino address, known as "My Policy." Hiss Dickin
son come npon the star.e at a quarter past 8 o'clock.
er appearance being the sign for prolonged and
enthusiastic cheers. Mr. C. H. Needles, in simple
and appropriate language, introduced her to the
audience. Miss Uickinson spoke with more than
ordinary iervor, and was frequently interrupted
-with bursts of loud applause. She bad a thoroughly
appreciative 'audience, and her address, in every
respect a most succossiul one, was the subject of
hoarty congratulations among her numerous irionds
and admirers. We herewith publish her speech in
full :
Moncuia D, Conway somewhere tells the
tory of a young cavalior, who at a ball became
enamored of a mask. He followed her from group
to group, from room to room, tho mask still eluding
&is pursuit, till alone, iar irom the music, the
.light, and tho crowd, in a dam and solitary caam
!cr, .he unmasked hor with a kiss, discovering
something, what, his quivering lips never could
'lie brought to dosenbe, but a creature not of
ilesh and blood, and unutterably loathsome to
behold.
So, twelve months ago, in the midst of themusio
-t triumph, and glare of victory, this gay young
.cavalier cf a nation stood enamored of a mask,
which it endeavored to clasp in its arms, and hold
as its be3t. beloved. It followed this mask, whither
soever it led, till away from the light, the triumph,
the rejoicings of victory away iu tho gathering
gloom of doubt, and (ear, and forebodinir, the mask
has lallen from the lace in the White House, reveal
ing something so terrible and hideous that our lips
fail to describe what our oyes are compelled to
iehold.
Twelve months ago, a man standing on the grave
of a martyred .President, stepped to his place, and
assumed his power. A nation bowed to the earth
-with unutterable grief, listened through its sobs,
and watched through its tears, whilo this man gave
to it and the world a promlso oi his future caroer. .
A promise t annihilate Rebellion, uproot treason,
.and bring to swift judgment conscious and leading
traitors.
A promise to maintain the policy oi his illustrious
predecessor, -which policy was to bestow amnesty on
the masses of white Rebels, and suffrage on tho
.masses of loyal blacks.
A promise that loyalty ' should be honored, and
treason made odious.
A promise that, so iar at he was concerned, all men
.should kave a lair start and an equal chanco in tho
jace of life.
A promise thai merit should be rewarded without
.regard to color.
A promise that traitors should take back seats in the
new Union circle, and that loyal men, whethor white
r black, should control lis destinies.
promke that the cause of the people should be
apheld agt'inBt their oppressors against the spirit
otcaste, aristocracy and slavery.
A promise that Justice should be established,
vaquahty secured, and freedom maintained.
flaw havo these promises ieen kept? Shall we
answer f There is a French proverb to the eiTuct.
"When the saint's day is over farewell the saint."
I charge this man with the breaking of every
promise, the non-fulfilment of every pledge, the fal
8ilyingof tvery declaration he at that time made.
I I charge him with betrayal of trust, with degra
dation of office, with desecration ef power.
I chare him as an enemy alike of his party, his
country, -tnd. his God.
What fcas be given us in exchange tor
these promises, these pledge, those oaths?
lias his step kept step with the inarch of the people!
Have hi.s heart and conscience bceu enlightened yot
further vviLb the heart and conscience of the nation?
lias he advanced with the onward sweep of the re
public? In brief, has ho given us something higher,
nobler, ix'tter, in exchange lor that he ofl'ored us a
twelvemonth ago? Let the grief of his irionds and
the rejoicing of his foes answer. Let the insolence
of Relet and the mourning or loyalists answer. Let
the renewed cpirit of treason South, and the out
raged lid ignition ef the Norlh, answer. Let the
rresident hinwclf answer, a he tolls us that in ex
chango for all this he hat given us that aDominable
and rottea thin "My Policy."
It is useless now to recapitulate the acts of almost
a year agouseloia to speak of the steadily growing
doubt and pain of the peoplo through tho mouths of
the summer aud autumn .following his elevation to
power. Yet it was those acts of liii, his oour.se at
that time, that laid strong the foundations aud made
secure the eoriker-stoae upon which was uprearod
tho edifice that threatens the weliare:, security, and
even the bfe of tho nation to-day.
Had we no( tbea withheld our hands, his hands
would have been powerless for evil. Had we not
said, "Wuit," he would not have had tine to con
summate his iniquity. Had we not slept with the
precious harvest of the war under our eare, the
enemy could not have stolen in and sowed tares.
Slept! My friends, are we awake now?
Said one to Cromwell, whilo he was fighting for
the liberty oi all England, "If thou wert to moot
the king in battle, what would'st thou do?" "It
the King should moet me in battle." was the reply,
I should ki.ll.tJw King." Because I believe the
l'resident ol the republic Vo.day. to bo the
greatest enemy of the republic, I would
have him politically so s'ain that for him
there should be ncithor need of prayer nor
hope of resurrection, Politically, 1 say. Physically,
ho need have do tear. It is bia old iocs, not his old
iricnds, the party to which he has gone, not that
irem which he has rtesorted, that breeds murderers
and tights witu the weapon of assassination a
weapon not to te used on so falthlnl and devoted a
servant.
Andrew Johnson has declared, "He who is not for
me is against me; lie who supports my polioy is my
Iriend, be who opposes it in my enemy." It this
wero all, it would ue litt'e indeed, bat ho lias declared
turtticr, "He is a fnionman wtio sustains my Union
restoration policy, and none other." It behnovc us
then tolook to-t Ins policy, standing as the touchstone
by which-every man's loyalty in the land is to bo
tested to-aay.
Months, nay, years ago, Congress paed a confisca
tion act by which leading traitors should bo com
pelled 10 repay Boruowiiai to the nation ot the losses
they had entai ed on it through tho war. A confisca
tion act whiou AnuroT .lohusnn declared to be too
lenient and t uder by nail. Leading and conscious
traitors must be punished, said he, thoir lauds taken
away, their social power broken. The land thus con
fiscated tilled bv iho lreedmon, enriched by tnelr
toil, more vaiuable than when they fell into our
bands, Andrew Johnson has restored to thoir old
Rebel owners a premium set on treason by giving
more than was taken away.
"Ho man shall be qualified for power, nor be able
to take oath of office, who is not alsoablo to take the
teFt oath ot presont and pant, loyalty to the United
States," said Congress. " Who is to do this wore of
restoration? Certainly not the Jtobtls who have
fought, or those who have given aid or influence to
the Rebol cause," responded the l'resident then ran
with swift feet to appoint l'erry aud John.-on,
Sharkey and Marvin, Governors, Judges, Collectors,
officials innumerable not one of whom could take
the oaih, nor sua ud the test Congress and himsolf had
ptesenbed.
' Treason is the greatest of crimes and must receive
the greatest of punishments," eaidAndrow Johnson ;
then signed the deatu warrants ot a lew hi rod
cutthroats in Washington, and turned to grasp
tiie bands ot Lee and Stephens, Floyd, Tooniba,
Johnson, Morgan, and Keaurevard; turned to watch
the sreat criminal, traitor, and ai-sassin, tilljtho lirst.
flame ot indignation had burned itself down, till It
was no longer possible to try him by a tribnnal that
would mete him out justice, till it was allowable to
give him the force ot a trial, that will ro onse him.
acquit him, fail to condemn him, or condemn him to
executive ciemencv ana pardon.
Ihe pardoning power should be need most slowly
and sparingly. We must not forget that what may
b- mercy to tho individual is cruelty to tho State."
'i bus said Andrew Johnson a year ago; then par
doned all, save a few exceptions issued pardons tor
the excepted till they count by thousands, i'ardong
in such numbers that the Executive arm was too
short, and the Executive hand too weak, or unsteady
which was it? to sign his name thereto, and a
stamp was used instead. Pardons so liboral that
counterfeiters and criminals in tho North rejoiced
thereat, and men who never existed received aosoiu
tion lor crimes they had never performed.
He is the loyalist, says the I'rosidont, who assents
to such acts as these he is the traitor who opposes
them. Let tho whole North cry, as one man, "I de
nounce them, I oppose them ; I do my utmost to
counteract their evit effoctB ; and, if this be treason,
make the most ot it "
But the President's policy, which is to stand as tho
test of loyally, has found other developments than
theso developments so raro, so strange, so marvel
lous "That we who now behold theso present days,
Have eyes to wondei, but lack tongues to pra se."
Developments in the shape of speeches so loity,
and State papers so just, thus, tho good taste, the in
telligence, the lovalty, and morality of the world
are alike astounded thereby.
Speeches, characterized by so do'icate a modestv,
so lino a humility, by such an utter absence of so It,
by so complete an ignoring ot the upright vowel
that standeth in the alphabet, betwoen 11 and J, that
it seems cruel, not to say brutal, to even mention
Andrew Johnson in connection therewith.
Speeches so grammatically correct, so choice in
words, so elegant in oicnon, so keen in invective, so
delicate in sarcasm, so exquisite in rhetoric so sub
lime in eloquence, that it betokens hardihood indoed
in the man not to say woman who would dare
essay to criticize them.
Speeches so elevated in tone, so faithful to princi
ple, so devoted to truth; so grateful to the par.v that
made eo denunciatory to the party that opposod
him; so tender to old friends, so merciless to old
foes, so marked in appreciation of character, so
statesmanlike in statements, so courtoous to the peo
ple and tueir representatives, so appreciative of his
own and other nigh offices, so noble and beautiful,
that thev will hcnccioith stand unapproachable aud
alone. Words or mine tail to do them justice. Lot
silence, then, express tho appreciation which lan
guage is inadequate to convey.
1 do not intend to go into any extended discussion
ot tho lumous vetoes ot two of the most important
Dins ever passed uy congress, ine statements used
ttieroin are so obtrusively ialse, and havo been so
overwhelminply related; tne arguments are so
manliest. y weak, aud have been so repeatedly de
stroyed, that it seems useless to devote further time
to them.
Andrew Johnson probabiv knows bettor than anv
other man why he gave his assent to the Freedinen'a
Bureau hill Dciore it had passed tho ordeal ot Con
press, and rejected the aanie bill when it came up to
him for flna decision.
Was not eery objectionable feature of the bill as
plain before him whon it was read to him slowly,
clause by clau.-e, by Generals Howard and Flake, as
when it lav on his table under his eye an act of con
gress ? "Rut that bill through Congress and it shall
immediately receive my signature," said he to the
one "1 reject tho bill, and withhold my name from
it," eeid he to the othor.
"Ibere is no need of it a bill already exists."
Did not the first bill exist when the second was
originally brought to him? It did. Had he any
fault to find with it then ? He bad not. If no fault
could be lound witu the first, It is difficult to see
upon what viouud tho second could be objected to,
as it was merely an effort on the part of Congress to
make secure as a law vhat had before been merely
an act ot its own.
"It is a war measure and wo are at peace. It
can only be tolerated as a military necessitv, and the
war is ended." 'Ihree days thereafter comes the
Declaration, "Iho first bin has more than a year of
time to stand, as it enuures lor a year after the close
of tho war, and the war is not yet endod; 1 have
not yet made an official declaration of poaco."
We are at war we are at peace, iho war is
ended I have not yet declared it closed peace-
war war-peaoe as ft suits tne whim or policy ci
the President. "C onoistency, thou an a jewel"
tvtn lor a rresiuent.
"I am afi aid the Constitution will bo tram
pled on ; it aeclarcs that a criminal shall be tried by
a jury oi nis peers iu iu uisinui iu wuicu tue crime
is committed. This bill is in dehance of such pro
position." The President knows better than most men, that
so far from ihe war, or any ot its righteous ac.s, tins
bill included, uesirojiui? the Constitution and the
iawB, we, througu them, nave ueeu engaged Iu esta
blishing laws and their tonus in places where all law
has lor a generation been persistently overthrown.
"1 deuiund that every man be tried bv a.lury of
hi. peers," savs tins bill. "1 stand on the everlast
ing foundations, on the Constitution itself. Until tins
plum provision ol law and justice is complied with,
i rhu.l stand between tho people, four millions of
people, and the unjust and illegal oppressions of
unconstitutional laws und wicked men."
"Ah, but the expense! the expense! 'ho friehtful
expeudtiure! &11,745,UOO called lor! $12,UU0,Ou0 for
Iho nation to spend lor freedom and justice -eems to
mo but a slight offset to tho 145,000, 0U0 spent iu the
past to introduce sluvcry into ti e single State of
Texas. Andrew Johusou did not object to that
hi- seuco ot economy has largely iuoroased since
1H40. They say, however, that peoplo grow mean
and mercenary as they grow rich. ltors. Toby's
agency may stand re.;ponsiblo for this change of
Hunt in il.e mutter
Resires, when the -.ondition ot affairs in every
Southern Slate is luiily represented by Arkansas,
Ihe last report from which siiows that the Bureau is
feeding- 6U08 wlnto t e jple to 6ti7 colored, it might
sa ely be assumed that the expense is to be borue
rather lor me supporters oi "My l'olicy" in tho
South, than lor its opponent.
" W hat matter?" savs the President. "It is not for
my opponents I caie; it is lor these black people
1 have a tender reuurd I would save them from
iho intemperance the cruelty, the oppression of the
radicals and congress I would havo tnose pooplo
protected, but it must not be by the North, It must
bobvtlie civil power of the States wheroln they
live" "Aiiteod," cried Congress, aud replaced tho
military bureau bv the Civil Rivhts. "It will
not do, it luusi o accomplished by the States them
se.ves. This is no boiter," roponded the President,
and returned the b'li to their hands. A man once
came to tho Slnca Abdullah to borrow of his pos
sessions a rope. "I cannot lend it," said the Sliiek
I have broken it to tie up a treasure of laud." "A
treasure oi htnd! impossible!'' cried his wondering
and incredulous coiiipauion. "Oh, friend," re
phed the bh.t-U Abna.uh, "Knowest thou not that
any reason m sotliclont onto mm who does not wish
to loud aroiie to his neighbor?"
Andrew Johnson's assertion that the freed men of
tho South are promoted by State lawthat the best
possible leedng exists iiotween them and thoir late
mcslors that the Itibeia of the South are more
tiulv their friends than tne loyalist ot the North
that they are a most on an equality with tho whites
that competition enables tfieui to demand and re
ceive their cw J' lor strvhje rJcred-tuat tht-y
have full and free right of locomotion, of contract,
and of work, these assertions, 1 say, remind one
of the story told of a certain Scotch divtne, who as
troubled by a congregation .filleted by a sort ot
moral obliquity through which tbey saw everytiilng
crookedly and distorted. One Sabbath morning
coming into bis pulpit, and opening the fliblo to find
bis text, bis eye alighted on the words of the
Psalmist, "1 said in my haste all men are liars."
Taking off his spectacles and putting thorn do vn by
the book, and looking around bis congregation with
a significant glance, he topeated the text, " '1 said in
my baste, in my haute all men are liars ' Oin ye'd
been here, David ye'd (aid it at your leisure mon."
Reading some State paper, and listening to some
politicians, one Is very apt to say in one's haste that
Mate papers and politicians are greatly given to
hing. Reading lAese State papers, and listening to
thii politician, one is very apt to say it at one's
lel-nre.
While these bills were under discus-ion, evory
wind that blew from the South was heavy with ilio
sighs and groans ot a suffering and wronged
humanity ; everv flash of tho wires gave a glimpse
of the ctiairei.houso ot the South, wherein this
humanity was boing tortured ; every report tnat
found its way into a Northern paper was Jrelahied
with a record ot boirors and abominations inflicted
bv our enemies on theso, our faithiul friends and
allies. What need to repent tho dismal story of men
worked tlirourh a season, then driven out with their
families to starve; of the children of loving parents
torn from their arms and sides, and bound out
from them for years; of Union soldiers shut dead;
ihe wives ol Ui iou soldiers dishonored; the orphans
of Union soldiers given over by tho Slato witnout
mercy, to the cruelty of their cold-blooded mas'ei-s;
ot houses burned, and fields laid waste, and property
destroyed; of men and women lashed, paddled, Im
prisoned tor lite, and bung for paltry offenses by
duo process of law; of human beings Citlzoni of
the United States carried into the open market
place, and under the shadow of the Constitutional
amendment, sold, enslaved for a form of years, or
lor liter
"For God's sake," cried the humanity of tho
nation, "for decency's sake, let us put an end to
these abominations f" Coucrress heard, and an
swered, "For the sake ot the colored people, I ob
ject," respondod the l'resident; "for tho sake of
mora'lty, ior iho sake of leligion, I forbid this as an
etlort on tho part ot the radicals to legalize amalga
mation in our midst, to compel white mon to marry
b aek women, and the reverse."
I should pass by this whole silly and disquieting
argument, it argument it be, in response to the
pica ior equal civil ngnts ior American citizens,
were it oniy silly and disquieting; but it is, in ad
dition, so wleked and abominate, and its results so
en', as to demand the censure and indignation of
tne wono.
It 1b the old argument old as sin confronting
Just demands by appeals to ignorant Brutality and
petnnea prejuaico, jvuurew uounsou auew iuii wen,
no man better that civil rights have no more to
do with sccinl equality than his policy has to do
witu the principles oi souna morality and ngnteous
law.
I stand a woman, disfranchised by the State.
incapablo ol sitting on a jury, or oi being tned bv a
jury ot my peers, ranked by tho law with black
people, cnuoren, anu idiots; civniy, immeasuraDiy
the lnicrior of tho voter who lir't netood to make
President, and waa then made President himselt.
Civilly, I say, in point ot law, 1 stand immeasurably
this man's inferior. Yet I speak the words of truth
and soberness wht n 1 say, tnat i do not believe any
amount of equal degradation, of civil rights withhold
and wrongs inflicted could ever reduce me, or any
otner respectable woman, to tno social level ot the
man capable ol making the speech oftliottMot last
February.
Beyond this, Andrew Johnson knows, without the
telling, that it was the tumbling down and not the
building up process tnat gavo to us a race ot mixed
blood : that it was the withholding, not the erautine
of human and civil rights that worked the dishonor
ing ot the black, and tne degradation oi tne white
race in America.
"Nccro equality, indeed!" exclaimed Andrew
Johnson, on tho 21th October, 18U4, in the citv of
Nashville. "Negro equahty, indeed!" Why, pass
any day along the sidewalks ot rtigh streets, wiiere
the great slave-owners moro particularly dwell, and
you will tee as many mulatto as negro children, tho
former having an unmistakable resemblance to tueir
aristocratic masters."
It is civil wrong, not civil riirhts; the degradation,
not the elevation ; the South, not tne North ; the lire
eat eis, not the radicals; it is tho slavery propagan
dists and slaveowners ot the South ; in brief, Andrew
Johnson and his irtends, not Congress and hi
enemies who introduced, defended, maintained, aud
extended the blessings oi amalgamation in our
midst.
1 protest against tho President of the United
States using tho influence of his high oflics to
strengthen a cruel and unnghteous prejudice already
existing auainst a poor and detenseless race. I pro
test agaimt tho Chief Mapistrate of a Christian
nation pleading tor and defending a teelinz that
finds outlet in cruelties unapproached aud atrocities
unpnrallelcd in the annals of 'tue worid.
Said the Norfolk (Va.) J'oat last February:
'There bos t een no such manifestation of joy and
jubilation in the South sinoo the route of the Fede
ral army at Bull run as that informing us of the
President's veto ot the F'reedmen'sl Bureau bill."
Hear at the same time the Richmond Enquirer
ueciaro:
"10 get rid of strife we must ret rid of the neero.
There is but one alternative. We must reduce the
neero to slavery or we must exterminate him."
So declaring, it was suppressed by General Grant
and restoied bv the l'resident, of whom it soon
after wrote : "He is our tried and faithiul friend,
he exerts himself to the utmost ot his power in our
behalf, be defends our rights, and devotes all his
cneraios to our interests. We are safe."
Then feeling sale, being sure of their trlend, these
men fell tooth and hail upon the hapless victims of
their hatred and tbe President's policy.
Every Btatcment, eveiy record, every letter, every
speech, every report that has found its way to paper
or pnnt, North or South, goes to prove that, from
the moment tbe position ot the I'rosidont was fairly
and lully understood in tho South, tne display of
crueitv, tne persecution ot tne lreedmon has mgut
lully increased and intensified.
I solemnly believe, as 1 make tbe tremendous
charee. that bad Andrew Johnson maintained the
position he assumed twelve mouths ago, the mas
sacre of Memphis would have been impossible: that
but tor tho lavor he has shown the spirit of
caste, rebellion, and slavery, and the insults
he has heaped .upon the patient and help
less biacts, humanity would not have been appalled
as it was through those three days of cruelties so
abominable and atrocities so hideous that the pen
reiuses to write, the tongue to speak, or the ear to
listen to ihe tale. 1 say, because I believe I am com
pelled to say, that I would pray for tbe rocks to tall
upon and ennihilate me, rather than stand in the
place of the President oi the United States when the
Ureut Master muketh inquisition for the blood of the
slain in the streets ot that city of Tennessee.
My ii tends, let us consider this sceno well and
carefully, Ior Memphis is but a type of the spectacle
tbe whole South will present n the troops be with
diawn, the civil power re-established, the Usbels on
iranchiscd, the black loyalists disfranchised, the
States restored to their old basis, in a word, it the
Presidont s policy be established in government,
Never could there be a trore overwhelming rotuta'
tion of tho President's theory, that the ballot would
superinduce a war of races und the consequent exter
mination ot the blacks, than iu the receut not at
Memphis.
Does anv one suppose, if these blacks had a fair
opportunity to deieud themselves by the ballot, if
the authorities and city olhciuls bad aught to gain or
to i0e bv some thousands of their votes, that theso
outrages would have been tolerated lor an hour?
bell interest is stronger than hatred. If bluck votes
could hurl them from their places, thev would sue
that the black voters were protected, their irienasuip
iuini d. aud their ballots secured.
All history demonstrates that ono human being
never is saie in the bands ot another. When tinperor
Nicholas was told that bis character was as good as a
Constitution to bis people, "Then," said he, ' I am out
a lucky accident," and ot a surety such lucky acciuents
do not abound in the South. The only security lor
tbe wellare ot these peoplo, and consequent peaco oi
tho republic, is bv vrantiuor to all it citizens absolnto
tquality before the law, and, as De locquoville has
somewhere said: "I know ot only two methods ot
establishing equality in the political world. Everv
ciuen must ue put in possession oi uu nguis, or
rights must be granted to none "
A war of races, torsooth ! Why, what Is this of
which the President talks? The ariruuient was worn
tfreudbaie in the service of slavery, by more cun
ning ai.d subtle tuikuis than ho, before he had
acquiied even tho alphabet ot oppression.
A w ar of races I Does the President remember that
black men voted under the Articles of Confedera
tion, and at the ratification of the Constiution iu
1781), in every State save South Carolina? 1 but in
the Congrewional Ugislatiou tor the lorrnories,
freedom, and not color, was tho only, test of
citizenship up to the year 1812? that it was
the boast of Mr. Badger, of f-onh Carolina, and
John Bell, ot Tenuessoo, that they each took their
scuts in the United Stares House ot Representatives
on a majority of black votes? Xoes the Presidont
remember that back men voted in Maryland until
18IJjr in North Carolina until 1885? in Pennsylvania
until VHfif and that in Maine, New Hampshire,
Vermont, Massachusetts, Rliode isluud, New l'oik,
and tome ot the Western States, thev veto today?
Has thiaanywhtre superinduced a war of raoos?
'I ho President is loud of deulaiina that ho treads
chisel'' iu the footsteps of his martvred predecessor.
Does he remember what Mr. Lincoln said shortly
beroie bis death, in conversation with General
Yi adsworth? "If I .rant universal amnesty I shall
create universal suffrage!" lines any one for an
instant suppose that our good dead President de-
viprd in his kindly heart the horrors of a war of
races thmeby? Does the Presidont remember whnt
oi e anorew .innn'oa said in Aa.nvme ontnezttn
t October, 18047 "Rebellion and slavery shall no
longer tiollate our State; loyal men, wnothor whtto
or black, shall alone control hr destinies I I
speak now as one who feels the world to be his
cot ntry, and all who love equal rights his friends I"
Jim Andrew Johnson plan, when ne spoke tneso
noble and heroio words, to entail npon his own State
the mhery of a war of races? I trow not. I appeal
from J-ebroarr and Mav, 1866, to October, lw4. I
appeal from "Philip dtunk lotl'hllip sobor."
a war ot races! w no win oegin it me oiacur
If ail tho horrors, persecutions, and oppressions of
slavery cou d not drive these people to revolt, is ft at
a 1 rearOLahloto suppose that liberty, equally, and
fraternity could superinduce such a result? Who
then wi I begin It?, tho white Rebels, the supporters
of the President's policy ? In that case oue might
safely declare that the Presidents argument bears
heavily on his friends, and in tavor of tho.r oppo
nents; that it is an argument against wu.te aud not
agninst black sutTraue.
Beyond this what a monstrous and abominable
doctnne to propound and sustain, that the United
(states can preserve peace and maintain tranquillity
in its borders nnlv bv icnormir tho riphts. land
trampling on the liberie of 4 000 000 of its loyal
citizens. A peace so bouirht, at the expense of Jus-
nee. would De more onerous man any war. a re
public s saved would bo more unjust and iniquitous
thau any de-poti power. "Liberty." well savs Dr.
Gasparin. "imposes obligations. Wrong undor a
Democracy Is more lniamousthar under an empire."
1 oc us not foriret, wnilo we question, inspoct, dis
cuss, we ourselves are under tliee.e of tho world,
andshall in turn be discussed, be Judged.
Let us not forgot that such a course would not
merely dishonor us, as a people, but would turtisc
libertv'a mark bac on the dial, would make De
mocracy a lie, would check the course oi humanity
everywhere, vtould strengthen tho hands ol despotic
power, and weaken tnose of its opponents by taking
irom ttieir giasp their most eitective ana powontu
weapon.
Said a great Frenchman, whon the first cannon
thundered arainst Fort sumter. "The Unltod States
brs lust been saved " 1 he South saved us then : it
reintiu. lo be seen n tne oortn is strong euou.u to
save It sell t ow. I he danger of a yet lurther com
promise between liberty ana oppression was
stemmed, not through the Justico of tho North, but
through the hatred of the 8.uth. Who doubts that
If these slave mas ers bad been pleased to remain,
the North would havo contnved to choko itselt with
cotton dust, and flood ttsolf with gold, that it
should inrihor g ve her spoils tor those in bondage
and chains ? Experience is a hard sonoolmaster,
but it teaches as none other. Has it taught the
North that rarest of lessons, common Bonso and
Justice ?
un t no nun anniversary oi hid juiissacuuseus ueuu
in Baltimore, the fifth anniversary oi a day that
ushered in the most maivellous era in the history of
the world, Andrew Johnson, m referring to tae price
paid down through the war, exclaimed, "For wnat
nave an tnese lives been sacriucoo, ana an tins treas
ure exocudedr it was tor the purpose ot preserving
tbe States in tho Union ot our fathers."
Never were truer words spoken. Nover was a
cause more maligned, nor i s martyrs more dis
honored. Tho Union of to-dav fs not tbe Union of
five veais avo. Ihe Govemmont undor which wo
live is not that which preceded the war That Union
was cemented by the blood ot the slave aud held
together with his chains. That Government was
one that laid strong its foundations in oppression
and lies. Cannot Andrew Johnson comprehend
ibut, having wrecked an old world, it becomes
mcessarv to shape a new one, and that the lirst
step towards construction mut be to dostroy tho
destrot ers?
beemmely not, for it is just here that be and Con
gress make issue. "I denounce as a traitor every
man wno is opposed to my ponov, tne rresioom
declares; "and mv policy is to dishonor nine-tenths
of tbe people who suffered and fought ior the re
public, to crusn tueir antes ot tne sor.tu, and to
elevate and s rengihen tho r enemies. My policy is
to thrust Rebels into Concrress to make the laws of
the country, while by my own acts 1 am declaring
them publlo enemies with whom we are still at war.
A double question lot me ask tiere: uas tne united
States enemies? Does tno President ot tho Uuitod
States adhere to thorn? The more surrender of the
Confederate forces did not make peace, else wou'd
the war have ended with (he disruption ot the armies
of Johnston, Kirby Smith, and Le.
It is everywliero- allowed that war does something
more than subdue armed forces: it settles disputed
questions and the rightB of the two parties engaged.
Until these settlements are embodied in law, more is
not yet a Btate ot peace though hostilities have
ceased.
Between bellieerent powers that still exist, those
lnwa are embodied in treaties. In the present cose,
wheie there are no ; hostile armies remaining,
theee questions settled by war, must be embodied iu
the laws ot the United States, and tor greater stabi
lity in tne Constitution. No one, I think, will dis
putep;u( proposition. Until this is a one we are at
war.
Tbe President recognizes tho fact that the status of
the country is still that ot war; the status ot la o
Rebels still that ot enemies in that military posses
sion is still held ol the South, the habeas corpus, that
most precious of all precious civil rights, is still sus
pended. Somo tens of thousands of troops that on
lietid lor the war are still held under command at
tho South. It tne war is ended, their term of enlist
ment has expired aud they are at liberty to go to
their homes without further otders. These troops
are everywhere quartered in southern house and
on Southern land without tbe consent of the owners,
a measure which the Constitution expressly forbids
Bave in time ot war. The President exerciser the
military power ot Commander-in-Chlof to dictate to
State Conventions and Legislatures, and to remove
State and City officials ever whom he would have no
control in peaco. Ac s, one and ab, in tact, which
would then be intolerable usurpations of power.
It we aro not at war, then the President is plainly
liablo to be impeached for every ono of theso viola-
lations of what the Constitution would require of
him in a state oi peace.
The Administration evidently holds the presont
state ot the country to be one of rebellion. Tho Ad
ministration has further informed us, throuirh tho
official letters ot Mr. Seward, when this s ato ol war
will end. "When the states shall be luuy restored
to the Union by the action of Congress."
But Andrew Johnson, while he thus recognizes
these people aa Robola and enemies in law, sulli-
cient to ciothe him with despotic powers, demands
fir tbem all the right, of American citizens against
any action or legislation ot tonirress.
Ho demands, in lact, that, while we are at war,
communities with which we are at war shall send
Representatives to our Senate and Houe, and that
l oneiess bas no nght to make laws tor tnom until
their Representatives have seals on tho floor.
He demands that Rebols shall participate in the
national councils in making those laws wnicti are
to constitute our treaty ct peace witu tue tie
bellion.
Conirrots rofuslng to assent to so foolish and
wicked a proposition, the President hurls coarse
threats at the Representatives of the people, de
nounces them as traitors and usurpers, a ceotral
and irresponsible directory, exercising extraordi
nary and revolutionary powers.
Has Andrew Johnson so frail a memory that ho
has toreotten his own declarations whi.e bo
sat as a Senator in Washington, in a spoecb
made January 31, 1302, upon tho expulsion of Jesse
D. itn-bt lor using treasonable language, by mouth
ar d paper: "It we havo not the physical and moral
courage to excludo irom our midst men whom we
behove to t e utiBate depositaries ot public power and
public trust, we are' not entitled to sit here as Sena
tors ourselves."
Congress and the people know lull well that by
pcrmiliing those Slates to oome back with thoir old
powers unbroken, with treason unpunished, aud
traitors unsubdued, would be to tliug away the
whole precious harvest of tho sowings of the war.
On the 13d of last Februarv 1 was travelling the groat
Mate ol Illinois, Irom Chicavo to Daveoport. Sit
tint by mo was a bro n-facod, white haired, kindly
et ed, intelligent farmer oi the North est, and tall
mg into couvt-ise, wetalked and who does not? of
tho war, and of the great questions growing out ot
it, and as we so talked, be said, with a ghttter In his
lip and a flush ou his cheek, "I thank God, (hat
being too old to go mysel" his hair was white as
driven snow "I had three bovs to seud at ihe call
of my country." Audi thought, as I looked at him,
ri numbering that the wm wus ended, and hearing
what a son oi triumph sounded through bis tones
aa he talked, thut he had his oovs all safely about
him once more: so I said, "How glad anu proud you
must be, with the trouble over, to bave your heroes
at home again I" "Home !" he answered, "at home?
why ihey all went home long airo. I bad my boys
to give uttctly my country needed them utterly
but I thank God tor their deaths, ior from their
gravis, and the gravos of such as thoy, springs tho
treo that will shelter the lile aud liberty of the
republic." As he so spoke he opened tho morning
paper containing- the record of the infamous speech
ot the oa preoeding, and I sat still, watching with
a painful fasoiuation us his gize travelled slowly
over the sentences; watched the light die out of his
eye, tbe color fade irom his face, till tiioverylipj
grew ghastly aud withering; watched till the last
word was read. Never shall I forget the lace
he lifted from that record; never Corset the
terrlb'e voice with which be crierf out, as the paper
toll irom his trembling hands, "Sly God! my God!
my boys bave died in vain I"
Sly friends, permit this polioy to suoceed ; permit
this Goveri tuent to be te establisiiod on its old
foundations of falsehood aud oppresiion; permit
these traitors to legislate for ihomselves, for us. aud
for tbe freodmen of the South, and this war will
have been fought in vain, this treasure spent in
vain, this precious blood spilled, and noblo lives
sacrificed in vam. ,
A false move at this crisi, and we are check
mated for the game.
A (! policy In anv way planned 'or ancentod,
and we are destroyed. One tingle, one confident
turn of the sculptor's hand has annihilated inn idoa
ot a hle-tlme lias ruined the nmrble which he
t e'-eved to I e plastlo as clay to his touch.
For this reaion 1cm glad that the fenafe hat
tailed to pa the Reconstruction bill of tho Botnte.
It is not sufficient merely to disfranchise Rebels
who deserve the punishment, it it equally n. ocssnry
to enfranchise loyal men, who bave earned the
nght. It would be barbarism to leave tbem to the
tender mercies ot their ex masters. It n foolishness
to suppose that tho United estates can protect tnom
in such restoration, cvon through the Civil Rights
bin.
Bayard Tavlor tcl ns that when the Russian
peasant is wronged or o.ipre-sed, he only sas:
"God is lngn. anu ;h Fmt eror is too iar oft to
1 car," and subrr its. In such a condition of narra
tion tie poor lit eraleo a'nve mav think that God is
indeed high, and will bo compelled to understand
that the central Govoruinout is too tar olT to hear,
aud so submit.
Who knows not the story of the s ave who, In the
car'y and evil davs ot the war, came ono day to the
headquarters of a camp and demanded to see its gene
ral. Slaves wero scarcely the tit visitors of an ottlcor
brilliant in array and mighty iu power; but a mouse,
joti know, can bo of service toabon. Ibi. general
was in dilliculty, and this slave carried information
that mlt lit add to hi knowledge and serve his p'aus.
So the chattel was admitted.
Who knows not how tho general, being In need of
arms tor bis troops, this slave guided him to a place
wheie were coucealed ammunition and weapons
manifold-conceaied there by other hands and lor
another purpose tnan this how, being strange to
the counuy, this slave described its lay and its bear
ings, the paths to take, the roads to avoid, the
masked batteries to escapo, the strong points to ho.d
for actual knowledge thouirh a slavo's, is boiter
tban theoretical planning, though a general's how.
lor all this, the tole compensation he aesired was a
riflo and a chance to dio, and tho poor boon was de
nied him. How the next day, as he wont up and
down amid our so dlers, and under the (lag, a mau
came nding, hot with baste and rago, into tho camp,
and eemauued witu oat ns aud reviiiiigs. tnat nts
uluve be instantly given over to his switt vengeance
Did none protest, did none holn. did none save?
Oh. country, hido thy laco whi st it is mid that from
these soldiers he had armed, irom this general he
bad assisted, not a hsnd was raised to prevent a late
which my lips tail Justly to dosenbe. I hit save.
with a cnain on nis leg, witn a rooo around ins body.
was tied 10 tno saooie oi nis master, and undor tue
hot Southern sun ran by his side across the seven
intervening miles to his home; when tho limbs
tailed undor tho strain, tho lash on the shoulders
was a rare restorative, iteacntng it. nis comrades
and fncuop nay, more, his mother wore collected
to see the "example," collected around tho stake to
which was bound tho poor body that sholtored this
heroio and martyr soul. 1 cannot, cannot paint that
scene! Greatuodl tnat sucn things wero possible,
aud thy heavens lull not I but through the sound of
la ling blow 8, reviling oatu, and hidoous blasphemy.
through tbe affnvhted and ghas ly stillness of hia
companions, tnereweut up no cry lor mercy.no
shriek oi pain, no wail of despair: but when the Ions
torture was parsed, ana nature had yielded to tn is
work oi ncuus, tno dying lace was turned
tow aids his mother, tne eyes dim with tho
veil that tails between time aud etornity, seeing
ner eyes vitu tueir latest giunco tue voice not
weak, but clear and strong even in deaih, spoke for
her car- "Bo ot good clioer, mother; tbey can de-
stioy the body, but they cannot kill tho soul " And
even with the bunas, tbe tree soul walked with God
V ith wnat weapon did weconuuerin this war?
iveiv ono knows. However manv mav bo unw.llinir
to confess, that it was Liberty I Thiougu what patn
did we wa.k to victory and peace r r-verv oue knows
that it was through Emancipation Hud we not given
trecdem to tne slav. s we should have fought to de
feat or an exhaustion that would have consented
to separation, liad we not received tho aid and help
ot these same slaves, as inlormors, as guides, as spies.
as sofdieis. wno stiaii say to wnai point the conuict
would have been prolonged? What gratitude we
owe them! More than the pre out is ablo to com'
nute, and that only the inture can understand.
uui in aoing mis ior us tnov nave eniauod on
themselves a more cruel persecution thau tho.r on
pressors ever intlicted upon them iu the post. Wbie
the black as their slave tliov despised him As
thoir conqueror thev hate him. Win tho aiistoorats
oi the South be quick to ioiget that they were com
pe led tu hght with their own slaves at fort Hud
inn fllimtrn Milhb.tti'a 1t,.nH a r WiiGnn's arl.u
on the James, through Georgia and the Carolinasf
Nay, that they were again and again defeated and
forced to surrender unto them. Will thev fall to
re a ember that into their conquered and burning
capitals, into Charleston and Kioumond, the hist
troor.'s io enter, wearing the blue umionn of the
republic, bearing its banner, koeping stop to tho
march ot its music, wore black troops ; many of tbem,
but a few months or years beloro, bond-thralls in
tneir midst.
By saving us they have destroyed themselves,
unless y,e protect tuom oy seeing mat tney are ena
b.ed to protect themselves
What abomtnation of cruelty would it be to use
tnese men to conquer the south, then t.irust thorn
undoi tho heel ot the humbled aud infuriated cou-
ouered r
As one of them, two years since a slave in
Charleston (John Pinckneyi, wr tes, and I want you
to ibserve the extraoidiuary language used, "t'iiev
(the whites) will make freedom a curse to us, tor we
have no home, no laud, nooutn, no vote, and conse
quently no cvuulry ; and it would bo far bettor that
he bad no er been born than to undergo the hard
ship and punishment that will be inflicted on us if
we are leit alone. May Heaven lorbid, and God
Almighty protect us irom tho revenue of the
Rebels and the President's policy l"
W hat was the record of the wai through the days
in wbicn mat slave ot wnom i tola you was sent
back to siaveiyr ine record was deieat, defeat,
defeat dishonor and death I Not until the nation
put an end to these abominations, not until tue
siave was a man, not until we had learned aud
practised tho first lesson ot justio ', did victory lead
our annus to peace, ihe slave cried to God, and
God heard him.
As the war did not triumph, think you a Dower
can endure that contains such discordant elements?
Lvciy black child apprenticed, torn from the
arms oi its motner, every black man hunted to
death, bv the law or outside the lav, every treed
man oi woman oougnt and sold in tne markot-olace
every murdt r, ever riot, every ma'sacre, orv to uod
against ns. Tho bodies may bo killed, but the souls
and their testimony caunot be killed, "oliull not
God avenge hia own elect which cry day and night
unto him, though he bear long with them? 1 tell
von thut ho wnl avenge them speedily."
Some talk ot this as a matter of time, as though
it wero some phenomenon of human nature or the
physical world over wnicn tnoy could have no possi
ble influence or control. Now we have the power
in our baud ; now we can exorcise it; now or never
py us must mis work oe none.
The etleots of tbe President's policy are stamped
so plainly that he that runs may read them. These
people ot the South are more rampant, more bitter,
more treasonable at present, it that is possible, than
thev weie while the war was aonvelv waged, aud
rival armies contended. They follow the course of
thoir lcadtrs, and, whilst denouncing the
unconstitutional acts ot Congiess, aud the
laoical traitors oi the Aorth, clamor tor their
riehts in ihe Government as though thov had nover
gone to wai to destroy that Government, nor stolen
its money, nor rineu its arsenals, nor built inter
nal muubines, to blow up its ships and men; nor set
alloat pirates, to prey upon its commerce; nor
oramed its resources, nor destroyed its honest de-
lenders, nor rifled its dead, nor starved its prisoners
in roatuscnio cnamei nouses, turougu lour years un
paralleled in the annuls of time.
What this po icy is, can be only too well estimated
irom those wno support it, give it aid and com ior t,
Who uare support this policy to-uay? I quote irom
the record ot speeches, papers, and letters. That
Christian gentleman and eminent patnot, Robert K
iao. supports it. ino u ii nappy victim oi a tvrauui
cal Norm at F'ortress Momoe, J. Davis, supporis it.
litaurecard, Johnston, Toombs, btephons, support
it. Kvery man that pointed a Rebel rdla or fired a
Kebel cannon, supports it. Every traitor m the
North, who staid at home to opon a fire iu the roar
oi our Government aud arm.es, supports it. Proba
bly Tucker, John Booth's coulederate, upon whose
capiuie a reward is set, writes a letter from Canada
to declare that this I'rosidont, made by an asansin,
is ooing an assassin's work, and he sitppjris bis
policy accordingly. Not very good company, my
loyal friend, iu which to be found.
Who oppose it? That is easily answered Eveiy
iriend of his country, tvery defender of the Repub
lic every lover oi freedom rises up against it.
I know that somo men, claiming to call them
selves Republicans, and to represent their party,
support l . Wlo are they? Such men us tlioe re
sponsible tor the meeting to convene within these
wans to-morrow night.
Hungry ofiice-seekers men who sell their birth
right of truth and manliness for a mess ot pottage
hanlerers af er the flesh-pots oi Fgypt -men who
represent their party after tue fashion of that luur
aide gentleman, Mr. Doollttie, of Wisconsin, and
rr.i on an, of Pennsylvania, requested aain and
again by the respective Legislatures of thoir States to
resign the office tbey wers degiadiug theao are the
Republican supporters of the President's pouoy.
One word 1 wsh to tay to these sitters U'Jou the
leu co that this fence is iretting narrowed down to
such an excruciatingly fine and razor-like sharp
peas, that unless they speedily drop ort on one side
or the other, thev will eveuiually bo cut in two.
W hat is nredod fo-day, is that every ono apeak
out in strong and indignant remonstrance auaiust
the course of these men, and the man thov sup
port, Congress is heroio ; but Congress can but fol
low the will of the piople. It tho vauntod Loyal
i.rsgueot I'biladniphia not merely tans to declare
itself openly on tho good side, and in opposition ta
ttle Infamous coarre of the President hut through
its officers reiusea to take such stand. Congress may
well ray "Philadelphia stands not at our back."
How should it know the temper of Philadelphia, or
Indeed of any part of the Fast, If that East sneak
not out strongly and bo olv like unto the West?
Looking across this strange oomp'ication of diffi
culties, over this conn ry, rent and torn b strilo
ana airsension, over ine respective positions ot rre.
sident, Coi gress, and people, I can think of naught
unto which to liken tbem save a beleaguered fortress,
with night closed down, the besieging armies en
oimprd around its walls, its sentnes pacing to and
fro on its parapet, alert and watoliful.
as tne nouis aie niarseu, tno sentries call across
from po'nt to point, " All's well! all', well 1" as the
Divnt wears on to morning.
So, Cot giess thank God for luch a Congress!
sittlLg m Washington, a-sai'ed bv a cruel, a treache
rous, a merciless toe, waits siixiou-.It or its son
tries, the States, tho people of the Mates, to spea.
listen i near t. on press at last orv its wntehword,
" Universal stifTiage and universal justice;" and, aa
State alter Mate receives and adopts it, I hear the
orv found from point, to point from State to State
from Maine to Ca ilornia from tho golden Mioros
back to tho stormy At a. .tic, "All's well! all's woll!"
Oh! great country; thy light crowns Apollo: the
morning Hpht dawns; the nation' i-lost; the smile
ot uoo illumines tnee, and an i wen !
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BIOKltl.NE. Ihe Feeble, tbe Languid, the Despair
li'K the Old. should give this valuulile discovert' a trial;
It will be found totally aiUeieut irom all other articles
for the same nurpoco.
'1 O FEMALES. This preparation Is Invaluable In ner
vous weaknexHes oi all klu ls, as It will restore tUa
wasted strength with wobdenul permanence.
It Is also a (.is nil Tonic, and will give re lef in Dyspep
sia with the lirst doM. A brief persistence in its use
will lenovate the stomach to a degree of perfect health,
aud banish Dyspepsia lorever.
uiiei ioiinr per uuiim. or uijt uuliibb ior va. wt
Druggists ginrrnliv Knt by express auywher by ad
dressing HUToHINOSic HILLYEK Proprietors,
AO. pr.i Bireet, auw fork.
Sold bv
JOIUNSON. HOLLOWAY COTTDES.
no a jsoitn wi Alii street.
DYOIT ft CO..
ilOthsturp No. Ui K. 6ECOND8t-
s
ALE OF PUBLIC PROPEKTY,
Offick ov Abmy CLOTinno and Equip Aa, 1
PiBW iobk., may it, inoo 1
Will be sold at l'uolio Auction, at the Dopot of
Aim" ' lotliiiift-ana l-quioa-ro, corner oi LAItiHl"
and WASHINGTON Utrotts, New York city, on
1 klDAY. June 1st noxl.couuneuclu'' at 10 o'clonk
A. M , as follows:
20.000 Spades, new.
KKK) f-bnveis, new.
20,000 Pickaxes, new.
20,000 I'iokaxe-Handles, new.
Tbeae (roods aro Ir mi tbe best manufacturer., and
are in the original pockaves.
(Sample of the above articles can be aeen at the
depot, and further inforuiatiou obtained.
Terms Cash, in Government lunds. Ten per
cent, down, aud the balance botore the roods are
taken from the depot, whU-h must be within threa
davs of sale, under loileiture of the goods and ten
per cent.
Brevet BrlK.-General D H.VINTON,
5 19 8t 1). Q. 11 General U. S. A.