It jvbiirhed nny afernoon (Sundays steeple &
at Ho, 10 iS. Third ttreet. Trice, Tfiree Cent
'it Copy Dwbit Sheet), of Eighteen tents Per
royitWe to the Carrier, and mailed to
soriirr out oftheottyat Nine DoVar$ Per
.4t.Mim ; One Dollar and Fitly Cents Jor Two
Months, invariably in advance for the period
wtered. , , , ' '
Jv insure the Insertion of Advertisements tn all
of our Editions, they must be forwarded to ow4
o(Hce not later than 10 o'clock eich Morning.
FRIDAY, MAY 4. 18G8.
According to the statement of tbe public
dtlit on the Is, of May, we may estimate It
at $2,800,000,000. This aegiegate is composed
of bonds bearing different rates of interest
falling due at different times, and having dif
ferent provisions made for their extinguish
ment or extension. Commencing to accumu
late a national indebtedness at the outset of
the war, and not comprehending the magni
tude of the strife which was to ensue, we
naturally asked for loans as our necessities
required, and when at last the full force ot
our position dawned upon us, tbe public credit
had been so much shaken by continual de
mands, that we were obliged to contract more
debts at elill more injurious rates to the Gov
ernment. Although such a condition would be
at the best of times incoherent and confusing,
yet now, when we remember that the Seven
thirty loan and a number of compound in
terest notes fall due next year, when it will
be necessary either to provide for their pay
ment, or resort to a conversion Into Five
twenties what was beiore Inconverjlint become
vitally important. There can be no question
that next year will decide the financial fate of
the nation. Either we will have a debt bear
ing six per cent, interest in gold, or else some
other form less oppressive to tbe nation; for,
during the course of 18G7 and the early part
of 1808, nearly $ 1,000,000,000 ot the debt will
change its form.
Mr. Secretary McCcr.i.ocn, seeing that it
would then be necessary to provide for an
almost total revolution in the character of
our national Indebtedness, has prepaied a
plan which cannot tail to recommend itself to
popular favor. The large proportion which
would be beneath hi control has induced
him to conceive a system whereby all may be
rrduced to a uniform standard. His bill is at
once so simple, yet so comprehensive, that in
a moment all its provisions are apparent. It ,
provides for tbe conversion of all kinds of ;
national indebtedness into 'Consolidated
Bonds," which will bear five per cent, inte
rest, be payable in thirty years, and be lree
from all taxation. Experience has taught us
wisdom, and in this plan is found the essence
of all the points which secured popularity to
the loans contracted during the war.
It provides for a long loan at a uniform
rateol Interest. The events of our struggle
prove to us that the people who have money
to invest (and when we say the people, we speak
ol the great masses, and not the speculating
capitalists), prefer a bond which will run tor
years, at a low rate ot interest, rather than a
temporary investment at a greater remunera
tion. This was proved by the Five-twenties
and Ten-forties, which went as readily as the
Seven-thirties, and had it not been for the
provision of conversion in the latter, their
additional interest would not have been com
pensated. When, therefore, the "Consolidated
Bonds" are ofiered, we prophesy that they
will at once secure a popularity fully equal to
the palmiest days of the first issue of the
even-thirties.
In this funded form, old persons incapaci
tated for active business, women ignorant of
finance, the guardians of children, who desire
to save from danger their wards' property, will
find a special investment, which must recom
mend Itself both as a permanent and perfectly
sate deposit for the money. When once the
bouds are secured, then all that will be neces
sary is to receive every six months the in
terest tailing due. There need be no anxiety,
no fear ot defalcation or breach of trust. The
United States is their banker, and for thirty
years, if they desire, they can rest safe from
tbe tricks of swindlers and the dangers of
fluctuations from trade. To the man
of active business, who keeps his money
' continually moving, it offers an opportunity
for him to lay by, from year to year, sums for
his family which will be safe from all the
chances of his failure or his death. For there
he knows it will be sate. We predict that
these "Bonds" will be as popular as the Bri
tish "Consols ;" indeed that they will even ex
ceed them in the eagerness with which
they will be taken.- Foreigners now send
their money to London to receive English
Consols In exchange, and get 4 per cent.
When this bill goes into effect, it will draw
from Europe ber surplus capital, which desires
a safe Investment at a rate which, in the Old
World, is considered almost bordering on
usury.
Again, the freedom from all taxation se
cured to these bonds recommends them as
most desirable, and doeB away with any
seeming inequality between the five per cent,
interest of the "Consolidated ' and the higher
Tates ' of real estate . or bank stock. For
while the exorbitant taxes necessarily im
posed' on real estate make the exorbitant
interest melt before its power, jet the five
per cent, of the "American Consols" is all
received, no deduction, no withholding, but
all paid. You know exactly how much you
will get, and nothing will make it greater or
cause it to be less. Even should the tax
Imposed be but slight, yet people ex
tremely dislike to have to break their in
come and rlslt the assessor in order to
make their payments. We thus find another
clement ot popularity secured, and another
THE DAILY
evidence of Mr. McCrjLtlocijtM wisdom is
exhibited. -
The promise of positive payment in thirty
years will prevent any depreciation of the
bonds below their full value.' In England,
where her wisest financiers hare all. agreed
that her debt can never be paid, we flad a
decline of but six per cent., but the certainty
ot settlement In our case will prevent even
that, and not only secure for the bonds a
popularity as a permanant Investment, but
will make them a convenient form of tempo
rary deposit.
In another editorial we will examine them
in the light In whfch they influence the oa'lon.
Hie Report ol the Reconstruction Com.
I mifec-What Its Enemies Say of It.
It may safely be assumed that the enemies of
a measure, or series of measures, will attack
, its most vulnerable points, tlence, we have
' watched with some Interest the reception
' accorded by the Conservative organs to the
report recently presented by the Reconstruc
tion Committee in Congress. We were quite
sure these organs would find the weak points
in that report, if it had any. They have now
, "had their say." Let us see, therefore, what
1 are the counts In the indictment they pre
sent i We may premise, as to the report itself, that
it proposes an amndment to the Constitution
providing, first, for the equal protection o
every citizen of the United States against any
infringement of his righ:s by the laws of the
several St jtes ; secondly for the equalization
of the basis of representation in Congress
thirdly, for preventing Rebels from voting for
members of Congress or Presidential electors
until the 4th ol July. 1870 ; and, fourthly,
against any payment by the United States or
by any State of the Rebel debt. The report
also pi esents two bills to accompany this Con
stitutional amendment. The first provides
that when the amendment shall have become
a part of the Constitution, and shall have been
ratified by any of the States lately in insur
rection, such State, having modified its Con
stitution and laws In conformity therewith,
shall be entitled to representation in Congress,
and the payment of any unpaid portion of its
quota of the direct tax under the aa of 1861
shall be postponed for ten years. The second
bill provides that none of ihe prominent civil
and military officers of the so-called Confede
rate States shall ever be eligible to any office
under the Government of the United States.
Such, in brief, is the report. Let us see what
its enemies say of It.
The New York World, to which we gene
rally look for keen analysis and logical dis
cussion, devotes a leader of a column and a
half in length to the subject, but, strange to
say, deals with the shortcomings of the Com
mittee rather than with any assumed 'faults
in the report. It thinks the Committee might
and should have reported earlier, and charges
that there is no connection between the re
port as finally made and tbe prolonged
investigation which was a preliminary to it.
This may all be true, and yet the policy urged
in the report be the very best possible one for
the country.
'1 he New York Daily News, which is the
radical Rebel organ, of course denounces tbe
report, but almost equally of course, for those
very reasons which commend it to every
loyal heart. The fact that the flews opposes
a measure is generally proof positive that the
measure is right, and ought to be adopted.
The New York Uerald, which always keeps
a sharp eye windward, and can detect the
strong or weak points ot a proposition quite
as surely as most of public observers can,
'draws it very mildly" on the report. It says:
"The plan is ingeniously contrived; it is eon
siilembiy mil ler than anything heretofore ema
nating irom tho committee, and nearer the
policy and the views of President Johnson. It
may be unnecessary in some things, superfluous
in others, and untair in its contiuued exclusion
ot the southern Statesafter having, on their part,
fulfilled the conditions of the Administration
charged with discretionary powers over the
whole subject; but we have only now to await the
itsue beiore the two Houses.''
The New York Times; which grows more
bitter as it becomes less Republican, assails
tbe report with Indiscriminate denunciation.
It continually stigmatizes the Joint Commit
tee as the "Secret Directory," apparently for
getting that its editor voted to establish said
"Directory." Its main point, however, is
one of those fine-drawn, metaphysical argu
ments which seem to be its chief stock in
trade in the discussion of the entire recon
struction question. Tbe following extracts
will show Its drift;
" We must begin by assuming that what were
States before the war are mere Territories now;
or this attempt to dictate terms as the condition of
recognition becomes undisguised usurpation. We
must assume, in tact, that ihe South is at this
moment neither more nor less than an asre
pate ot Territories, wailing for admission as
States, and trom whose people Congress may,
tbeieiore, require compliance with certain pro
posals. And yet the amendment, on its face,
declares th existence, as States, of all the States
recently in rebellion, and presupposes the exer
cise by their several Legislatures of the highest
conrtitutioiial attribute of State sovereignty.
' Could absurdity go fur
ther? Could the folly of this fanaticism be
made more mauiiest? From the dilemma into
which the Committee have thus pluneed there
is no loRical escape. If the Southern States are
in a condition by their Legislatures to ratify or
reject n Constitutional amendment, they mud of
necessity be qualified to send Senators and Rep
resentaiites to Congress, sublect only to the
ludgrment of either House as to the eligibility of
the pei sons sent." ,.
There is a Bhow of argument in this, al
though it is not true that "the amendment,
on its face, declares the existence, as States,
of all the States recently in rebellion." The
amendment does do such thing. But what
ever of inconsistency or of logical dilemma
there may be involved in this plan of recon
struction, the limes Is thoroughly estopped
ftom setting it up. It is as deep in the mud
as the radicals are in the mire. The entire
plan by which the President secured the rati
fication of the anti-slavery amendment to the
Constitution by the Rebel States was liable to
precisely the tame objections as those urged
EVENING TELEGRAM.
against the plan of the Joint Committee ; yet
the Times supported , the President's plan
throughout.'' Let It, therefore, chop logic
with itself, and get ontof Its "dilemma" ai
best It may. ,1 the President, had a right
to dictate terms to the Rebel States as the
condition of recognition, to bare the pcopU
through Congress. ' If he could make the
uopuon oi in tnii- iavery tmendment a
condition precedent to their restoration, so
can tbe people through Congress make the
adoption of this amendment a condition pre
cedent to their restoration. '
Unless something more damazlnir to t'ie
report than anything the opposition have yet
brought forth can be found, the Union party
may safely go to the country on its merits
Its propositions are both just and Dooular.
Who shall deny that a citizan of the United
Mates shall not be protected in his Just rights ?
Who shall deny to the lojal people of the
nation equality of lepresentatlon in Coneress ?
Who shall say that the disfranchisement of
Rebels for four Bhort years Is unjust? Who
shall clamor if payment of the Rebel debt is
prohibited? Who shall mourn if Rebel offi
cers and leaders are excluded from office
under the Government they sought to over
throw? They who think to make a success
ful Issue before the people aaainst such mea
sures as these, are strangely Ignorant of the
temper of the masses, and vastly undei rate
both their intelligence and their loyalty.
A Southern View ol "The Political CrUis."
Tue conflict of opinion and testimony in re
gard to the real sentiments of the Southern
peotle Is so great, that in ordrrtoform a
cotreci opinion it would bo necessary for the
seeker after truth to put. on the Invisible cap
ot Fortunatus, and, like Lk Sag k's "Devil on
iwo sticks," pass over the households of
the "reconstructed," and see into the secrets
of their souls. In the absence ot this con
venient method of reaching a conclusion, we
must judge of the attitude of the late Rebel
Bections by their utterances. It is, therefore,
with a positive sense ot relief that we find In
the May number of that orgpn ot Southern
intelligence, Ve Bow's Review, an article
treating with singular candor of the questions
of the hour. Speaking, as the magizine does,
tor tbe best classes of society below Mason
and Dixon's line, ve may view its utterances
asthe opinions and arguments ot the thniking
community. The sentiments it advances are
biought forward with commendable candor,
and we desire to reply, in an equally lair and
explicit manner.
1 Alter speaking of tb.3 extent of the Re
bellion, and its subjugation, the writer says:
: "It has become fashionable ac the North to
hold the South wholly responsible lor all the
consequences that have resulted from this
attempt at separation. But is th'sfleht? Jsit
jubt or rensounbler When we consiler that the
South ncrher mad" nor attemoted to niaire any
Migressioii9 on the riarhts or even the preiucitoes
of the North; that she never assailed any of its
pimciples or prerogatives, but acted only in
deleuse of her own clearly denned constitutional
rights; that she was for years the riciim of nos
tile anritnvid:oii8 legislation, when we consider
these thine, it must be admitted that tbe Somh
was not without provocation in taking than
course which many of her people thouzut, and
honestly believed, to be the only course wnich
cculd secure them in the peaceable enjoyment
of their own rights, l'hev declared the.nselves
absolved from the political compact that bound
ttem to the Federal Union, and however mis
taken the.v may have been in tact, ii may fairly
be cla meet tor them thaf. in seeking this re
medy a pencelul separai ion. which the theory
ot our (Jovernraent admits to be the inalienable
rujbt. ot an oppressed people they should at
least be held excused, it not justided."
Speaking without passion, we would say to
the South that such language as is here used
is not the kind, nor of the tone, to induce the
United States to cast the past into oblivion
and bestow power upon the late Rebels
against its authority. Taking its views
alone and it is one of the most moderate
articles we have seen we find in it cause for
keeping them still in abeyance. While con
fessing that the Rebellion has physically
failed who but an idiot could do otherwise
yet, at the same time, no recantation of the
doctrines which caused it is 'found. On the
contrary, we are expressly assured that their
conduct was lawful, although events have
proved it inexpedient. As every actual revolu
tion must be preceded by a moral one, as the
crime of treason must have been instilled into
the Southern heart before she uprose in
power as a Rebel, so also must tbe loyal
reaction come first from the mind before we
can believe Its lip-service. And until the
demon ot treason is exorcised trom the inner
man, and the spirit of loyalty installed in its
place, until that time all outward signs of
repentance are but whitened sepulchres,
beautiful to look upon, but filled with dead
men's bones. Let tbe South be converted
trom its views of the right of secession, and
let treason be made odious and looked upon
as a crime, and then will confidence be in
spired in the Northern mind, and the North
ern, people cease to be afraid to entrust with
power those who so misused it when they
had it.
The writer gives us a picture of the suffer
ing brought on the South by her own course,
of the "desolation, poverty, sorrow, and
waste," and says :
"Admit, if you pleae, that the South was
wrong; but has she not guttered a sufticient
atonement? Could Christian charity, could
rehned immunity, could even Justice itself de
mand more of those so severely chastened and
soouTged? Is it not, then, manifestly the dic
tate of every feeling and principle that oiifint
to control the actions of a re tinea and Christian
ized people, to extend a lenient policy to those
who were lately In arms against tbe Govern
ment? v
"We confess ourselves unable to appreciate the
force oi those arguments which urged a vin
dictive policy towards the Southern States. It
certainly cannot be defended on the score of
magnanimity nor humanity, its .justice is by
no means self-evident, and it appears to me to
be subversive of the dignity and true interests of
the country." ; ' .
To tills we would reply that both North
andSoath have indeed suffered; both tole
rated the sin of slavery, and both have lent
their blood and tears to wipe it out. Tbe
agony inflicted may Indeed b considered suffi
PHILADELPHIA, ' FRIDAY,
cient retribution for the pist,but la human his
tory there are two influences to be conserved.?
The lives and property of her children may
fattly cancel what has been done, but we owe
it to the land for which so much has been
sacrificed to procure seennty for the future.
uuubia me spini oi vengeance, n is not
the gratification of hatred, that Induces the
North to withhold from the South all that is
requested by her. It Is a wise pense ot pro
tection and a distrust of future danger and
new violations of the laws of nature. '
,'l hear a lion in tht; lobby roar;
fray, Mr. Speaker, shall I shut the door f
C r shall we wait and let htm in,
Ihou cee 11 we can get him out aaln?"
We have the Southern States now within
ovr power; we hear them demand equal pri
vileges and ask Tor power which will ra'se
tl cm beyond the reach of all future supervi
sion, and shall we give them this means and
then see If they repent and do ust.ice ? Shall
we place a weapon in their hands, and wait
and see if tuey use It right, if not, then struggle
to recover it ? Let us rather have assurances
Let us rather have pledges, bonds, and surety)
so mat whether tl.ey desire or no to do right
ana be loyal, they must do so.
Policy and
necessity combine in so demanding. We
know that it would save us money and de
crease our taxes If we admitted the South,
and it is a Bign of our action being for the
general good that wp deny ourselves to secure
future safety. It la not malice, it is duty and
wisdom that make us act as we do.
Lntil near, the conclusion of the article
the writer preserves his temper, and speaks
w ith quiet reason ; but as' he approaches the
end It seems that fury seizes him, and he foams
at the mouth . He talks about "bigoted
radicals," "sectional hatred," "blood-thirsty
vindictivenesa," and the like, and lessen our
oruJonof his good sense. With that, how
ever we have nothing to do. It is too pre
vailing atone in fouthern journalism for us
to complain ot it here ; but in De Bow we had
hoped better things. We join, however,
with the author In wishing that the day may
not be tar distant when we shall see the
ffouthern Representatives o:.ce more In their
accustomed seats . How soon it will arrive
rests entirely with the South herself. Shall
it be soon, or shall years roll by. whllu
obstinate pride and latent treason shall ex
elude from representation ten great Com'
monwealths ? The South must decldn.
Something Abont Texas.
The present time is marked by unusual en
thuslasm in planning and prosecuting works
ot material progress throughout our younger
and sparsely populated States. A vast chain
of canals and railways, wanting but a few
links here and there, which are being rapidly
supplied, already binds the extremities of the
country toge.her. The North now carries
on a large and increasing commerce with the
South, from Portland to Galveston, along a
continuous line of steam communication, and
tbe Irresistible perseverance of human will
l.as crossed the Isthmus of Panama with a
double band of iron rails over a causeway
sown with the bonis of thousands who
perished in the construction of the hishwav
0 - "tf 9
But while thpie huge labors have triumphed
in the face of every obstacle, there Is one spot
upon our may where, by a singular ne
gleet, internal improvement has as yet made
but comparatively little advance, although the
patn is free ana inviting In every direction,
ana great inducements are held out to encour
age enterprise. We allude to Texas.
It is strange, yet most true, that of all of
oui later acquisitions of territory, his charm
ing region of fertile plains and majestic
woods, stretching along some three hundred
and fifty miles of coast, indented with nume
rous excellent harbors, extending inward to a
remarkably level country, without impedi
ment of stubborn mountain or foetid morass
possessing a peculiarly agreeable and salu
brious climate, a soil rich with the untouched
vegetable deposits and decays of centuries,
and spotted here and there with well-timbered
forests of the most valuable trees. It is most
Btrange.we say, that this, of all other infant
States, Is least known and appreciated, and
least invaded and improved by the march of
the age's progress. Why is there not a per
fect system of railways connecting all the
available parts of Texas with our great com
mercial centres, and giving a happy impetus
to ' the tide of emigration towards, and suc
cessful agricultural industry upon, its verdant
prairies ?
The advantages of Texas for railway con
struction and communication are not sur
passed, ii equalled It is, as we have said, a
country of very even surface; its soil is of
marvellous fecundity, and Its , productions,
already valuable, are capable of being ren
dered Immensely abundant and important.
Its facilities of water traffic Internally are
comparatively limited; it abounds in fine
timber; its climate is remarkably healthful
and genial; and, finally, the Government of
the State holds out liberal encouragement to
tempt the cupidity and insure the success of
our railway financiers and capitalists.
Let not those rolling miles of field aud
forest, then, remain long fallow and neglected,
save by the wild deer and the solitary
hunter. There may be inde -d, there are
within its recesses veins of the same spark
ling ore tor which our young men have braved
death In its most fearful forms amid the wilds
of California ; strong arms and willing hearts
are all that is required to find it, and every
spadeful of soil turned np will return a muni
ficent reward In plenteous harvests. ' The
goddess of agriculture is the veritable deity
of tbe fabled Ophlr I Spread your railways
over Texas, people It with some of the sturdy
laborers who now waste their energies in dis
content at home, or In hopeless toll and sick
ness amid tbe miasmata of the further gold
regions, and the ships and cars of commerce
JVIAY .4... 18C6.
Will StVAfitf111v Mist, IviIa tl A I.m a Iti4 h.IIam''
v'uuwij pvw iuhi vic lap ui wjd uawuu
the wealth of the genuine El Dorado -th (J
staples ' of an universally , productive ' soil
which are everywhere imperatively necessary'
to mankind, and must always command the
readiest market and the surest profits.
A Fnllacr KiimwmI.
b'ThiWat thb Pkoplb UlDSR9TNI), It.'-Thc
Pouthern States claimed, and the North denied.
HauAil K n r. 1 . i .
.7 were rmuD, una appealed to tne
BTimrnmem ot war. The North connnercd.
Ihe South accepted the result. Whr. th-n. do
w maiDtnin u.at State which we said oould
not gel out of the Union, or out of itfN. Y.
limes. ,
The Times parades this fallaev so frl
quentlythat it really must believe there is
something In it. Tt apparently does not per
ceive mat tne dilemma which it tro.a out
regularly every other day, and sometimes
oltener, rests on the shallow trick of a mere
play npon the words, "out of the Union,"
wmcn any school-boy might expose.
When we said the Southern States "could
not get out of the Union," the expression
"out or tne union" meant, out of tho hirudin.
tlon, power, authority, rule of the Union-
! independent of It When we now say the
' 3 4.1 fx . 4 .
Southern States are "out of the Union." th
i expression is used In an altogether different
sense, ana means non-participation in the
Government of the Union. Thy are in the
Lnion. tn the sense that they are within It
boundaries, under its jurisdiction, and subject
to Its laws. They are out of it, In the sense
that, as political communities, thev have, lost
'ft
that participation in the Government of the
Union which they once enjoyed, but which
they voluntarily abandoned by their seces
sion, ana luity lorieited by tbeir rebellion.
. The trick ol the Times consists in its cover
ing up this double meaning and use of terms.
and Is unworthy of a newspaper .which pre
tends to deal In a spirit of candor with the
grave problems of the hour.
Death of a Young Journalist-
Geobge Collieb Bowkb, Esq., late one of
the city editors of the Evening TicKGrtAPn,
aiea suddenly at bis residence in this city
to-day. A sketch of his life and services upon
the Telegraph, aud other journals, will ba
tound elsewhere.
Singular Suicide A 1'bivatb Guillotine.
a strange case oi suicide nits lateen place ai the
Sussex Hotel, in Bouverie street, Londou. A
maL whopassfd by the name ot Velleus occu
pied a room in the basement of the house, where
iin Via.l Kuan in K tn. U . t -r. I k. 1 i .
HV ua'i icu iu llic uttuil Jl SUUMIIIX 111 Ul Still Up
aud allow Inc nobody to go iu. Some time siaoe,
hotel people re(olvpd to break 1n hiad'Otv and
f,.H Ka r .1 n : i. 11
by means of which he had nearly aevei el his
fli'H" iroin ins uouy. ne naa removed nid oea-
HtfPBd. tt.11 1 1 DlllPfifi R hPlK'h hff lirPPn if anrl a nun.
tnved to affix a heavy axe, the handle working
t'reciv on a sciew. He Inserted in the cupb ara
door a double action pulley, to enable a rope,
holding up a stone weipning ninety pounds, to
. . . . 41- . . -. TT . .1 ? 1 . . . .
uiiuuKu iu no men eviueiriy nmi lain
dowD on hie back, on tht bench, placed the axe
on tbe tide of his neck, and cutting tha rope
which held the ponderous weight mpen1ed,
effectually accomplished his purpose. Toe tdga
ot the use was driven Into his itc, cutting tne
,ii:i?ular vein. The razor wiih which he had
severeil the rope was found (Irmly era tped in his
uiuu wu.u uib ruuui was euiereu.
Indictment op a Clebotm an. Three indict-
mt.rtla hava htion FniinI HIlidah . nnln Y.
Key. B. P. Kenny, an aged and eloquent Baptist
clercyman, for preaching without taking the
test oath." On these indictments he was
arrested at his house about dark, and compelled
to ride a distance of ten miles to a place where
the next morning he gave security to appear
for trial. He is 61 years of age, and has been
preaching over 40 years.
A Mctinber Killed. On Friday last a mutiny
occurred among the crew on board the ship
Scotland, at Charleston. They attacked Captain
Maynard with knives, and to save his life the
first mate, Silas Duell, fired on them, instantly
1.411 f 1 J. '
11111115 JHUirs jveiiy, nnu wounding anotner.
The rest of the crew were soon alter seized,
i laced in irons, and committed to jail. Captain
luayuuru received inree wounas.
nyKxeuse a little Ineony
nltuc rising from the altera
tions aadlniprovementa going on
In our Store, it la more than
compenaated fer by tbe KXTKA
BABGAltiS we gire oar cua
tomrra, as we want to reduce
oar stock te avoid lu removal out
of tie war 01 thewerkmen Tbe
finest Beady-Made Ciotnlng tn
tbe city, and tbe largest asaort
niitnt to select trom.
Piece Uoodn to make to order.
WAS AM AKKRA BttOWsl,
OAK HALL. 1
SOCTBKA8T COkNEB
I SIX 1 11 and MAKKKT BtS.
sritiNa.
WILLIAM D. ROGERS,
COACH AND LIGIIT CAHRIAGE
j BUILDER,
Nob, 1009 and 1011 CHESNTJT Street,
PUILADtLPIUA. IW.iclp
1 4
i CHESTNUT ST.
:AM1LY SEWING-MACHINEsX
SPECIAL NOTICES.
IS ft tKe Beond Pag for rnddUional Spteial BoHe4
KeJ' IIAWIjETI IIAMLETII
A fair CHOICK HBAIU
?" b the BOOKMI AN D, in tha COJTTIirKtr AI.
uuiau, lor
THIS (TKIDATi kVikino, ' , ,
War 4,1961. " It
tSBT : NOT I C E.
ADAMS EXPRESS COMPANY.
UO and afUrlUKflDAT. Marl, the , .:;.; ' 1 '
VKEIUIIT DEPAR1 MKlfr-
2-ihL M7,p"nr 'a b rmnvl te the Company's
h.in. "2 5 Mt' of LEV and M A ViK. HIT
itrVet oma reei ana oa M at-Die
.All Mam .n4 rAll..ii.n n...i ... . .
' 1 raw win De irauamea.
n.ntn am a. ly. I'u. iijko . 1 -i. . . .. . .
06 ! 11 '"lib crt -ed at either oftice.
V.u V r "" omoe, and any ealU eo
tited therein DT-vuua tn a p u m-i iY.
Mm day, if within a reasonable dlnunce from ou r
."US: tofts? W?rtFii
30 4p JOHN BlSaiUM.HnnerlntenrtenL
Ok'PICR fit? TUP. RftVlT Di'Tnrt
LKCM COMPANY:
P ETKOLK M COW PAN Y will V liolll at the offloe of the
to act npon pionosttlon lo rdns capital stock to two
sure, to redoc. the Tioenairof ThompinVd pr""
mpte general Intet-st ot the same u
o.wuuoi .UUK U4LLAUHIB. Ja..RMKlur
BANK NOTICES.
KgT THE
aV-' . BANK-.
PHILADELPHIA NATIONAL
Tim Ti I rrtnr 1iva Kia .1... 1
. - . . - .
TWO Ft. II CEM. (ill lor the last a x month. n. 1.1.
demand, dear 01 taxta.
b.h roMF.fv, Cashier
aTioN1 ANT MECHANICS' NA-
j.-il.Tj i,r.T V "J BMii nare unit aav
declared a Dividend 01 FIVr PtBCENT.t also an
Kxtra Dividend o. ON HP KB CKNf., both payable! oa
demand, tree ot taxes. p J '
1 6t W. RITSHTOV. J Chi..
EXCHANGE NATIONAL
BANK.
Pi. " . V ii 1 Hl,,,",r ui t menu ui nV.
p K l fciN 1.. deal ol Ujl. andpavable on deinaml.
Til MirAf rtVsl tirt'A flAfllunaJ a. I a.J.1 .... .rl a a. w n
A 1 6t J. W. TORHF.T . rraahlAP
SECOND NATIONAL BANK OF
PHlLADl LPHIA.
, ruADKruBII, HIT l,9A
i ll. CfcNI., clear ot ta. payab'e on demand.
CENTRAL NATIONAL BANK.
tx.Nl-. rlmr Ol tax. navahleon dnm.nA
A 1 fit
WILLIAM H. BHA WN. Cashier.
SEVENTEENTH AND SPRING GARDEN
H T It F. K T S ,
f.r.-
A LARGE ASSORTMENT
OP
BUILDING LUMBER,
FOB SALE LOW, BY
F. H. WILLIAMS, .
Scientccnlh and Spring Garden Sts.
pOSITITB SALE OF
Harness, Saddles, Trunks, Etc
Made expressly for City Trade, comprising Double
and Single Harness, in various styles of mountings.
ALSO,
AX ASSORTMENT OP
SADDLES, BRIDLES, ETC. ETC..
TO BE SOLD
To-Morrow (Saturday) Morning, May 5,
AT 10 O'CLOCK, AT THE SAXES-EOOMS,
No. 11020 CHESNUT STREET.
Now open for examination.
B.
SCOTT, Jr.,
AUCTIONEER.
It
BUDDING
AMD
FKATHKR WARKHOU8E,
IfcA I'H NtKKET,
SELOW ARCH.
Feati ere Beds, Bolsters. Pll
loii JiattreMea of ail klnosi
Blankets, C'omiortables. Coun
len anea, white and colored t
Hpring Beds: Hprlng dots Iroa
Bedsteadai Cusbious, and all
other articles In the Una of bual-
' , AMOS HILLBOBN,
. Ho 44 MonhTKNTH ritreet.
V. Below Arch.
lESKELL'S MAGIC OIL
CUKES TETTER. . ,
EBY8IFELAH. ITCH. SCALD Hirin ivr.
SKIN DIHKA8K8.
WABHAHTKD TO CPRB OB UQSEX RZVVSDID
For sale by all ringglsts.
FBISCIPAL DEPOT, ' '
ASIIMIUAD S PIIAItMAOY,
I I S 336 Sun
w v v Ai j-t a uww
Price U cents per bottle. 4141m,,
H ipiANTOWN RESIDENCE FOR RENT.
aAiimito ruu xim i.
. Ulf HoUM. With all tha AA . '
. - ' ----- w.. iuv uiuuniu vvnTntiiHiirm
.TiTlon:- wur be renVd'-wi'or hoS ti.'SXK