r
H
n
ehi:la.del:phia.s sa.txjrda.y, February 24, isgg.
VOL. V.-No. 48.
DOUBLE SHEET THREE CENTS.
NOTICE TO THE PUBLIC.
In ffce year 1846, the writer embarked tin the Drag
Business In the city or Fbllsdelpbla. nd while Urns n
faged.wiad'e sevsral experiments la regard .10 the moat
arslrsble Biode ef preparlpf Fluid Extracts. My efforts
being nreemfnl the art Idea being approved and one
by the Medical Faculty' waa desirous of placing them
K fore the public, but bealtated for aome time berere eon
oludlng to retort to newspaper advertising, knowing of
the pit JuOicra that exUted In the minds of rr any against
tiling acvertucd Mi dietnet, bnt through the advice ot
friends and thote who had used my preparations, thla
ob) ectlon waa overcome. .
Cora meno lug In smsll way. after eighteen J are' ex
ertion! the t optilarity of my artlciea ban extended to all
parta of the Unlttd Btates. and widely throughout
Foreign countries and thla In the face ot much oppoaU
tlon. Every means baa been resorted to by unprincipled
ealra lince their merit and success have been known
aueb aa ad vei tlslng larger bottlca at Icaa price, censoring
all ctuer prr parsiloni. and even copying my advsrtlse
menla butl am happy to state that oat of the many
wbe bave resorted to thla, nono have been successful.
The Science of Medicine, Uie the Dorie commn,
stand limple. jmre, and mnj ttie, having fact for
lt baata, induction lor IU pillar, and truth atone tot it
capital.
I eontead there la no bus fness iw airing thee qnall
flcatiom more, aa medicines are brought in contact
with Druggists everywhere. I am also aware that
pernor rearon In this manner 'hat which may be
nefit one may be of no advantage to another. IIow
mistaken) he Ideal
A Bleod Further tor one Is a Wood Purifier for all.
A Diuretic for one, a Diuretic for a'L
A Karcotto for one, a Karcoilc for all
Airnrgatl ve for one, a Jrurgative lor alU
Just ts much so as wholescn e lood for one Is whole
some lood lor all, with bo more difference than that
some conititutlona require more than others, and that
persons In algesic are given to despondency expecting
xo a few days or weeks, and perhaps with a single bottle
of medicine, to be restored to health, it not to youth
and beauty. These persons rarely recover, lacking
patience. They give nothing a fair trial considering
afew dollars extended for the benefit of their health
a wurte of money. These same persons may have
been j cats In breaking down their constitutions, and
probably expended thousands of dollars In dresa
and dissipation, and thought nothing- or It.' Such
forget that L OOD HEALTH 18 TRUE WEALTH.
V ith upward" ot 3D. COO recommendatory letters, and
unsolicited certificates, 1 have never resorted to their
publication.
I do not do this from the met that they are Standard
Prefaratknt (eot Fa.ent Medicines), bat open to the
Inspection of alL The Ingredients art not kept lecrtl,
and are recommended only lor those diseases and ac
companying symptoms, tor which their Ingredients are
everywhere recognized as Standard Specifies.
; axjTxbtisembnt. (
THE KIDNEYS.
The k'dneys are two In number, situated at the upper
part of the loin, surrounded by tat and eonslstliw ot
three parts, via. i -The Anterior, the Interior, and the
Exterior.
The anterior absorbs. The ln'eilor consists or tissue
or veins, which serve as a ueposlt tor the urine and con
vey It to the exterior. The exterior Is a conductor also,
terminating In a single tube, and called the Ureter. The
ureters are connected with the bladder.
The bladder la composed of various coverings or tis
sues, divided into parts, viz.: The Upper, the Lower,
the Kervous, and the Mucous. The upper expels,
the lower retains. Many have a desire to urinate
without the ability, others urinate without the ability
te retain. This frequently occurs la children.
Tocu-e these affections we must bring Into actios
the muscles, which are engaged In their vatlous
functions. If they are neglected, Gravel or Dropsy may
ensue.
The reader must also be made aware that however
slight may be the attaok, It Is sure to affeotiio bodily
health and mental powers, as our flesh and blood are
supported from these sources.
Gout or Rheumatism.
t i
Psln occurring in the loins Is indicative ot the above
diseases. They occur In persons disposed to acid su
mach and chalky concretions.
THE CRAVEL.
Tie Gravel ensues from neglect or Improper treat
ment of the kidneys. These organs being weak, the
watT Is not expelled from the bladder, but allowed to
remain; It becomes feverish and aedlmeot forms. Itli
from thla deposit that the stone Is tonne! and gravel
ensues.
DROPSY
Is a collection of water fat some parts of tho body,' and
bears different names according to tbe parts affected
viz. : when genera lv diffused uvor the body. It Is ailed
Anasarca) whenot the abdomen. Ascites ) when of the
chest, Hydro thoiax.
TREATMENT.
Helmbold's highly cone .,d compound Extract
Buchu la decidedly one oi the best remedies for diseases
of tbe bladder, kidneys, gravel, dropsical swellings,
rheums tlsm and gouty affections. Under this head we
have arranged Dysurla or difficulty and pain In passing
water, scanty secretion or small and irequent discharges
of v ator, Btrangu y or stopping of water, Hematuria or
bloody urine. Gout and liheumatlam ot tbe kidneys,
without a&y change in quantity, but Increase of color or
dark water. It was always highly recommended by the
late Dr. Thysic in these suections.
This med'clne Increases the power of digestion and ex
cites the absorbents Into hea thy exercise, by which the
watery or calcareous depos tluns and all unnatural en
a'geruent ,os well as pain and Inflammation, are reduced,
and Is taken by
r
MEN, "WOMEN, AND CEILLEEN.
I ' r
Directions for use and diet accompany. i
BOLD AT
t
HELMBOLD'S
Drug and Chemical Warehouses,
No. 694 Broadway, New York,
No. 101 S. Tenth St., Philadelphia, Pa.
AJiD ST ALL DKOGGISTfs
THIRD EDITION
NORTH AND SOUTH.
Union Sentiment in the Lately
Rebellious States.
Speech of Alexander n. Ste
phens Before the Geor
gia Legislature.
Review of the Political Situation.
Sensible and Timely Advice to the
People of the South.
What is Necessary to the Complete
Eestoration of the Union.
Georgia Accepts the Issues of the
War- in Good Faith.
Ante-War Issues to bo Forever
Buried Out of Sight.
The Extinction of Slavery Accepted
as an Irrevocable Fact.
Equitable and Immediate Legislation
Urged on Behalf of tho Freedmen.
Elf., Eto Etc. Etc, Etc., Etc, EtO.
The Legislature of Georgia, some weeks aero,
elected Alexander II. Stephens, late Vice-Presi
dent of the Southern Confederacy, to represent
them In the United States Senate. Mr. Stephens
peremptorily declined, helieving his piomineut
connection with the Davis Rebellion to be an
insuperable objection to his presence at Wash
ington as a Senator. At the same time the
Legislature invited him to make a formal public
address before them upon political topics. He
consented, and Washington's birthday was se
lected as the time.
Mr Stephens' Speech.
Mil iedgi.vixl, Ga., February 23 (leiitemen of
the Senate and House of Jtrvrenentativest1 appear
before you in answer to your call. Ttiia call, coming
nflhe imposing form it does, and andor the clrouin
stances it do(, leqmres a response from mo. You
hnve BBniened to me a very hlaa aud very honorable
and responsible position. I his position you know I
aid not seek. Most willingly would I bave avoidod
it, and nothing but an extraordinary tense ot duty
could bare induced me to yield my own dislnc'ina-
rions aiid aversions to your wishes ana judgment in
tbe matter.
For 'bis unusual manifestation of esteem and con
fldence I return my profound acknowledgments ot
gratitude. Of one thina only can 1 rive you any
assurance, and that is, it I shall be permitted to Sis
charge tbe trusts thereby imposed, they wiil be dis
charged with a singleness ot purpose to tbe public
good. The great object v itb me low is to see resto
ration, it possible, ot peace, prosperity, and ooustUu
tionai libeity in this once bappy but now disturbed,
acitated, and distracted country. To this end all
my energies and efforts, to tbe extent of their
powers, will De aevotod.
You ask my views on tbe existing state of affairs,
our duties at tbe present, aad tbe prospects ot the
future. This is a task from which, under other cir
cumstances. I might very woll shrink. lie who ven
tures to speak and to give counsel and advice Jn
times of peril and disaster assumes no enviable posi
tion. Far be that rashness from me which soraetiraos
prompts the forward to rush in where angels might
fear to tread. In responding therefore briefly to
vour inquiries, x teei, i tru.t, tne iuii weigut ana
magnitude of the subjeot. It involves tbe waitaro ot
millions no n living, and that of many more millions
who are to come alter. I am also fully impressed
wi'h the consciousness ot tbe inconceivably small
effect ot what 1 shall say upon tho momentous results
Involved in tbe subject itself.
It Is with these feelings I otter my mite ef counsel
at yonr request, and in the outset of tbe nndertak ing,
limited a it Ib intended to be to a few general ideas
only. Weil may 1 imitate an illustrious example,
Invoking aid from en High that I may say nothing
on this occasion which may compromise tbe rights,
the dignity, or the best interests of my country. I
mean specially tho rights, honor, dignity, and best
interests ot tbe people ot Georgia. With their suf
ferings, their losses, their misfortunes, tbeir bereave
ments, and their prewnt utter prostration, my heart
is in deepest sympathy. We have reached that
point in our aflmrt in which the great question bo
lore us is te be, or not to be ; if to be, bow f
Hope, ever springing in tbe human breast,
prompts, even under the greatest calamities and ad
versities, never to despair. Adversity is a sevore
school, a terrible crucible, both for individuals and
communities. We are now in this school, this cruci
ble, and should bear in mind that it is never negative
in its action, it i always positive, it is ever decicd
In effects, one wav or the other. It either makes
better or worse, either brings out unknawu vices, or
arouses dormant virtues. In morals its tendonov is
to make saints or reprobate j la polities, to make
heroes or desperadoes. The first indication of
its working good, to which hope looks anxiously,
is the manifestation of a lull consclouincss
of its nature and extent, and the mo.'t
promuiDg grounds of bops for; possible good
iron) our present troubles, or of things with us get
ting btter instead of worse, is l he evident general
realization on the part of our pooylo of their present
situation, of the evils now upon them,' and of th
greater ones still Impending, It is not my purpose
to exaggerate. If 1 could, that would be useless, for
to lesst or extenuate them would be more than use
less. All lully understand and realize them. They
feel them. It is well thry do. Can tbe evils upon
us. tbe absence of law, tho want of protection and
security of person and property be removed, and otn
those greater ones which threaten our very political
existence be averted? i'here are tbe questions, it
i true we bave Dot control of all tbe remedies. Kven
if these question could be sa'istaetoriiy answered,
our fortunes and destiny are not entirely in our own
bands.
Yet there are some things which we may, and can,
and ouffht. in niv Indirmant. to do. irom which ho
barm can coma, and irom which some good mar
follow in bet' erlug our present condition as (states
and eonimnniliei. as well as individuals. Vfhea
they bave done tbe best they can, In view of sur
rounding circumstances, wnn an the light tney
have before tbem, let results bewnat they may,
tbey can at least enjoy tbe consolation the no small
recompense that tbay have performed their duty,
and bave a conscience void of oHonss betore
God aud man. This, if no more valuable rosult,twlll
I trust, attend tbe doing of what I propose. The
first great duty, then, I would enjoin at this time, is
the exerolse of the dmnle. though difficult and try
ing, but nevertheless lndlspentable quality of
patience, J aueuct requires ot taosc tioeu-a to bear,
o suffer with fortitude, whatever ills may befall
thrm. This is olieu the case, and especially is it
With ns now essential for tbeir ultimate removal by
i y instrumentalities whatever. We are in tne eon.
diti a ol a man with a dislocated limb or a broken
1 r, and a very bad compound fracture too. at that.
t ow it was bmkei- hnti'd not Nt with htm a quo
t- onof so much Importance as bow It can be restored
to hoalih, vigor, ai.o s.reugm.
i bis ttquires ot blm, as the highest duty to him
self, to wait quie ly and patiently in splints and
bsnoases until nature resumes her active powers,
until the vital functions perform their office, fhe
knitting of the bones and the granulation of the
flesh rcqnire time. 1'orlect quiet and repose, even
under the severest pain, is nocessar. ; it will not do
to msxe too groat haste to got well f aa attempt to
alk too soon will only make the mattor worse. We
must, or ought now. therefore, in a similar manner,
to clicipl,n oursalves to the same or like degree of
patience. I know the anxiety and restlessness of the
popular limb to be fully on our feet, again to walk
abroad as we once did, to enjoy ouoe more the free
outdoor air ot heaven, with tne perieet use ot all our
limbs.
I know how trying It is to te donled representa
tion in Congress while we are paving our proportion
oi the taxes ; bow asnoywg it Is to be even partially
under ml iiary rule, ana bow injurious it Is to the
genital intern, t of the business oi the country to bo
without pest o&ices and mail communications, to say
no'bing of divers othor maturs on tbe long list ot
onr prtseut inconveniences and privations. All
these, bowevor, we must patient y bear and endure
lor a reason. With quiet and repose we may get
wei), may iet once more on our loet again. One
thing s coitain. that bad burner, ill temper, exhi.
kn itcd rither m restlessness or grnmbl'ng, will not
Lattenit. mext to tins, anotnor great duty we owe
to enrsciy. s is the exercise ot a liberal spirit of lor
benrnnce amorg ourselves.
'1 lie tit st step towards local or general harmony is
Ihn iBiiislimnnl fiorii nnr hniOMtj. lit' nvnrir tumlnir
nta lentiment calculated fo stir the disoords of the
jis-t. lirfotLlag could Lo more injuilous urnnscbto
veus to the lutuie ot this country than the agitation
at present of questions that divided the peop e ante
rior to ot during the existence ot the late war. On
no occasion, and especially in the bestowment of
off.co, ongbt such differences of opinion in the past
over to be mentioned either for or asaint any one
otherwise entitled to confidence, those ideas or son ti
n.euts of other times and circumstances are not the
peinis from which hopeful organizations can now
arise. Let all differences of opinions touching
errors or supposed errors of the bead or heart on
the part ot any in tne pait, growing out or those
matters, be at once in tbe deep oceaH of oolivion for
ever buried.
Let there be no crira'nation or recrimination on
account ot acts of othor days no canvassing ot past
conduct or motives, (Jieat disasters are upon us
and upon the whole country, aud without inquiry
how these originated, at wuose door the fault should
be laid, let us now, as common sbarors of common
mlslurtunes, on all oocasions cousuit as to tne best
means, under Ibe circumstances, as we And them,
to secure the best ends (tawsids lutuie amelioration.
Good government is what we want. This should be
the hading desire and the controHng object with
oil, and 1 need not ai-uro you, if inn can be ob
tained, that our desolated fields, our barns, our vil
lages and cities, now in rums, will soon, like the
r'ha'Dlx, nso sgkin from their ashes, and all our
waste p aces wiil again, at no distant day, blossom
as the rose.
J bis view shooM also bo borne in mind, that what
ever differences of opinion existed beforo the late
lni y oi the war, tbey sprung mainly from differ
ences as to tbe best man to be used and the best line
oi policy to bo pursued to secure the great con
trolling object of a 1, which Was good government.
Whatever may be said of the loyalty or disloyalty
of any in the late most lamentable conflict ot arms,
I ibink I may venture safely to say that there was,
on tbe part of the great mass ot the people of
Georgia, and of the entire South, no disloyalty to
the principles of the constitution of the United
States, so that system ef representative government
of delegated and limited poweis, tbar establishment
in a new phase on this continent oi all the essentials
oi England's Hsgna Charta, lor the protection aad
eccurity of lifo, libeity, and property, with ihe addi
tional recognition of tbe principle, as a fundamental
truth, that ail political power r&ids in the people.
With us it was simply a question as to where our
allegiance was due in the maintenance of these prin
ciples; which authority was paramount on tbe tast
resort. Mate or Federal. As tor myseif, lean affirm
that no sentiment of dis'oyalty to these great pirn
oiplrs of seli-governmeut rocogaized and cmbojiea
in the Constitution of tbe United States, ever beat or
throbbed in breast or heart ot mine. To tboir main
tenance my whole soui was ever enlisted, and to
tt is end my whole life bas heretofore been devbted,
and will continue to bo the test of my days, God
willing. Jn dovotlon to tbeso principles I yield to
no man living. This much I can say tor myself.
May 1 not say the same lor you anl for the great
mass of the people ot Georgia, and fur tho great
ma ?s of thepeopleof tbe entire South? Whatever
differences existed among us an so from differences
as to tbe best and surest means of securing the great
ond which was tbe objeot of all.
It was with this view and this purpose that seces
sion was tried. That has failed. Ius.nad of hotter
ing our condition, instead oi establiHhing our liberty
upon a surer foundation, we have, in the war that
ensued, come well nigh losing the who'e of tbe rich
inheritance with which we sot out. This Is one of
tne sad realizations of tho present. In this, too, we
are but il.ustratlng the teachings of history. Wars,
and civil wars especially, always menace liberty
tbey seldom advance it, while they usually end in
its entire oveithron and ees true tlon. Ours stopood
just short of such a catastrophe Our only alter
native is now either to give up all hopes of constitu
tional liberty, or retrace our steps, and to look for its
vincication and maintenance in the forums of reason
and j:iet co. instead of on the arena ot arms, in tho '
courts and bails of legislation, instead of on the fields j
oi battle X am jrant and candid In setting you
right beie. Our .ure.t hopes, in my judgment, of
these ends are in tbe restoration policy of the ('resident
of the United btates. 1 bave little hope for liberty,
little hope for the success of tht great American ex
periment of sell-government, but in the suocob of
the present efforts tor the restoration of tho States to
tboir former practical relations in a common Gov
ernment under the Constitution of the United States.
Wo are without an encouraging smile on this line
in the history of tbe mother country, in tho history
of our ancestors, from whom we derived, in great
measure, tbe principles to which we are se tnuon
devoted.
The truest frien ds of liberty In England, once, in
1642, abandoned tbe forum of treason and appoaied,
as we did, to the sword, as the surest moans, in
their judgment, ot advancing their oauso. This wa
alter they bad made great progress under tue lead
of Coke, Hampden, Falkland, aad others, Jn tue
advancement of liberal principles; many usnrpa
tlons had been checked, many of tiio prerogatives of
the Crown had been curtailed; the petition of right
had been sanctioned, ship moaey had been aban
doned, courts-martial had been done away with,
habeas cerpus bad been ieestablisued, high Courts
t Commission and Star Chamber had been abol
ished. Many other great abuses of power bad been
corrected, and other reforms established. But, not
satisfied vnth tbeso, and not satloliod wltn the peaoo
lul working ot reason to go on in its natural
sphere, ibe denial of tbe sovereignty of tho crown
was pressed by tne too ardent reformers apou
Charles I. All else bo had yielded; this he would
not.
'J be sword was appealed to to settle the question.
A civil war was the lesult. Great courage aud valor
.were displayed on both sides. Men ot eminent vir
tue and patriot sm fell in the saneuniary and fralri
tioal conflict. 'I be King was deposed and exeontod.
A Cemmonwealth wan pioclaimed. But the end was
the reduction of the pooplo ot England to a worso
state of oppression lb an they bad been in for ceo tu
nes. Thoy retraced their stops after nearly twenty
years of exhaustion and blood, aud the loss ot the
gleatur portion of tne liberties enjoyed bv them be
fore, lue restoration came. Chares II a.oendod
the throne, ss unlimited a monarch as overruled
toe empire. Hot a pledge was asked or a guarantee
given, touching the concersious ot the royal preroga
tives that bud been exacted and obtained from Lis
lather. The true friends of liberty, of reform and
of progress in government bad become convinced
that tbeio were the otlupring of peace and of enliclit
rued reason, and not ot passion nor of arms. The
House of Commons aud tbe iiouse of Lords were
henceforth the theatres ot their operations, and not
the fields of Newberry or Hurston Moor. The re-ult
was that in less than thirty years all their ancient
rljrhts and privileges, whion bad been lot in the
civil war, with new securities, were re established in
the ever-memorable settlement ot 1888, wbiok, tor
all practical turposes, may be looked upon as a
bloodless revolution.
Since that time England bas made still further and
more sirnal strides In reform and progress, but not
one of these bas been effected by resort to arms.
Catholic emancipation was carried In Parliament
alter years of argumeat, against most persistent op
position. Iteason and justice ultimately prevailed,
tie with the removal of the disability of ths Jews; so
with the overthrow of the rotten borough si stem; so
with ibe extension ot franchise; so with the corn
laws ftfid t ektxictioju oa oanuneioe, opei th way
to the estahllshroeeto the nrlneiples of free trade;
end so with all the other great retorms by Par. la
ment which bave so distinguished English history tor
the last half eentury. Mav we not Indulge in r09o.
even in the al'ernstlve before ns, from tbe frt
ex mple of restoration, if we but do as tuw beet
ii lends Ot liberi y there did f
1 bis is my hope, mi 8nly hope It Is founded on
the virtue, inte nsenoo, and patriotism oi tbe Ame
rican peop e. I bave not lost my faith in the poodle,
or In their capacity for sell-governmont. But for
these great essentia) qutlitlns of hnman natnre to be
brought into act ah and efficient exercise for the 'm
tiilmontot tbetr patriotlo hopes, it is essential that
the Fssrion of the day snonldsnosldo, bat Uie causes
of these passions should not now be discussed, that
the late sii lie should not be stirred. Man, by nature,
is ever prone to scan closely the error and deiecta
of bia fellow-man, ever ready io rail at the mote In
bis brother's ej e without eousldertng tbe Desm (bat
Is in bis own. 1 bis should not be. We all bave our
motes our beams.
But, to proceed. Another one ot our present
duties Is this: We should accept the issues ot the
war, and abide by them in rood faith. This, 1 am
iully persnadod, it is yonr purpose to do, a well as
that oi your constituents. Tbe people of Georgia
bave in convention revoked ber ordinance of 1801.
which was Intended to sever ber iron the compact
of union of 1787. The Constitution ot the United
btates bas been reordaiued as tbe orgnmo law ot our
land. Whatever differences of opinion borntoiore
existed as to where onr allegiance waa due during
tbe late staio ol things, none for any practical pur
pose can exist now.
Whether Georgia, by the action of her Conven
tion of 18C1. v as ever rightfully out ol the Union
or not, there can be no question that sh is now in,
so isr as depends upon bet will, and I doom tbe
whole United btates, therefore, is now without ques
tion our country, to be cherished and defended as
sucb by all our hearts and by all our arms. Tbe
Constitution of the United tytates. and the treaties
and laws made in pursuance thereof, are now
acknowledged to bo the paramount law in this
whole country. Whatever, therefore, Is true to
these principles Is now recoimized as loyal, as tar as
that term bas any legitimate use or force under our
institutions. 1 Ills is tbe oulv kind of loyalty, and
the only test or loyalty mat tne constitution itseir
requires. In any other view, everything per
taining to restoration, so far as regards
the great body of tbe peoplo, in at least eleven
States of the Lnlon, is but making a promise to tbe
ear to tie brokon to ihe hope. All ihorefore wbo
accept the Isbuo of tho war In good faun, and come
up to the test required r tbe conscitutionjare now
loyal, however tbey may kave horotolore been. Hut
with tbis chanro comes a new ordor ot things. . One
of the results of the war is a total caange in our
whole Internal policy. Our loimer social tabic bas
been entirely subverud. Like those convulsions in
nin ore whicn break up old incrustations, tbe war has
wrought a new epoch in our political existenoo. Old
things have passed away, and all things among us in
this respect am new. ,
Tbe relation beietofore, undor onr old system, be
tween the African and European races no longer
exiilts. biuvery, as it was called, or tho status oi tne
black race their subordination to the whites, upon
which all our institutions rested is abo.isbed for
ever, not only iu Georgia, but throughout! the limits
of the United Stales. This change should be re
ceived and accepted as an irrevocable tact. It is a
bootless question now to discus whether the now
system is better tor both races than the old one was
or not. That may be proper later tor the philosophio
and philanthropic historian of some future time to
inquire into, attei tbe new system shall have been
fully and fairly tried.
All changes of systems, or proposed reforms, are
but experiments ot problems to be solved. Our
system ot eelf-geveruinenl was but an experiment
at first, l'erbaps, as a problem, it Is not solved.
Our present duty in iegard to this subject is not
with the past or Mejuture. It is with the present.
The wisest and best of men err in ihoir judgment
as to tbe probable working of any new system. Let
us, therefore, give tins one ' a fair and just trial,
without prejudice, and with that earnestness of
purpose which always looks hopefully to success.
It is an ethnological problem, on the solution ot
which depends not only the best interets of both
races, but, it may be, tne existence of one or the
other, if not both. -This duty ot giving this now
system a fair and just trial will require of yon, as
legislators of ihe land, great changes in onr former
laws in legard to this large o ass of population. Wise
ana humane provisions should be made for them. It
is not lor me to go into detail. Suilice it to say, on
this occasion, that ampie and full protection should
be secured to them so that they mav start equal
betore tbe law in the possession and enjoyment of aii
rights of personal liberty and property.
Many considerations claim this at your; hands.
Among these mav be sta od tboir fidelity in times
past, lboy cultivated your fields, ministered to your
personal wants and comforts, nursed and reared
your children, and even m tho hour of danger and
peril they were, in the main, true to you aud yobrs.
lo ihem we owe a de'.t of gratitude as well as acts
of kindness. This should also be done because they
are poor, untutored, unlnlormed, many ot them
belpicBs, liable to bo imposed upon, aud need it.
Legislation should evor look to tne protection of the
weak against the strong. Whatever may be said of
the equality ot races, or thoir natural capaoity to
become equal, we caa doubt that at this time this
race among us is not equal to the Caucasian.
This inequa'ity doos not lesson tbe moral obliga
tions on the part ot the superior to the inferior. It
rather increases them. From him who has much
moie Is required than from him wbo bas little, ine
present generation of them, it is true, is iar above
their, savage progenitors, who were at first intro
duced into this country, in general dntoiligenoa,
virtuo, and moral culture. '1 bis shows capaoity lor
improvement ; but in all the higher characteristics
of mental development they are still very far below
tbe European type. What further advancement tney
may muse, or to what standard tney may acatu
under a oifferent system of laws, every wav suitable
and wisely applicable to tbeir changed condition,
time alone cm enclose.
1 speak of them aa we now know them to be,
having no longer 'ho pic on of a master or a
legai guardian. Ihey now seed all the protection
which the shield of the law can give, bus above all
tbis protection should be secured beoause it is right
and just that it should be upon general prinotpies.
All Governments, in tbeir oiganio structure, as weil
as Initheir administration, should have this leading
object in view. Tbe good of the governed, protec
tion and security to all under its Jurisdiction, should
be the chief end of every Government. It is a melan
choly truth that while this shou.dbethe chief end
ot all Governments, most of them are used only as
instruments of power lor tbe aggrandizoment ot a
tew at the cxpeni-e of, and for the oppression of, the
many.
Such are not our ideas of government, never have ,
been, and never should bo. Governments according
to our ideas should look to tbe good oi the whoie,
and not a part only. The greatest good to' the
greatest number is a favorite dogma with some,
borne so deiended our oid system, hut you know tuis
waa never my doctrine. Iho greatest good to all
without dctinnent or Injury to any is tho true ru e.
Thoto governments ouiy are founded upon correct
principles of reason and Justice which loo to the
greutcBt attainable advancement, Improvement and
progress, physically, intellectually, and morally, of
all c ascs and conditions withm their rightful juris
diction. if our old system, while It lasted, and repeat It no r
that it is no more in leiri. atiou, tnerefore tho new
system should look to the best interests of all olasses
their protection, eeourity, and improvement, pu
sicslly, Intellectually, and moradv. All obstnoles,
if theie be any, should be removed, which can pos
sibly hinder or .retard tbe b acks to the extent of
their capacity. All prooer aid should be given to
their own efforts. Channels ot eduction should be
opcued up to tbem; schools and tho usual moans of
morn! ana mtoi ectuai training should be encouraged
among tbem, ,'l lin will dictate not only of what is
rifcbl, rrooer, and Just in itself, but it Is also the
promptings ot the highest consideration of interest.
It is difficult to conceive a greater evil or aurse
than could blall our country, s'rloknn and distressed
as it now is, for so large a portion of us population
as this clots will quite' probably constitute amongst
us hercuuer, to be reared in ignoranoe, depravity,
aud vice. In view of such a state of things, well
might the President even now look abandonment.
Let us not, however, indulge in such a future, nor
lot us without effort. The system cannot be worked.
Let us not stand still hesitatingly, asking can there
any good thing coiue out ot Nazareth? But let m
rather say, as Gamaliel did, li this council or this
work bo ol men It will come to nought, If It be of
God, we cannot overthrow It.
The questions of tbe age are social problems. With
those we bave heretofore bad Out little to do. The
emancipation of the blacks was ever considered by
me with much interest. Looking at the best inte
rests of all tbe pecuniary aspects ot it tbe const
derations ot labor and capital, in a politloal, econo
mical view, siuk into insignificance In comparison
with this; the problem, one ot the results of war, is
now upon ns, presenting one of tbe most perplexing
questions ot the sort that any people ever had to
ueal with. ,
Let our counsels be governed by wisdom, our
measures by moderation, and oar principles by Jus-
few. go much for what I bave to say on this occa
sion touching onv present duties on this absorbing
untet, and some of our aatiea In reference to a
restoration of praoo and order, without which ail
mast, sooner or later, enter into confusion and
anarcl y and despotism. 1 have, as I said 1 shoa d,
only glanced at some general idoas now as to the
latere prospect before us on this branch of the sub
ject. I can add but little. Ton can form an Idea
f nny views of that irom wbat has already been
said.
Would thai I could say something cheerful, but
tbat candor whicn bas marked a 1 that I bave said
compels me to say that to me the future is far from
being bright Kay, it is dark and impene rablo;
thick gloom curtains and closes in tho horizon all
aroma us. ih.s much 1 can say, my only hope la
in the peaceful re-establishment of good govern
meet, and its peacelul maintenance alterwards,
and luMber, the most hopeful prospect of this
age now is the restoration of the old Union,
and with it the speedy return of fraternal
leel ng ibronahout its length and breadth, Tiose
results depend upon tbe peonle them
selves upon the people ot the North quite a much
as the South, upon their virtue, Intelligence and pa
triotism, but tor tbis 1 should have long since de
spaired ; dark and gloomy as the present bout is I do
not yet despair of free institutions; let the virtue,
intelligence, and patriotism ot, the people throughout
the whole country be property appealed to, aroused,
and brought into aotion, ana all may yet be we 1.
Ibe masses everywhere ar alike equally interested in
the great object. Let old issues, old questions, old
differences, and o d lends be regarded as fossils ef
anotber enoch. They belong io what will borea'ter
be considered the simrian period of our history.
Great views and living questions are beforo.
let tt not be said of us in this day. not yet passed,
of our country's trial and agony, that there was a
party for Casar, and a party for i'ompey, and a
party lor Brutus, but no party for Koino, but a'l
patriots by whatever distinction heretofore styled,
rally in all eleotions. Evorywnore to the support of
him, he ho whom he may, who bears tbe standard
with Ccuststitution emblazoned on its folds. Presi
dent Johnson is now, In my Judgment, the chief
great standard-bearer of these principles, and in bis
eflorts at restoration should receive the cordial sup
port ol every woil-wisher of his country.
In this consists really my only hopes. Should he
bo susta'ned, and the Oovurnmont be restored to its
former functions, all the states brought back to their
practical rotations under the Constitution, our situ
ation will be gicatly changed irom wbat tt was be
fore. A radical and tundamental change, as bas
been stated, bos been in that organio law. V o shall
bave lost what was known as our peculiar institu
tion which so enter twineu with tbe whole irann
werk ct our (state body politic We shall have lost
nearly bait tho accumulated capital of a century, but
shall bave still lott tne essentials or tie Govern
ment contained and embodied in tbe old Consti
tution untouched and unimpaired, as tbey came
from tbe bands of our fathers. With theie, eveu if
we bad io begin entirely auew, the prospect before
us would be much moie encouraging than tbe pros
pect before them wnen they flod from the oppres
sions of tbe Old World, and sought shoicer and
homes in tbis then wilderness land. The libertio
wo begin with they had to acnlove. With the same
energies and virtues they displayed we havo much
more to cheer us than they bad. With a climate en
rivalled in salubricty, with a soil unsurpassed in fer
tility! and with products unequalled in value in the
markets of tbe woild, to say nothing of
mineral resources, wo shall bave much still
to wed us to the good old laud, with
good Government the matrix from which euooe
springs all gieat human achievement we shall lack
nothing tut oar own proper exeniocs, not only to
recover our tormor prosperity, but to attain a much
higher degree of dcveloyment than has eyer b?lore
characterized a great, free, ana happy people. At
least I know of no land the sun shines on that offers
bettor prostects under these contingencies. The old
Union was based on tho assumption that it was for
the be;t Interests of the people of the United States
to be united as tbev were, each rjtete faithfully per
forating to tbe people of othor States all tbeir obliga
tions under a common compact ,1 always said that
this assumption was lounded on a broad, correct,
and statesmanlike principles.
I think so yet. It was only when it seemed to be
impossible further to uaintain it wi.hout.haiardlng
greater evils than would perhaps attend a separa
tion, tbat I yielded my assent, in ooedienoo to the
voice of Georgia, to try the experiment Just result
ing so diastrously to u-i. Indeed, dunng the whole
lamentable conflict it was my opinion that however
the pending eti ite might terminate, so far as
tbe appeal to the sworu was concerned, alter a
while, when tbe passions aud exoitetnents of tne day
should paaway, an adjustment or arraugoineut
would be uisdo upon constitutional principles, upon
a general basis ol reciprocal advantage and mutual
convenience, on which tho Union was first es;ab
lished. My earnest desire, 'hewever, throughout a'l, was,
whatever might be dune might be peacefully done;
might be tbe remit of.calra, dispassionate, and en
lightened reasoB, looking to tbe permanent interest
and welfare of all. And now, after the severe chas
titement of war, if the general sone of the whole
country shall come back to tbe acxnowledgment of
tne original assumption that it is for tbe bejt inte
rests of all the btates to be so united, aa I trust it
will, tbe States still being distinct as the billows.
but one as tbe sea, I can perceive no reason why
ucdet such restoration we, aa a .waoie, wita
peace, coin mere, and honest friendship with all
nations, and entangling allianoos with none, m iy
not entei uton a new carver, exacting iuor.asod
wonder In tbe old world by the grander
achievements bereafter to be made thau
any heretofore attained, by the peacelul and har
monious workings ot our American institutions of
self-government. All tbis Is possible, 11 the hearts
of tbe people be right, it is my earnest wish to
see it. Fondly would 1 Indulge my fancy in gaziBL'
on stich a picture of the iuture. With what
rap ure nay ve not suppose tbe spirits ol our
lathers would hail its opening scenes from
their mansion above I Such are my hopes.
resting on sncu contingencies; but if, instead of
' this, the passions ot tbe duy shall continue to bear
aav, and prejudice shall, ru'e the hour, it a con
flict of races shaft ajlse. If ambition shall turn the
scale; if the sword sha I be thrown Into the balance
against patriotnm; it the embors of the late war shall
be kept aglow until, with new fuel, they shall flame
again, then our present gloom is but the shadow,
Uie penumbra or that deeper and darker eclipse
which is to totally obscora this hemisphere, aud
bligh t forever the anxious anticipations and expec
tations of mankind. Ihen, hereauer, by soma bard
it may oe sung: ...
The star of hope shines brightly in the West; ' 1
Tho hope ot liberty the last, the best;
1 bat, too. has set npon ber darkened shore.
And hope and freedom light the earth no more.
May e not all on ihls occasion, on this anniver
sary ot the birthday of Washington, loin In a fer
vent prayer to Heaven that the Uteat Eulerot events
niuy avert from this land suoa a fall, suoh a fate, aad
such a requiem I (Great applause )Neu York
iimea.
From Georgia.
Milledgeville, February 23. The Legisla
ture bas passed a resolution cordially endorsing
the address of Mr. Stephens delivered, yesterday,
and orders it put ou the journals of both Houses,
The Finance Committee appointed by the Con
vention, after a session of fifty-lour days, and
hearing sworn testimony, report tbat there is nD
evidence of fraud or corruption, or of the. luv
proper use oi me puDKc money Dy any state
official, from fiovernor Crown down to4tue low
est ofliclul aorcnts, and report a full aud coai
plete acquittahof the late State administration
of every charge made against it.
i
FROM BALTIMORE TO-DAY.
The President's Veto) and Speech.
" Baltimorb, February 24. The Baltimore City
Council laid on the table to-day a resolution
endorsing President Johnson's veto. Tho Balti
more American to-day disapproves the Presi
dent's speech of the 22d, and says it was deli
vered fjo an audience made up mostly of Copper
heads and returned Rebels, whose applause was
to be expected. ,
M'mt. De merest la preparing a case of
American fashion patterns and designs for ex
hibition at the coming exposition in Paris. The
competition of an American lady with French
''aitlsU" for excellence In fashion will b quite
a novelty.
CONGRESS
WiBHraoroK, February Jt,
The Senate is not la session to-day.
The Ilonso went into Committee of the Wholo
on the President's message.
Ur. T. A. Plants (Ohio) took the floor, con.
tending that slavery waa the cause of the war
THE VETO AMD THE SPEECH.
Feeltnc in tho Sostta About th KoaW
ce Oonetrvatlvo Kpnblica Ylew of
tho Prcsldoat'a Npeh.
Our Southern exchanges are tilled with lauda
tions of the President's recent action. As a typa
of these we reproduce the following leader from.
the Petersburg (Va.) Index. S It is probably
from the pen of Roger A. Pryor:
In vetoing the Frecdmen'i bill. Andrew John
son has done the bravest deed in American,
history.
The student of our political annals will at ones
contrast it in his mind with the two great vetoes
ot the Bank bills tbe only acts ot Executlva
conduct in our history whicn even approach it
in cenulne couraee the veto by Jackson on the
it tu ot juiy, ibaa, ana that oy ryier on the via.
of Reptembcr, 1841. A moment's consideration
will show that there is no comparison in the
coursire of the respective acts. Not to speak of
tne fiercer passions ot. this hour, of the revolu
tionary tendencies of Iccislallon, of the combi
nation of reliftton and revence, of philanthropy
and fanaticism, of holiness and hate, which
fight under the same banner of negro worship
to carry the m casiire known as the f'redoien's
Bureau bill, there are two circumstances which,
conspicuously distinguish President Johnson's;
position, aud attest its unexampled, eailaalry.
The brst is the numbers against ..Aim. Tho
Bank bill that Jackson vetoed was' passed in the.
House of Representatives bv 106 to 84, and the
Senate by 26 to 23. Thttt which Tyler vetoed
passed the House by 125 to 94, and the Senate
by 27 to 22. It required, nevertheless, all a
Jackf on' firmness and a Tyler's coDSc'.enttons
ness to brave a representative majority ot 22 irk
a vote of 100 in one case, and a majority ot 31 in,
a vote of 219 in the other.
Andrew Johnson has vetoed a bill about which,
the passions ol thU people are tenfold more
excited, although the representative vote was
one hundred aud thirty-six to thhty-three.
In Jackson's case the majority was but one
ninth of the wholo vote m Tyler's one-seventh.
In Johnson's the majority is uve-eiehths of tbe
whole vote. He dares a vote, not ot two-thirds,
but ol four-fifths against him. ;
Let it never be forgotten that he Is perilling
this day, not only his party existence, but his
life, to shield from a monstrous iniquity the
Southern people, in a forum where no kiudred
voice is raised to defend nr.. And this suage&ts
the second trrcat point of superiority in tbe cour
age of this act.
Andrew Jehneon is risMng an Impeachment.
The Jacobins half abundant power and abun
dant will toremovehim trom his office by amm
peachmenftHfcnd thy have already threatened it.
Thank Ood 1 the breach is at lost made fully,
fairly, officially. How it will end no mortal eya
sees; but when tho Southern pcopla forsret the
heroic man who thus "keeps the bridge" in their'
defense, may their rieht hand forget its cunning
and tuetr tongue cleave to the roof of tbeir
month. - -
P. S. Since writius the above the telegraph,
brings ns the welcome news that the patriotlo
and noble stand of the President has not been,
as we feared it would be, fruitless. The Jaco
bins in the Senate have not beeii stronz enough,
to overcome the President's veto. Perhaps the
tide is at its flood, and the persecutions and
proscriptions of Stevens and Sumner and Botts
are at lust to bo brought to an end.
i i
The Speech.
The following article is from the New York:
Evening Post ot yesterday.. Mr. William Cullen
Bryant, the editor of the Post, was one ot the
vice-presidents of tho meeting held in New York
to sustaia the President, and the Post Is num
bered among the ublest Republican newspapers
of the co nservative bent: 1
'When Mr. Seward roiw'last night In Coopor Insti
tute to defend the Prealnent, be did not know how
greatly tne President bad Just Bended. In tho
singular, and i some respects unfortunate, speech
which Mr Johnson made yesterday afternoon in
the White Ilouie grounds he struck right and loft,
snd in bis zeal to parry attacks wnlch have unneces
sarily irritated him, hit iriouds and loos indiscrimi
nately, and even cave himself one or two knocks
wh'ch will cause him, if we are cot mistaken, moie
sutfontig thau the worst b.ows of those whom be.
chooses to think bis enemies.
It Is a matter for reuret thst Mr. Johnson should
so lar allow bis resentment to ret tbo bettor of hlia
Judgment, as to forget, wuat Mr. Seward very truly
obeeivediast nlchi, and what all judicious men in
Concress and in the country constantly bear in mind,
that tbe diflerenoe bttwean the President and certain
leading Hepublioans is a question ot methods for ob
taining tbe same end, and not one of different ends.
It is io excuse for tbe President that tuose whom be
singled out by name, for personal v.tui eration. bad,
already oflended araiust him in a similar manner.
W hen Mr. Sumner, reeently, spoke In the Heua of
the President's poller aa "whitewashing," lie nly
shocked the country's sec so. ot propriety thereby,
and folt himself obllaod, as quickly as possible to
explain, and apologize lor his rudeness; when Mr
Stevens in the House used that toobsn phrase abo at
a British kins' losinc his bead, which appears to have
so greatly and needlessly irritated Mr. Johnson, the
whole country exclaimed against it as an lodeoeney,
aud even Mr. Meveus must bave leit tbat he had
greatly Injured his own eause by such words.
but the same sentiment of pro onuty aud respect
which was shocked by the Intemperate words of
Messrs. Sumner and Stevens Is still more outraged
by the uncal ed-Ior and offensive retort of Mr.
Johnson. Wo are not of those wbo hold it im
proper for the President to tptax to the pooplo; we
were not offended at Mr. Lincoln's speeches, and
shall not Had fault with Mr Johnson if he is moved
to announce or deiend bis 'policy in a speech. But
the Piesment of tbe United States ouvtit not to
descend into tbe pit; and instead of calliug names
and nidulvinfr In personalities, be would bave done
weil to imitate -the noble paticnoe with wiiioit
Abraham Lincoln bore far bitterer gibes, Iar ruder
attacks, from tne same men.
I or the shocking- and unseemly imputation Mr.
Johnson chose to hnn apatnst Mecsrs. Stevens,
buraner. and others opposed to his polioy, taafe
'iiielr iLtei lion was to incite assassination," we
tiut-t that he . will niako baste to apoloulze, noc
merely to t'.iem, but to Ihe eountry, wh-ch lie has
most grievously Insulted. Suo i words as ho uttered
on that bead would uot be to era'ed in the Imstiest
s'ump speech. Tnev are teo 111 Juiiited aud impul
sive lor us to think orwrllo patiently ahou' tuem;
sud we count It no slurht mmiortuno for the
nation that its chief magistrate should huve spoken
in this style.
We do not think the President wou'd him3olf cars
to bave the political sentiments of his vestorday's
tpoeoh discussed. It will form no i art of bis record,
for he must already wish that it had never been
spoken. Me raid nothing new, notbintr wiich ha
has not beforo tleoliired. Mo one not eveu M r,
Stcveut bas doubled bis dc.tre to do rieht, as ha
saw the risht. Auu we prefer, iu tlisoussinir bia
puiiov, to take lor its expononis his previous
scotches and niosssjres, in which he bas talked more
plainly and temperately, aud displayed more com
pletely Lis ideas and purposes on ail parts of tho
question of reconstruction. Stftiidincr upon those
expression of hiinselt, he occupied a strong position,
to which the whole couutry was rapidly rallyiuet
while suoh a petulant ontbreat as that or yesterday
can only repel s nipaiby ana suppott.
A couple who were engaged fifty-five years
ago had a falling out, and the young man sub
sequently married and lost three wives, while
the lady married and lived with her husband
fifty-three years, raising a large family. Tha
original conple revived their first love, were
married, and are now living happily at Lynn,
rJuiquebi'aaa county, in Ills State.
I