IP ; : !iiHa7'.V; ill TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM.? HALF-VEAKLi IN ADVANCE. 5 AND FABLERS' AND MECHANICS1 RESISTED. 1 IP NOT PAID WITHIN TITC THAR, $3 SO WILL BLI I'll. KG ED. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED WEEKLY BY JONATHAN BOW, SOMERSET, SOMERSET COUNTY, PA. New Scries. FEBRUARY 16, 284:7, Vol. 5. No. L. WORDS OF CHEER. Jc firm and he faithful, Desert not tlie right ; Tiie brave become bolder, The darker the night ! Then up and be doing, Though cowards may fail, Thv duty pursuing, Dare all and prevail ! If scorn be thy portion, If haired and loss, If snipes, and if prison, Remember the Dross ! God watches above ihec, And He will requite .Sooner leave those who love thee, Than God and the right! T WEXTY-XIXTH COXCKKSS. SECOND SESSION. SENATE. Wednesday, February 3, 1817. "THANKS TO GEN. TAYLOR. After a few remarks from Messrs. SPEIGHT and EVAN'S in relation to the private calender The joict resolution or the Senate gi- .! .1 i r f - . ving tlie tnants oi . congress iu vn:.i. Taylor and the army for their gallantry at Monterey came up; when Air. ATIIRRTON moved that it be referred to the Committee on Military Affairs. Mr. CRITTENDEN hoped that course would not be pursued. He thought it better to lar this resolution on the table for the present, and take up the resolu tion from the House; which suggestion Laving been adopted The House resolution was taken up, end having been read, as follows: Resolved, unanimously, by the Senate s:id House of Representatives of the United States in Congress assembled, That the thanks of Congiess are due, and are hereby presented to Major General Zachary Taylor, and through him to tlie brave officers and soldiers, both of the regular armv and of the volunteers under his command, for their courage, skill, for titude, and good conduct in storming the city of Monterey, defended as it was by a force more linn double their number, and protected by the strongest fortifica tions, which resulted in a most brilliant victory to our army, and reflected imper ishable honor upon our arms, engaged as it was and still is in a war commenced and forced upon us by Mexico, and con tinued by us in defence of the honor and vindication, of the just rights of the Uni ted St3tes, assailed as both had been by repeated and flagrant acts, on the part of Mexico, of insult, outrages, and finally of invasion of one of the States of this Union. Provided, That noihir.g herein contained shall be construed into an ap probation of the terms of the capitulation of Monterey. Resolved, That the President be re quested lo cause to be struck a gold medal with devices emblematical of this splen did achievement, and presented to General Taylor, as a testimony of the high sense entertained by Congress (or his judicious and distinguished conduct on that memo rable occasion. Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to cause the foregoing resolutions to be communicated to General Taylor, and through him to the army under his command. ' Mr. SPEIGHT moved lo amend the resolution by striking out the proviso. lie would state, lie said, in very few words, his reason for making this motion. He was not one of those who were at any time forward in returning thanks to any man for doing his duty; but, when he did so, he was not willing to present thanks with one hand and a censure with j the other. If that part of the resolution ! fc'iouid be retained, he would be obliged to vote ajrainst the resolution itself. He was not at present prepared to determine for he was not a military man nor Lad he the facts before him to enable him to determine, whether Gen. Taylor did his duty in regard to that affair or not; hut, if thanks were to be voted to him, they should be voted in tlie usual manner, and net accompanied by any tiling that would imply a reflection upon his con duct. Mr. ATCHISON said, if it were in order, he would move t.i lay this resolu tion on the table, to be taken up when the resolution offered by the Senator from Tennessee came up ;rain, so that they might both be referred to the Committee on Military Affairs. This motion was, upon a division, ricg- atived ayes 21, nos On Mr. Speiuiit's motion the yeas aud luivs were ordered. Mr. SEVIER held that there was no other way. It was enough that a victory censure expressed in the proviso. It j had been gained, no matter what the order was calculated merely lo prevent a con- of battta might be, whether gained by elusion that inght be drawn if that pro- jibe superior exertions of the centre, or of viso were not attached; o prevent the j the left wing, or of the right wins. Gen. conclusion that Congress, in adopting the j Taylor had done all that, was expected of resolution, approbated the armistice that j him. .He had evince J all the skill of an was made at Monterey. It was not ecu- .accomplished general, "and -Jl thecourae Hiring Gen. Taylor at ;!!. It was mere- and valor of a .perfect soldier. Then ly leaving the question frer; so that those , why examine the matter with so critical wuowere disposed to vote ' thanks could an eye to endeavor to find something i;) m without expressing any opinion in ; which ; would diminish the glory of his r-g.ird to the c;-p;t!!?!--u. lie considered achievements to find out some little cir ti.kt those who rfjrd the arruhtice as celiac?, and to grp at it in order to ill-advised and wrong, ought not to be drawn in to express their approbation of that which they could not sanction. Mr. JARXAGIN remarked that there was not a solitary word in the resolution about an armistice. Mr. SEVIER. There is about capitu lation. The resolution was again read by the Secretary. Mr. JARNAGIN repeated that in the body of the resolution there was not a word about an armistice or capitulation. He perceived, however, that it was em braced in an amendment which had been inserted by way of proviso, and that pro viso clearly implied a censure upon Gen. Taylor which he could not consent to sanction. Mr. SEVIER said he had no desire to censure Gen. Tavlor. lie knew him to be a gallant officer, who had fought bravc- ' lv for his country. All that he desired i was to avoid giving a vole approving of! ! the capitulation to which he (Gen. I.) j had consented. Mr. JOHNSON, of Louisiana, S3id : that he considered the proviso an implied ! censure, and if it were retained in the resolution, he could not vote for the reso- . jmion itself. j Mr. J. M. CLAYTON desired that ! the Senator from Arkansas, as he had said that he disapproved of the armistice, and that he considered it objectionable, would tell them the reasons for his disapproval. Mr. SEVIER said it was not his pur pose to be drawn into a discussion upon this matter with the Senator from Dela ware, lie was no military man, but he had a right to an opinion nevertheless; and he had merely expressed that opin ion, without any intention, upon an occa sion like this, of entering into any. dis cussion at all upon the subject. . Mr. ARCHER said he wished to su peradd to the inquiry put by the Senator from Delaware one other inquiry. He desired lo know why the Senator was for connecting the subject of the capitulation with the resolution of thanks? Mr. SEVIER said he would tell the Senator in one word, if he would allow him; that he found, upon the last reading of tlie resolution, that it was not contain ed in it, and therefore he had ceased to say any thing about it. "Mr. CRITTENDEN said that it seemed to him, from the character of this resolution, that there was a kind of feel ing existing against Gen. Taylor, arising no doubt from that sort of party spirit which interfused itself through every thing, and with which all persons were more or less imbued. A matter of this sort, he thought, ought to be treated irres pective of parly. Gen. Taylor, as the leader of the forces of the country, had nothing to do with parly. He was above all party. He sought for no party ap probation. He desired the approbation of his country. He apprehended that, if it were known how Utile Gen. Taylor busied himself about politics, parties, or political operations how exclusively de voted he was to the service of the coun trythe knowledge of that fact would shield him from every unkind suspicion on the part of any honorable member of that body. Gen. Taylor was far from being a political partisan, much less was he actuated by that sort of spirit which seemed to give complexion lo this reso lution. The whole country had received the intelligence of the surprising achieve ments of our little army under the gallant leading of Gen. Taylor with satisfaction mingled with surprise at the singular suc cess which had attended those operations. Conducted, as thev were, under circum stances of extreme difficulty and embar- rassment, he believed they were not sur passed by any thing of the kind that had ever occurred in the history of the world. And now, when the councils of the conn try were called upon to express the pub lie gratitude, called forth by those great achievements, why should they give way to that sort of spirit which would prompt them to look for some circumstance that would dim the glory of. the achievements, and to qualify thcir expression of appro bation in such a manner as to make it doubtful in the construction and the opin ion of the world, whether they did not in tend to dim the lustre of his renown, and j to drug the very cup which they were holding to his lips. He was sure such was not the feeling of his honorable friend opposite he was certain that he was ac ting with perfect condor; but he would J humbly submit to him that he had taken j too much of a party view, ;md therefore :ui erroneous one. It was not 'usual to j stop to inquire, after a great victory had i been won, whether the action could have j been better foujrht if managed in some convey a sentiment of disapproval? He ; did not speak of the motives of gentle men. He spoke of the resolution and of the interpretation which would be put up on it by the world. It would bear upon its face evidence that they did not approve 1 of the armistice. And pray what did ; they know about that armistice which would enable them to determine whether it should be a subject of approval or oth erwise? Some gentlemen whom he had heard converse upon this subject, not in Congress but out of it, seemed to enter tain the expectation that Gen. Taylor, with his slender forces, exhausted by a three days' battle, should have rushed upon thousands of their intrenched ad versaries, and have forced them to an un conditional surrender. Would any of those who cavilled here have done so? Gen. Taylor had but about 5,000 disposa ble troops at the end of the battle, and it was expected that those brave fellows, ex hausted with three days' fighting, would have rushed, bayonet in hand, upon the enemy, 9.000 in number, strongly forti fied as they were, and have made them prisoners. It was an easy matter to tajk of these things at their ri resides, but he would venture to say that the opinions of those who were upon the spot the opin ions of such men as Worth, Davis, and Henderson, as well as of Gen. Taylor himself were worth more than any judgment that might be formed by those who were not connected with the battle, and had no participation in it? In regard to the armistice, what could have been done more than had been done if the ar mistice had not been agreed upon? After such a victory and such a battle, the army could have done nothing for two months at least, whilst the armistice would have the effect of paralyzing the enemy, if it were faithfully observed during the time of it? continuance. The very fact of as senting to an armistice, on the part of Gen. Taylor, proved him to be a man of sound judgment as well as of humane feeling. The armistice afforded him time for obtaining supplies, and restoring the vigor of his own little army, while it af forded to the women and children of tha belcagercd city time to escape the horrors which would attend the sacking of a town by a triumphant soldiery. There was nothing to find fault about. What would their army have done if no armistice had been agreed upon? They required time. Military men were the best judges of this matter: they who stand upon the point of honor, who were trained in that senti ment, who lived and died for honor, and who appreciated above all things honor that was conferred upon them by their country. What would they think of this obliterated compliment? This uncertain mark of approbation? How would such a hesitating compliment be received by the armv after winning such a battle as that? How would it be thought of when it was perceived that Senators here were endea voring to qualify the matter so as to go against Gen. Taylor or in his favor accor ding as the tide of war or the tide of poli tics might turn? When they perceived them taking a sort of neutral betwixt and between position, ready to take shelter under the armistice and to vote approval and disapproval at the same time? How was the army likely to receive this thing, which they intended, not only as a re ward for past good conduct, but as an in centive to further achievement and further victories? Would it be so? The next time thev fought; -the next time thev accom plished a brilliant achievement, what thanks would they have to expect? If an expression of approbation was to be of any worth or of any value at all, it must come entirely free and unrestrained. It must come to them as freely as the rain fills from heaven. If they attempted to qualify the matter, they would destroy the compliment. It-would turn that which they intended as a compliment to very dust and ashes. 11c hoped the pro position of the Senator from Mississippi to amend the resolution would be adopted. Mr. SEVIER said that the Senator from Kentucky did . him no more than justice when he said that he would be the last man to cast a censure upon Gen. Tay lor. .He had known that officer perso nally, and, as the honorable Senator had remarked, there was not a braver or bet ter officer in" the army. He had hoped to escape this debate, but it would . be proper for him to make a short reply to what had been said. The Senator from Kentucky had said that all the military men at Monterey were in favor of this capitulation, and he had mentioned the names of some of those officers, among whom was General Henderson. Now he had some feint recollection of having seen in the public papers a letter from Gen. H. on this subject, in which that officer stated that the capitulation was made by order of Gen. Taylor, and that he (Gen. Henderson) and, he believed, also Gen. Worth were opposed to it. And, besides this, all the facts had been repdrted to the Government here; and this capsulation this armistice had un , ! it i r tiergone review anu nau occn msanproveu of. This was notorious to the whole country. Such had been the decision in regard to this capitulation and this armis tice when the subject was laid before the pmpcr authorities in this: place. - They were disapproved of, and he had been un der the impression that this disapproval was embodied in this resolution until he heard it read the last time; but, as it was not, he did not know that he should have any great objection to the proviso being stricken out. How had it been in respect to another military man when it was attempted to pass a little bill returning to him a thou sand dollars which had been taken from him? They found every Whig Senator endeavoring to attach to that bill a provi so equally objectionable with the present. This showed that Senators could change with circumstances. He was not dis posed to say a word in relation to the ar mistice. His only object was to leave it an open question. Was it asking too much, when passing this vote of thanks, thai they should be permitted to leave this point an open question, especially as this capitulation and armistice had been reported to the Department; and, whether rightfully or not, disapproved of? Mr. JOHNSON, of Maryland. Does the Senator say that the capitulation was disapproved of? Mr. SEVIER said he so understood. Mr. EVANS. There is no evidence of it. Mr. SEVIER said he had no docu ments on the subject in his possession; but he had been informed that it was dis approved of. Mr. JOHN M. CLAYTON said that the Senator from Arkansas seemed now to be reconciled to striking out the provi so. Rut he regretted very much that the honorable Senator, in the course of his remarks, had thought proper, upon an occasion like this, when they were about to pass a vote of thanks to the comman der of our army, to talk of this side and the other side of the chamber, as if there were or could be diflVrcnt sides among them in regard to this matter. He trust ed and believed that gentlemen on the op posite side of the chamber were just as ready to return thanks to tlie gallant sol diers of our army as they were upon this side. The honorable Senator-, he thought, wji mistaken entirely when he said that the Department had disapproved of the capitulation. They disapproved of the armistice, and directed General Taylor to terminate it, and he did so in pursuance of the order of the Department. But he believed that it made at last a difference of only about four days; for only about four days remained of the armistice that had been agreed upon at the time the notice of its termination was given in obedience to the Executive order. No injury, then, was done by the armistice; and as to the capitulation, he had never heard before that the Department had disapproved of it. Mr. SEVIER said he had the impres sion on his mind, and that impression was confirmed by General Taylor's let ter, that the capitulation was embraced in the disapproval, as well as the armistice. Mr. J. M. CLAYTON said he did not so understand General Taylor's letter. He understood from it that direction had been given by the Government lo termi nate the armistice; but he did not under stand that the capitulation had been dis approved of. He would be very sorry that such a proviso as was annexed to this resolution in the other House should be retained, on account of its moral effect, not only upon the country but upon the army. W hat would be the inference from retaining such a proviso? What was there wrong in the capitulation? After three davs hard fighting, when much blood had been shed, the general of the opposite army asked for an interview with the commanding general of our army; and in that inter view, in order to save the needless effu sion of blood, it was agreed that the city should bo surrendered, and that the offi cer! of the opposite army should be per mitted to march out with their side arms. What would gentlemen have had Gen. Taylor to do under such circumstances, reduced as his forces were, with perhapj not more than 5,000 men lit for service? Would they have had him attack an army of twice their number, strongly entrench ed, and attempt to drive them from their fortifications and make prisoners of them? And for what? What could he have done with them after had been made prisoners? General Taylor was badly supplied with provisions; he could not have fed them for ten days; he could not have retained them as prisoners of war. They could have liberated themselves at any time. With these facts staring them in the face, he repeated the question, what would gentlemen have had General Taylor to do? Would they have had him storm the fortifications, regardless of the lives of his own soldiers? And for what purpose? For the purpose of gaining ad ditional glory and honor for having slain so many hundred Mexicans in battle? Were they to have no regard for the loss which our army must sustain in storming their fortifications, when the enemy had every advantage against us? Would gen tlemen have had it that Gen. Taylor should have stormed and sacked the town? Were they acquainted with the conse quences attending upon the sacking of a city, and of letting loose a soldiery har dened by warfare, hard of heart, with Woody; hinds to ra order . and to piUa the inhabitants? Gen. Taylor told them that he had a regard for the safety of the women and children, who would inevita bly have been sacrificed. Looking back upon these tilings, lie honored Gen. Tay lor as much for the terms of the capitula tion as for the bravery be had displayed in battle. He gloried that an American general had shown himself thus humane. If they adopted such a proviso, what would be its moral efiect upon the army? The soldiers would understand from it that humanity was not considered by Congress to be a virtue; and when the next battle was faugh' when the next town was taken they would suppose that they were expected to come red with the slaughter of the innocent lives within that town; that they were to sack, and pillage, and destroy to revel in carnage and in blood. He was not willing to teach them any such lesson. He would have no hand in it; and he repeated, that he honored the gallant general as much for his humanity as for his bravery. General Taylor now stood probably in such a position before the country as that no such side blow could affect his repu tation. He had no idea that if the pro viso were retained in the resolution that he would on that account stand the less firm in the affections of the American People. He had attained that position by his bravery, not merely in this battle, but throughout the whole campaign, and especially in those glorious engagement at Resaca de la Palm a and at Palo Alto. He believed that no side blow like this could do him injury. It would be moro likely to arouse the popular feeling in his favor. He was now the military hero: he was the proud soldier on whose breast fame hud placed the inscription, "This is a man worthy of his country's highest honor." ' Mr. BUTLER said he could not bs mistaken in thinking that a resolution of thanks of this kind should not be mingled with any foreign matter: and with this view, he entirely concurred in the motion that the proviso should be stricken out. A vote of thenks ehould have no qualifi cations or reservation attached to it. He agreed with the Senator from Mississippi when he said that he had no idea of hold ing out with one hand a mark of appro bation, grateful to the soldier's heart, and with the other a mark of disapprobation towards a blundering general. He did not know that this reservation went so far as this; but, if there were a reservation at all, he would be compelled to vote against tlie resolution. But he would go further; when they had it in their power in some measure bv their acts to control the future history of the country, justice seemed to require that thev should do nothing that would pcrvrrt the opinion of posterity; ;;nd above all, that they should not form or express a judgment that would be hereafter reversed. Now, it was said that it was not intended to convey a cen sure upon General Taylor. But, to a man of sensibility, though the dagger migh' be wteathed with flowers, its point would still be felt. He was not himself prepared as one of this tribunal, to consent lo pass a judgment upon the conduct of General Taylor at this time; neither was he prepared to sustain the view of those who thought that he was censurable for having agreed to the armistice. They ought to come to no decision upon that matter; it ought to be left free and open for future reflection, assisted by the pro per means of information. And, above all, he would say, (as he should vote dif ferently perhaps from those around him,) in regard to Gen. Taylor, the breath of party should not be blown upon hisrcpu- talion; for, like some of the inflammable fnscs, it would but make the flame burn with the greater brilliancy. Mr. BAG BY remarked that he should not have said a word on this subject, but, inasmuch as the capitulation at Monterey had been made the subject of debate, and inasmuch as he understood that this reso- i lution of thanks embraced a reservation in regard to that subject, he wished to state, once for all, that from all he had seen and heard in relation to it, he disap proved, out and out, of the terms of that capitulatior. He disapproved of it, not only because he believed it improper, in so far as related to tha army and the Government of the United States, but he disapproved of it more strongly in view of that which an honorable Senator on the other side seemed to value so highly; ha meant the evidence, as that honorable Senator contended, which General Tavlor had given of h;s great humanity. He differed with that honorable Senator in toto. If the battle of Monterey had been the last battle to bo fought m M exico, the views of the honorable Senator might be correct. But, as the war was not to be then terminated, did the Senator not see that further battles wouid grow out of that capitulation? And there was another peculiarity. He did not know of any other in.-tmcc in which a defeated army had been permit ted to prescribe the terms of capitulation. It was the first time, h? believed, in the history of nations, or in the history of warfare, that a conquered army had been pcrmittrd to prescribe terms of capim'a tion. What had bem the consequence 'resulting to'Mcr.ico cr.d the United otu- tes from that capitulation? What was it that constituted the Mexican army at this day? The very troops who had been permitted thus to retire. What did they gain by the victory? It was said that a monstrous effusion of blood had been saved. It was preventing an effusion of blood at one time to occasion a greater effusion hereafter. But this capitulation had beenn passed upon by the Govern ment; and were they, for 'the mere pur pose of paying an empty compliment, to put themselves in direct conflict with tho Government? He considered the proviso os one of the soundest aud most essential features of the rcso'ution. The Senator from Delaware, in endeavoring to avert what he called a side-blow aimed at Gen. Taylor, was inflicting a side-blow in another direction. If the proviso con veyed a censure upon Gen. Taylor, what would the striking it out do in reference to the Government ? Gen. Taylor en tered into a capitulation; the Government disapproved of it. Believinr, Zs he did. that ilie capitulation was unfortunate in its conception and most unfortunate in its results, he would vote cheerfully against the motion to strike out the proviso. Mr. WEBSTER said thai he regretted exceedingly that when they were about icuder a tribute of rrspcel to a military man abroad, any thing should occur, or any thing be proposed to be connected with it which would break the entire u nanimity of Congress. To be valuable, the tribute of respect must be unanimous ly bestowed. It must appear to flow from a general sense of what was due to the occasion and to the officer: and al ways, so far as he knew, or as he remem bered the history of the Government, ho believed the thanks of Congress, when, tend ered at all to a military man, were tendered by a distinct proposition, free and clear from all other considerations whatever. Propriety and the graceful ness belonging to the occasion required that they should be tendered. He held in his hand a resolution which passed this body last year. It was in thess words: "That the thanks of Congress arc due and are hereby tendered to MajopGencral Zachary Taylor, his officers and men, for the fortitude, skill, enterprise, and courage which distinguished ihe late brilliant mili tary operations on the Rio Grande." He proposed to frame a resolution in these very words, and to adapt it, so aj to make it a real substantial tribute of re spect to General Taylor and the army under h:3 command. And he had only further to say, that he could vote for no resolution, in the present state of things, which contained any sting1 towaras Gen. Taylor, or any censure upon his conduct in any respec?, or which implied any doubt or hesitation. He desired to leave out every Uing of that nature: and he did not suppose that gentlemen could have contemplated the tender of the t.'iank3 of Congress to Gen. Taylor in a manner to be acceptable to him that is, in a man ner expressive of the unanimous consent of Congress with such provisions as were inserted here by wav of preamble or dissertation upon the Mexican war. He would vote for nothing which in any shape tended to bring Li question the course pursued in the conduct of that war; and if he should withhold his vote, as he would most assuredly do, from the resolution in its present form, there was not a soldier in the army, who could read, who would not understand the reason why he withheld it. When th?y were about to do "an act of gratitude when they were about to units in grateful hom age to valor was it generous, was it manly, to set traps, by way of preamble, to screw out of gentlemen an expression of views which, perhaps they did not entertain; and, if they did, which, per haps, they did not think proper, on thi3 occasion, lo express.1 Why should they not act with the generosity which became them? Why should they not give to Gen. Taylor and our brave little army this tribute of approbation in the ordinary way in which the thanks of Congress were always expressed? "Why should they couple with it any thing that migh: in any degree produce reluctance in ny one who was to vote for it, or in any ; degree mitigate the sense of gratiiicatiaa i with which tho3e in whose hono it wa ! passed ought to receive it? He wr.e very i clear that this should be an unembarrns ! sed voe of thanks such as it was honoT : able to Congress to give, an.l honorable lor ihe army to receive; and if he emild ; not go: the resolution srparate and dix j tinct", he would bi under the necessity of I voting against it. ! Mr. CALHOUN said he should ro!? : for striking out this proviso; and he ,' would briefly state the grounds upon which he would so vote. He would do so, in ihe first place, upon tho groun.l I which hid been slateJ bv his honorable i col'eague, as n mcie matter of tnste and I ropriety; and; m addition li that, z& , woaid votf for striking it nut because I-n : considered that a vols of thrives, v;ica ! a-comp'inied by thrj slijhtest c.j. was cnir.-ly rancefe.!. IL xv.nld vols for striking it cut because, to mind. there w:.s a j-slp.ilne co..trTu -iion fe t'Aten g;ving a vote cf tinuU "and a n: I t? Urn. T-yl ;r r- J tit -r. i