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New Series.
TUESDAY, JULIET 14, 1846,
Vol. 4. No. 35.
Cafie pour Count" Jpaprro.
Twas night and Sniggle to his wife
Lay talking, as they were in ed,
Of ail the ills the cares and strife,
That fell upon his luckless head.
'Here have we been six years." quoth he,
"And still we find both ends don't meet:
I've work'd as busy as a bee,
And yet we barely live and eat!
Our children have no schooling yet;
Indeed, I am ashamed of Ben
Poor fellow, I am so much in debt
He's had'no chancethough now past ten.
'But stop, how is it?" said his spouse,
"Our neighbor gets along so well.'
DO O
Have you not marked that Blowse
What'er lie has can always sell?
His boys, he says, know far much more
Than those who've been to school a year.
And then he always kr?ws the law,
When goods are low and when they're
dear.
His farm, though not as large as ours,
Is fast improving every day
I'd like to know what magic powers
He has to help him in his way."
And I would too, poor Sniggle thought,
So next morning forth he went.
To find whereBlowse his bargains bought,
And how he had so little spent.
Said Blowse "dear sir, the thing is plain;
The question, no matter how you shape
her,
Is answered by six simple words
I ALWAYS TAKE MY COUNTY PaPEU."
srrccu or the
HON. D. WEBSTER,
Of the United Stales Senate.
On the bill to provide for the or
ganization or the Volunteer
Force brought into the service
of the United States.
Mr. Webstfr said he was- not at all
surprised at the introduction of this bill;
for aught he knew it was a necessary
one; but it showed, at all events, that the
law which it was intended to amend and
improve was but a piece cf patch-work.
That law was not passed tor calling into
the service of the United States the mili
tia of the country, nor was it passed in
the regular exercise of the power confer
red upon Congress for raising and main
taining an army. It was a mixed, an an
onymous, an incongruous system, as he
would venture to say, this early occasion
for its modification proved it to be, and
as would be made abundantly evident be
fore the war with Mexico was ended.
I shall not (continued Mr. V.) oppose
the progress of this bill. I cannot say it
is unconstitutional, though I think it is
irregular, inconvenient, and not strictly
conformable to the exercise of the consti
tutional power ol Congress. If those
who are charged with the conduct of the
war, and are answerable for its results,
think it necessary, I shall not oppose it.
But I will take the occasion now present
ed, sir, of the second reading of an import
ant bill respecting the troops called into
the service to carry on the war, to make
a few remaiks respceiing the war itself
and the condition in which we find our
selves in consequence of that war. The
war continues, and no man can say defi
nitely when it will end no man can say
upon any reasonable estimate, what ex
pense it will have incurred before its con
clusion. We have received a very important
communication from the President 1
mean his message of the 1 0th of June
fretting fortli his views and opinions, and
the views and opinions of the Secretary
of the Treasury, with respect to the
means and source of revenue for carrying
on the war. Upon this, sir, as well as
upon one or two other subjects connected
with tills bill, I have a few remarks to
make.
The executive is responsible for the
conduct of the war, and for the applica
tion of the resources put at his disposal
bv the two houses of Congress for the
purpose of prosecuting the war. For one.
I shall not deny the Government any
supplies which may be considered neces
sary. Whatever may be thought of the
origin of the war, the fact that war does
extst, is itself a sufficient reason for grant
ing the means for prosecuting that war
with effect. Those who condemn the
origin of the war, and those who most
earnestly long for its termination, will all
agree that the refusal of supplies would
make no amends for what some lament,
and would not hasten what I would de
sire. The message of the 16th of June in
forms the Senate and the country that,
for the fiscal year ending July, 1817,
there will be, under the operation of the
existing law for raising revenue, a defi
ciency, if the war continues, of twenty
millions of dollars, and suggested the
ways and means by which it is expected
that this deficiency , will be made good.
I refer to these suggestions for the pur
pose of making a few observations upon
theis.
The object i& to provide new sources
of revenue, which shall realize a fresh
! amount beyond that furnished by the pro-
visions of the existing law of twenty mil
. lions of dollars between this time and the
i first of July next year. That is the ob
i ject. The first suggestion in the com
' munication from the Executive Govern
ment is, that five millions and a half may
be produced by reducing the rates of du
ties on certain imported articles, and by
laying new taxes on certain other articles
now free of all duties; meaning principal
ly, I suppose, by those articles now free,
and which are to be "taxed, tea and cofiee.
There is also an intimation or an opinion
expressed by the Secretary of the Treas
ury that a million of dollars will accrue
to the Treasury under the operation of
the warehouse bill, if that bill should be
come a law. In the next place, it is es
timated that, if the bill for graduating the
price of the public lands shall become a
law, the augmentation of the sales of the
public lands will so far counterbalance :
any losses incurred in the reduction ol
price as on the whole to produce half a
million of dollars more than -would other
wise be obtained from that source.
These several sums put together would
leave a balanee of 12,580,000 still to be
provided for and a provision for this bal
ance is contemplated either by loans or
by an authority to the Treasury to issue
Treasury notes, or both, with a distinct
recommendation and preference, howev-
jcr, for the authority to issue Treasury
notes.
Xow, sir, with an anxious desire that
the country shall be led into no mistaken
policy in regard to this very important
subject of revenue a snbject always im-
J portant, and intensely important in time
of war I will take occasion to suggest
for gentlemen's consideration what occurs
to me as worthy of being suggested, in
very few words, upon these several top
ics. In the first place, there is no doubt that
a tax properly laid upon lea and coffee
will be productive of a clear positive rev
enue; but this will depend upon two
things: first, upon the amount of the tax;
and, secondly, upon the mode of laying
it. The first is obviously a matter for
consideration, and in regard to the second
I suspect that gentlemen who are desi
rous of raising revenue by this means
will find their calculations fallacious un
less they make the duty specific. In my
opinion an advalorem duty will disappoint
their hopes of any considerable amount
of revenue. If I mistake not, under such
a system it will be soon found that teas
made up in Canton lor the New York
market wiil become wonderfully cheap.
A specific rate per pound will undoubted
ly make the duty productive of revenue.
I doubt not that Treasury notes may
be available for the uses of the Govern
ment to a considerable extent. I do not
mean as revenue or income, but as instru
ments or facilities for the transfer of bal
ances, and as proper to be used in antici
pation of taxes or sources of income. In
regard to this, I would say, simply, that
if it be the purpose of the Government, as
has been intimated to us for some time,
to resort to the issue of Treasury notes,
I think the loss of a single day, especially
the loss of a single week, will turn out to
be quite inconvenient; that is, if the issue
of Treasury notes is considered the best
and safest, if they can be used by the
Treasury under authority of law, before
the money in the possession of the Gov
ernment is exhausted. All I wish to say
is, that I earnestly recommend to the
Committee on Finance to bring in a bill
by itself for the issue of Treasury notes
immediately. I believe it has been as
usual as otherwise for such laws to orgin
atc in tiic Senate; there is no constitution
al impediment to such a course; and I
hope that these and other important meas
ures, such as the modifying of taxes and
laying new ones, will not be suffered to
lag along through Congress in general
omnibus bill. Where the subjects are
i distinct, they should be kept separated;
j and where they are simple and plain,
' they should be acted on promptly.
Having said this much of those two
sources of assisting the revenue, the tax
j upon tea and cofiee, and the issue of
Treasury notes, both of which I admit to
be efficient, and probably certain in their
j operations, I have now to say that other
matters, suggested and relied on in the
communication I have referred to, I con
sider conjectural, uncertain, and not fit to
be the basis of provisions incumbent on
us to mako before weleave our seats here
to place the executive in a proper condi
tion to carry on the war. I suppose the
calculation will be that a considerable
amount will be secured by a reduction of
the duties upon articles already taxed,
upon the supposition that the importation
will be so much increased as to increase
the aggregate receipts. I will not say
that this is not a well founded opinion.
I have all proper respect for the sourse
from whence it comes; but I will venture
j to say that it is but an opinion; it hcrdly
amounts to the character of an estimate
for want of certain and positive founda
tion. We have no experience from which
we can derive a satisfactory conviction
that such will be the result. If I were
responsible, I should not choose to place
reliance to any extent upon this plan.
Well the next increase is to come from
the operation of the warehouse system.
I consider this equally void of any certain
foundation to rest upon. I do not know
how a million of money, in addition to
the present income, is to be derived from
admitting goods into the country to be
carried out again without paying any
duty whatever. I really do not conceive
that the facility of carrying goods through
the country without the payment of duty,
is going to produce us a million of dol
lars. This is a matter of which I should
like to see minute details; I should like
to see calculations made by which this re
sult is expected to be accomplished.
At present, I do not see the practicability
of it.
And so in regard to the public lands;
it may be that the passage of a graduation
bill would so enhance the disposition to
buy by reducing the price, as considera
bly to increase the quantity sold; but that
that increase will be so great as to produce
an overplns of half a million or any other
sum, notwitestanding the diminution of
price, is, I think, a matter of opinion
which canno- be relied upon. So that
these sources of income appear to me to
be rather too uncertain .to be the founda
tion of any satisfactory provisions; there
appears rather too much risk in making
mere opinions, not to say conjectures,
the basis of legislation for revenue for the
purposes of Government.
The truth is, if this war continues, we
must have a substantial taxation, or we
mtst incur a public debt. We cannot
look t(T Treasury notes as revenue; if they
assume interest, and are payable at a dis
tant day, they become of course a public
debt. There must then, be a substantial
tax, or there must be public debt, if the
war continues. Our expenses are very
great. I do not ray they rre unnecessary;
I make no imputation of that sort at pres
ent. 1 am sufficiently acquainted with
the particulars; but 1 stated here some
time ago, upon the credit of others, that
of which I am perfectly convinced, that
our expenses have been half a million of
dollars a day. Forty days ago we pass
ed an act declaring that war existed and
and authorizing the calling out of fifty
thousand volunteers. Well, sir, I have
a full conviction that the military, expen
ditures of the Government, the expense
of raising, equipping, and transporting
the force which has already been called
out, will be found" to have cost twenty
millions, or very nearlv that amount, at
this moment. Some portions of our
warlike preparations are peculiarly ex
pensive I mean the regiments of mount
ed volunteers. They arc necessary,
I suppose, for the nature of the
service; but there was a document
published here a communication, I think
from the War Department when Mr.
Poinsett was Secretary, in which it was
estimated, if I mistake not, that one regi
ment of mouited riflemen in regular ser
vice cost the Government per annum as
much as three regiments of infantry, each
composed of the same number of men.
And there is good reason to believe that
these occasional regiments of volunteers
will be still more expensive. Almost
every circumstance connected with the
war is calculated to increase the expense.
The vast distance to be traversed makes
the cost of transportation very great; and
it becomes the duty tof Congress to pro
vide lor this extraordinary expense. I
do not say 'that the expense ought not
to be incurred. I only say that, from
the nature of the war, the exepense must
necessarily be very graet. And I take
this occasion to say that I have seen with
great pleasure, the alacrity with which
volunteers have rushed to the public ser
vice. A spirit of patriotism and devotion
to the country's interest has been mani
fested of which we may justly be proud.
- But upon these sources of revenue let
me make another remark, though perhaps
it is too obvious to require notice. For
one-half the deficiency the Government
proposes to rely on Treasury notes or
loans. Well, if this be so, then, of course
I suppose the idea of pressing for the
present the Independent Treasury, or
Subtreasury, must be abandoned by every
one; for, what would be the use of
Treasury notes under a Subtreasury ad
ministration. The issue of Treasury
notes would be perfectly inconsistent with
the Subtreasury system. It is quite plain
that if the Government, for its own use,
is driven to the necessity of issuing paper,
it can have no occasion to make provision
for locking up its treasures. The Sub
treasury system makes it penal to issue
any thing' but specie. They are there
fore entirely inconsistent with each other.
With respect to loans, I beseech gen
tlemen not to deceive themselves. There
is money enough in the country, it is
true, and the credit of the Government
will be good if we lay such taxes as will
produce revenue; but, if gentlemen sup
pose that a loan is to be contracted in
this country for the use of the Government
to be paid in specie, in the expec
tation that the specie is to be locked up,
they will find themselves mistaken.
Those who holdcapital will consent to no
such thing. If the Government makes a
loan, it must be made in the ordinary
way payable by instalments or other
wise, under circumstances that will show
' that this amount of money is not to be
1 drained from all the operations of private
life. I take it for granted, then, if loans
; are to be made, the new method of keep
ing the public money must be abandoned.
And now sir having said this much in
relation to the ideas cammunicated to us
respecting the mode of raising revenue, I
desire to add that, in ray judgment, the
time has come to ask for the object and
character and purposes for and under
which the waris hereafter to beconductcd.
The people of this country, while they
were willing to pay all needful expenses;
while they arc desirous of sustaining the
glory of the American arms; while they
are ready to defend every inch of Ameri
can territory, and maintain all the essen
tial rights of their country; the people, if
I do not misread their desires, now wish
to know the objects and purposes and ends
for which this war is further to be carried
on. There is not now a hostile foot
within the limits of the United States.
Our army, at first an army of observation
then an army of occupation has become an
army of invasion; I will not say unjust
invasion; but it is encamped at this mo
ment beyond the limits of the U. States,
and within the acknowledged territory of
Mexico; and if we may credit the rumors
which have recently reached us,a purpose
is entertained of marchingiimmediatelv and
directly to the city of Mexico. Well,
now, the people, as 1 have said, appear
to me to demand, and with great reason,
a full, distinct, and comprehensible ac
count of the object and purposes of this
war of invasion. The President, by two
messages, one of the 13th of May, and
the other of the lGth June, signifies that
he is ready to treat with Mexico upon j
terms of peace; Vhile it appears, at least j
as far as we know now, that Mexico is
not willing to treat. In regard to this, I
must say that, in my judgment, if this be
the state ot the case, Mexico is acting en
tirely an unreasonable and senseless part,
and the Government of the United Slates
to this extent, is acting a proper one; that
is to say, as the war does exist, and the
American Government i ready to treat,
without prescribing terms, so as to show
that her terms would be unacceptable,
and Mexico declines to treat, why then I
say, so far the conduct of the United
States is reasonable, and the conduct of
Mexico unreasonable and senseless. I
would desire on all such occasions, for
many reasons, anil in this case for two
more than the rest, to keep our country
entirely in the right, and to satisfy every
individual in the country that it is in the
right, and that it desires nothing wrong;
and I would advise, if I were called on to
give advice, that this Government should
tender a formal solemn embassy to Mexi
co. And the two reasons which would
influence me are in the first place, Mex
ico is weak and we arc strong; it is a war
therefore, on her part against great odds;
and in the next place, Mexico is a neigh
bor, a weak neighbor a rupublic formed
upon our own model, who, when she
threw off the dominion of old Spain, was
influenced throughout mainly by our ex
ample; certainly we wished her success;
certainly we congratulated her upon her
change from a viceroyalty to a republic
upon our own model; we wished her well
and I think now that the people of the
United States have no desire (I think
they have no pleasure) in doing her an
injury beyond what is necessary to main
tain their own rights. The people of the
United States cannot wish to crush the
Republic of Mexico; it cannot be their
desire to break down a neighboring Re
public; it cannot be their wish to drive her
back again to a monarchical form of Gov
crnment. to render her a mere appanage
to some one of the thrones of Europe.
This is not a thought which can find
harbor in the generous breasts of the A
merican people. Mexico has been un
fortunate; she is unfortunate. I really
believe the Mexican people arc the worst
governed people in Christendom. They
have yet to learn the true benefits of free
institutions. JDepressed and ruined by a
dominant military power, maintaining an
army of forty thousand troops, how can a
Government, limited in its resources as
that of Mexico flourish? It is impossible.
She has been unhappy, too in the produc
tion or non-production of men to guide
her councils. I am sorry to say it of a
republic, but it is nevertheless true. Mex
ico has produced few or none really en
lightened patriotic men. 1 verily be
lieve, and 1 sadly fear, that history will
hereafter record the melancholy truth,
that, from the time of the establishment
of an independent Government, the peo
ple of Mexico have been worse governed
a great deal than they were under the
viceroyalty. Nobody can wish to see
her fall, but Mexico must hear the sug
gestions of reason. She must listen to
terms of peace; this she ought to know.
And if her Government be not hopelessly
stupid and infatuated, they must be aware
that this 'is her true interest. Nothing
can exceed, I have always thought, the
obstinacy and senselessness manifested
by Mexico for so many years in refusing
to acknowledge - the independence of
Texas,
A correspondence between this Govern
ment and Mexico upon that subject took
place at a time when I had something to
do with the administration, so that my at
tion was particularly directed to the course
of conduct pursued by Mexixo, which
struck me as resembling though it was
much more senseless the conduct of old
Spain in attempting for many years to re
conquer the people of the low countries
after they had declared their indepen
dence. Mexico must be taught that it is neces
sary for her to treat for peace upon con
siderations which belong- to the present
state of things. We have just claims a
gainst her claims acknowledged by her
self in the solemn form of treaty stipula
tions. She ought to make provision for
the payment of those claims; in short,
she must be brought to justice: I am
not one of those who would do an injus
tice, but it appears to me that if, after all
that has occurred, she still persists in re
fusing to take an American Minister on
the ground that it was through the fault
of the United States that she lost Texas,
she will by acting a very senseless part,
As to her enlisting the sympathy of
foreign Powers,lhave not the least believe
hat any Power will stand behind Mexi
co. 1 have not the least belief in her
possessing the assurance of any Power
that, if she will hold on in the contest,
foreign aid will be sent to her. I think
the whole policy of the Governments of
Europe takes a different turn. I believe
that they think and especially England
that it is their interest to have Mexico
at peace; and in a state of active industry,
cultivating her resources, multiplying her
products, and increasing her abilities to
purchase from them. 1 believe that this
M ill soon be the declared policy of the
British Government, as it is undoubtedly
the true policy of all Governments. I
believe, therefore, that if Mexico rests up
on any hope that by-and-by aid and suc
cor will coma from foreign sources; that
hop;? will entirely fail.
The newspapers speak of mediation.
I doubt whether there is much truth in
that; if, however, any oficr of mediation
be made bv the best friend Mexico
h.:s, it must come down to this at last,
that she must treat for peace. For one, I
would vote for a suspension of hostilities
to. the end that negotiation might take
place; and if I were to advise, Iwould say
make her an oficr of a formal embassy. I
would be for keeping ourselves entirely
in the right. We can afford to do so;
we can lose nothing in dignity by it. It
is not stooping on our part, because all the
world knows that the contest is very une
qual. If she will consent to this, I say
meet her in the negotiation, and in the
mean lime suspend military operations.
But if she will not do this; if she persists
foolishly and senselessly in carrying on
the war, then, of course, she must
have war, vigorous war, until she be
compelled to adopt adifijrcnl line of con
duct. Mr. WEBSTER having concluded, a
brief discussion ensued between Messrs.
Benton and Crittenden in relation to the
mode of officering the regiments of volun
teers; when,
On motion of Mr. CRITTENDEN,
the further consideration of the bill was
postponed until to-morrow.
An Indian Rubber Bridge.
The following is a sketch of the Indian
Rubber Bridge which was used during
the Creek war, in Alabama, some years
since: "It consisted of large bags, or
pontons, something like cotton bags in
shape, made of Indian Rubber cloth
which being filled with air, and attached
laterally together, formed a bridge of four
teen feet in width, ami of any length, ac
cording to jhe number of bags used; upon
these were laid light timber, to support
boards placed Literally , which forming a
smooth, surface, admitted the passage of
wagons, horses, fce. A detachment of
six hundred men, with all their arms and
accoutrements, including the field officers
mounted upon horses, marched on it at
once, and often remaining a quarter of an
hour, going through the evolutions, to
test its strent'i, they countermarched
with as much facility as if on the terra
firma. Field pieces, with their comple
ment of matroscs, and their caissons filled
with ammunition, and loaded wagons,
were also driven over it with the same
ease. It was said that a troop of horse,
arriving at night at a river where this
bridge was, and seing it stretched across
the stream, crossed upon it under the
impression that it was a common bridge.
The great advantage of this bridge is its
portableness, all the pontons and the cor
dage for a briJge of three hundred and
fifty feet being capable of transportation
in a single wagon; whereas the former
ponton equipages consisted of cumbrous
and bulky pontons of wood, sheetiron and
copper."
W'AGONS FOR THE ARMY.
We are told this morning, by a wagon
maker, that there were two hundred ox
wagons making inCincinnati for the army.
There are three hundred in Philadelphia.
Several of the shops here are at work on
them now. The army will need them all
to get through the difficjl roads on which
it proposes ?o , march to Mexico.- Cin.
From the. X. O. Picayune of June 23.
LATER FROM' MEXICO.
The United States sloop of war Fal
mouth arrived at Pcnsacola on the even
ing of Friday, the 19th instant, from off
Vera Cruz, whence she sailed on the 4'Jx
instant. The officers & crew were all well.
The United States steam frigate Prince
ton had arrived off Vera Cruz, and with
the frigate Raritan was maintaing the
blockade of the port. The health of the
crews of both vessels were excellent, al
though the vomito was raging in the city
of Vera Cruz.
The Falmouth left at Vera Cruz the
British brig of war Rose and the French,
brig Le Mercure and barque La Perousc.
The fate of the barque Eugenia, Capt.
Biscoe, from New York which vcsscl,it
will be recollected, ran the blockade was
uncertain.
Our news from the city of Mexico is
later than we gave on Sunday. We are
informed that the Mexican Congress was
finally organized on the 1st instant, but
we do not learn whether a legal quorum
was obtained. The reader will recall that
when Mr Dimond, our late Consul at
Vera Cruz, left on the 30th ultimo, he
was decidedly of opinion that a quorum
could not legally be obtained, and such ap
pears to have been the case down to the
evening of the 30th ult.
. General Paredes had at last determined
to leave the capital and take the command
of the army of the frontier. The result
of the actions of the 8ih and 9th of May
is said to have made upon hirn a profound
impression. We detect in the tone of
the papers which comment upon those
actions direct attempts to paliate the ex
tent of the disasters, intended for the Pro
visional President rather than the public.
But Paredes would seem to appreciate
the full extent of the calamity, and per
haps he judges rightly that the most cer
tain means to confirm his power in the
Republic is to retrieve in person the hon
ors lost at Palo Alto and Resaca de b Pal
ma. He was to leave the capital on the
Gih instant, at the head of 3,000 troops,
but orders had been issued that large bod
ies should join him at different Points on
the line of march, so that his entire force,
including Arista's command, should not
fall short of 1G,000 men.
Although we have now received intelli
gence by way of Havana and Tampico,
and by the Falmouth, that Paredes would
certainly take the command of the army
in person, yet there was an impression,
prevalent among men of sagacity in Vera
Cruz, when the Falmouth left, that ho
would not and could not venture to leave
the city of Mexico during the session of
Congress. It is said that nearly one half
of the country is in open revolt. The
news received here a fortnight since of
the revolt of Mazatlan is confirmed, and,
as we then anticipated, Sonora is now in
a state of rebellion against the Central
Government.
So ripe for revolution is the department
of Vera Cruz, that upon the departure of
the Falmouth is was said there were 1,
500 men outside the city of Vera Cruz
ready to attack it at any moment upon
the signal being given. Some of the guns
had actually been removed from the Cas
tle of San Juan de Ulua and placed a
round the city for its defence, and troops
had been withdrawn from the castle for
the same purpose. The intelligence re
ceived from Tampico on Sunday shows
how that city was rent by internal dissen
sions, and, in considering the deplorable
state of the country in every quarter and
under every aspect, it won!d by no means
surprise us were Paredes compelled to
forgo his cherished purpose of placing
himself at the head of the Mexican army.
But suppose he carries his Tesolution in
to effect, what better fate awaits him at
the hands of General Taylor and our
troops.? Truly his chances from every
point of view appear desperate.
To illustrate the treachery of Gen. Al
varez towards Paredes, the story is cir
culated at Vera Cruz that the former, who
had the command of the forces at Mazat
lan, was supplied with $1,500,000 with
which to act against the American squad
ron in the Pacific. No sooner had Alva
rez obtained the funds than he pronoun
ced against Paredes, kept all the money,
and even sold the cannon in the forts.
In a paper from Havana, received since
our last, we find a despatch of Gen. Aris
ta to the Governor of Tamaulipas, dated
from the rancho of La Venada, May 18
which is the latest commnnieation from
him we have seen. In this he states that
as the means of subsistence for his army
are consumed, and its artillery weakened,
while the artillery of the Americans had
been increased by many heavy guns, so
that Mataraoras could be quickly battered
down, he had determined to withdra-r
his troops thence before he should ha
threatened, and while he could retire with,
honcr. He had accordingly doae so c?e
liberctely, his artillery being drawn by
oxen and his munitions conveyed in wa
gons. His object hencefor'h, he says is
to defend the soil of the uVnarunents e
trused to hi3 command, and he was on his
march to points 5 uitaKe lor this pnrposj,
which, however, arc not mentioned ia
the despatch. lie: directs caaurjsiiks-tion-s
to be made to him hr the rrtj eF
Linarsr. or ihtt cf Chiii; 1 '