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-
TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM. 7
HALF-YEARLY" IN ADVANCE. 5
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I $2 50 WILL BE CHARGED.
PRINTED AND PUBLISHED WEEKLY BY JONATHAN RO W, SOMERSET, SOMERSET COUNTY, PA.
New Series.
TUESDAY, AFXRXi 28, 1846,
Vol. 4. No. 24.
Hour.
Love may be increased by fears, .
May be fanned with sighs:
Nursed by fancies, fed by doubts
But without Hope it dies!
As ill the far Indian isles
Dies the young cocoa-tree,
Unless within the pleasant shade
Of the parent plant it be; ,
So love may spring up at first,
Lighted at Beauty's eyes
But Beauty is not all its life,
For without Hope it dies.
Con &rr00f onal.
SPELXII OF THE
HON. A. STEWART,
Of Pennsylvania.
On Internal Improvements and
the Tariff, Delivered In tlie II.
or Kenresenlalives or the Unl
- ted State, March 14, 1846.
CONCLUPED FROM LAST WEEK,'
THE TARIFF AND FARMERS.
I had not intended, said Mr. S., to say
one word about the Tariff; but I am
strongly templed to state a (act or two in
reply to the gentleman from Virginia.
That gentleman dealt entirely on the
benefits of foreign trade. He went alto
gether in favor of importing foreign goods.
and creating a market lor the beneht ot
foreigners. Would our own agriculture
be benefitted by a process like this?
Nothing could more eflectually divert the
benefit from our own people and pour it
in a constant stream upon foreign labor.
No American interest was so much bene
fitted for a protective system as that of
..Sericulture. The foreign market was
nothing, the home market was everything
to them; it was as one hundred to one.-
The Tariff gaveus thegreathome market,
while the gentleman's scheme was to se
cure us, at best, but the chance ot a mar
ket abroad, while it effectually destroyed
our secure and invaluable market at home.
The gentleman says he is very anxious
to compete with the pauper labor of Eu
Topc. I will tell him one fact: With all
the protection we can enjoy, Great Bri
tain sends into this country eight dollars'
worth of her agricultural productions to
one dollars' worth of all our agricultural
productions (save cotton and tobacco) that
she takes from us.
Mr. Bayly. Does the gentleman assert
that?
Mr. Stewart. I do and will prove
it.
Mr. Bayly. Then you will prove the
return false which are made by our own
Government.
No, sir; I will prove it by the returns
furnished by Mr. Walker himself in sup
port of the bill which he has laid before
the committee of Ways and Means. Now
I assert, and can prove, that more than
half the value of the British goods im
ported into this country consist of agri
cultural products, changed in torm, con
verted and manufactured into goods.
And I invite a thorough analysis of the
facts. I challenge the gentleman of the
scrutiny. Take down all the articles in a
store, one after another estimate the val
ue of the raw material, the bread and
meat, and other agricultural products
which have entered into their fabrication,
and it will be found that one-half and
more of their value consists of the pro
duction of the soil agricultural produce
in its strictest sense.
Now, by reference to Mr. Walker's re
port, it will be seen that, for twelve years
back, we have imported from Great Bri
tain and her dependencies annually 52
millions of dollars worth of goods, but
call it 50 millions, while she took of all
our agricultural products, save cotton and
tobacco, less than two and a half millions
of dollars worth. Thus, then, assuming
one half the value of her goods to c ag
ricultural, it gives us 25 millions of her
agricultural produce to 2 millions of ours
?L-.n l.v- hrr. which is iust ten to one; to
avoid cavil, I put it at eight to one. To
test the truth of his position, he was pre
pared, if time permitted, to refer to nu
merous facts. But for the information of
the gendeman from Virginia , who is so
great a friend to the' poor and oppressed
farmers, I will tell him that we have im
ported yearly, for twenty-six years, (so
says Mr.' Walker's report, more than ten
millions of dollars worth of woolen zoods.
Last year we imported $10,6GG,176 00
worth. Now, one-halt and more of the
value of this cloth was made up of wool,
the subsistence of labor, and other agri
cultural productions. The general esti
mate is, that the wool alone is half.
The universal custom among farmers,
''when they had their wool manufactured
on the shares, was to give the manufactu
rer half the cloth. Thus we import, and
our farmers have to pay for five millions
of dollars worth of , foreign wool every
vear in the form of cloth, mostly the pro
duction of sheep feeding on the grass and
grain of Great Britain, wliiie
our own
n
wool in worthless for
want of a market;
nd this it the policy of the gentleman re
commends to American farmer. "Ye,
tir;
and tht gentleman is not satis
ficd with
five millions, but wishes to increase it to
ten millions a year for foreign wool. Will
the gentleman deny this? He dare not.
He has declared for Mr. Walker's bill,
reduced the duty on woollens nearly one
half, with a view to increask the revenue;
of course, the imports must be doubled,
making the import of cloth twenty mil
lions instead of ten, and of wool ten in
stead of five millions of dollars per an
num. . This was the gentleman's plan to favor
the farmers, British farmers, by giving
them the American market. His plan ;
was to buy every thing, sell nothing, and
tret rich. (A laugh. V What was true as
to cloth was equally true as to everything j
else. Take a hat, a pair of shoes, a yard
of silk or lace, analyze it, resolve it into'
its constituent elements, and you will find
that the raw material, and the substance of
labor, and other agricultural products,
constituted more than one half its entire
value. The pauper labor of Europe em
ployed in manufacturing silk and lace got
what it eat, no mote, and this is what you
pay for when you purchase their goods.
Break up your home manufactures and
home" markets, import everything you eat
and drink and wear, for the benefit of the
farmers. Oh, what friends these gentle
men are to the farmers and mechanics
and laborers of this country no sir, I
am wrong of Great Britain.
Now, I ask whether wool is not, in the
strictest sense, an agricultural production?
And if we import ten millions in cloth, is
not five millions of that sum paid for the
wool alone a product of British farmers?
As a still stronger illustaation of his argu
ment, Mr. S. referred to the -article of
iron. Last year, according to Mr. Walk-
er s KeporL we imported y,U4,j'Jb
ft A
worth of foreign iron, and its manufac
tures, mostly from Great Britain, four-fifths
of the value of which, as every practical
man knew, consisted of agricultural pro
duce nothing else. Iron is made of ore
and coal; and what is the ore and coal bu
ried in your mountains worth? Nothing
nothing at all, unused. What gives it
value? The labor of horses, oxcn,mules,
and men. And what sustained this labor
but corn and oats, hay and straw for the
one, and bread and meat and vegetables
of every kind for theother? These ag
ricultural products were purchased and
consumed, and this made up nearly the
whole price of the iron which the manu
facturer received and paid over to the far
mers again and again, as often as the pro
cess was repeated. Well, is not iron
made in England of the same materials
that it is made here? Certainly: then
is not four-fifths of the value of British
iron made up of British agricultural pro
duce? and if we purchase nine millions of
dollars worth of British iron a year, do
we not pay six or seven millions of this
sum for the produce of British farmers
gram, hay, grass, bread, meat, and other
provisions lor man and beast sent here
for sale in the form of iron? He put it to
the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Bayly)
to say if this was not true to the letter.
He challenged him to deny it, or disprove
it if he could. The gentleman's plan was
to break down these great and growing
markets for our own farmers, and give
our markets to the British; and yet he
professed to be a friend to American far
mers!! "From such friends good Lord
deliver them!" One remark more on
this topic; Secretary Walker informs us
that the present duty on iron is 75 per cent,
winch he proposes to reduce to 30 per
cent., to increase the revenue. To do
this, must he not then double the imports
of iron? Clearly he must. Then we
must add tenor twelve .millions per year
to our present imports of iron, and of
course destroy that amount of our domes
tic, supply to make room for it. Thus at
a blow, in the single article of iron, this
bid is intended to destroy the American
markets for at least eight millions of dol
lars worth of domestic agricultural pro
duce to be suplicd from abroad; and this
is the American no! the British sys
tem of policy which is now attempted to
be imposed upon this country by this Jiri-lish-heling
'Jdminislratio Let them
doit, and in less than two years there
will not be a specie paying bank in the
country. The people and the Treasury
will be again bankrupt, and the scenes
and suffering of 1840 will return; and
with it, as a necessary consequence, the
political revolutions of that period.
The home market, Mr. S. contended,
was every thing to the " farmer, and the
foreign market comparatively nothing.
Massachusetts alone purchased and con
sumed fourteen times as much of the
grain, flour, and meat of the other States
as the United Kingdom of Great Britain
and Ireland, from whom we took fifty
millions of dollars worth of manufactures
yearly. Massachusetts took 35 millions
worth, (exclusive of cotton and tobacco,)
while Great Britain took but two and a
half!! Yet, according to the gentleman
from Virginia, the foreign market was
vastly the most important! !
Mr. Leake, here put this question to
Mr. S.: Whether cotton and tobacco
were not agricultural products?
Mr. S. Certainly; but they, are not
our only agricultural products. There
were other interests m this country worth
looking after and preserving besides cot
ton and tobacco. But, no doubt, the gen
tleman concurs with Mr. Secretary Walk
er, who tell us, in his free trade report,
which has so delighted England, and no
wonder it has, for he there says we must
take more British goods, because, if we
do not,"England must pay for our 'bread
stuff' m specie and ''not having it to
tpure, she will bring down to even a
greater extent the price of our cotton."-
Yes, four cotton" there is the rub.
The North, and West must quit work.sell
'nothing, and bring every thing from Eng-
an( aJ,j semuhein our specie as long as
it lasts, so that England may have "specie
to spare" for Southern cotton that's
the plan this openly and boldly proclai
med by the Secretary and his followers
We of the North and West, must send
our last dollar to England to buy bread
and meat, and grass, in the form of iron
and cloth, to increase the price of "our
cotton." We must be "hewers of wood
and drawers of water" for Great Britain
paupers, slaves, and beggars, that Eng
land may have "specie to spare"for South
ern cotton. This is the undisguised pol
icy and purpose' of the Treasury Report.
But Mr. S. would say to these Southern
gentlemen: don't be afraid. You will have
your cotton market still. England must
have your cotton she can't do without
it at present. But beware; the time may
come when England would not want
"our cotton," and the South, in turn,
would cry out for protection. But the
gentleman congratulates the West with
the prospect of an early repeal of the corn
laws. But, in his opinion, if the corn
laws were repealed, the people of the
West would scarcely get a bushel of their
grain into England on any terms.
Mr, Bayly. Do you mean what you
say, that not one bushels-ill go therc?J
Mr. Stewart. I will answer the gen
tleman, by giving him Lord Ashburton's
speech in the House of Lords a few days
ago. He states that nine-tenths of the
grain now imported in Great Britain is
supplied from the north of Europe, al
though they pay. a tax of fifteen shillings
the quarter; while that from Canada and
the United States, passing throrgh Cana
da, pays but four shillings. Repeal the
duty of fifteen shillings, and will they not
supply the whole? Most clearly they
will. The fact is notorious, that most of
our grains and flour now goes to England
through her colonial ports, and at colonial
duties, thus evading the operation of the
corn laws, while the grain and flour from
the north of Europe must always pay the
highest duties imposed by the corn laws.
Hence Lord Ashburton very justly argues
that we must be overwhelmed if the corn
laws are repealed; and this great advan
tage, now enjoyed by Canada and the U
nited States, of importing flour and grain
at abont one-fourth of the duty paid by
the importers from the . Baltic and Black
sea. Repeal the corn laws put them
on an equal footing with us, and . is not
the question settled, and the market lost
to our grain and flour in all time to come?
Nothing can be clearer. And yet gen
tlemen exult in the prospect of the repeal
of the corn laws, and are ready to sacri
fice the whole of our manufacturers and
home markets to bring it about. Such
will be the operation of the repeal of the
corn laws on American Agriculture, and
such is the statement of Lord Ashburton,
who, perhaps knows as much about the
matter as even the learned gentleman
from Virginia. But this is not all. This
opinion of Lord Ashburton is sustained
by the most intelligent merchants in Great
Britain. Such is the uniform tenor of the
testimony recently taken before a select
committee of the House of Commons on
this subject: Henry Cleaver Chap
man, one of the witnesses, and one of the
most intelligent men in the kingdom.says:
"Repeal the corn laws, and the growing
trade with Canada and the Western
States of America will be crushed by
the cheaper productions of the Baltic and
the Black sea, consequently," he adds,
"America, Canada, and British shipping,
wonld receive a severe and decisive blow"
by the repeal of the corn laws. Bnt still
the gentleman from Virginia exults in the
prospect of the repeal of -the corn laws,
and boasts of the market it will open to
our Western farwers, to whom, however,
he will not give one dollar for their rivers
and improvements not a cent but is
anxious to seduce them into this British
free trade trap; but he would say to
the West, "limeo danaos," trust your
friends, and beware of your enemies.
Look at the boasted foreign market, what
is it? Comparatively nothing. Look at
facts. The agricultural productions of the
United States, exclusive of cotton and to
bacco. is estimated at one 1 thousand mil
lions per year. Our exports to all the
world amounted last year to $11,195,515.
Of this, Great Britain took about two and
a half. All thft rest was consumed at
home. So the foreign markets of the world
amounted to 11 millions, and the home
market to 089 millions. Yet the gentle
man had iust pronounced the foreign
markets every thing to' the farmers,
the home markets comparatively nothing.
But another fact. Our exports of manu
factures last year, including those o
wood, amounted to $13,429,166. As
turning, as in the case of British manu
factures, that one half their value is made
up of American agricultural produce,then
we export nearly seven millions ofdol
lars worth of agricultural produce in the
form of manufactures, which does notglut
or injure the foreign markets, for our flour
and grain, in its original form. To use a
familiar illustration; Western farmers
send their corn, hay, and oats, thousands
of dollars worth, every vear to the Eas- '
tern market, not in its rude and original ;
form, but in the form of hogs and horses; ;
theygiTe their hay-stacks life and legs,
and make them trot to market with the
farmer on their back. (A laugh.)
So the British converted their produce,
not into hogs or horses, but into cloth and
iron, and send it here for sale. And,
viewing the subject in this light, he could
demonstrate that there was not a State
in the Union that did not now consume
five dollars worth of B ritish agricultural
produce to one dollar's worth she con
sumes of theirs. Time would not per
mit him to go into details; but he would
furnish the elements from which any one
could make the calculation. Assuming
that consumption and exhortation are in
proportion to population, then we import
50 millions of British goods, and 25 millionsone-half
is agricultural produce.
We export to England agricultural pro
duce (including cotton and tobacco) 21
millions. Divide these sums, 25 and 2.
millions, by 223, the number of Repre
sentatives, and it gives $112,108 as the
amount of British agricultural produce
consumed in the form of goods , in each
Congressional district; and 611,210 as.
their export to Great Britain of agricultu
ral produce. This gives the proportion
often to one. Yet gentlemen are-not
satisfied, and wish still further to increase
the import of British goods, and still fur
ther psostrate and destroy the American
farmer and mechanic and laboring man to
favor foreigners. To shew the effect
upon currency, as well as agriculture,
the gentlemen from Virginia(Mr. Bayly)
wants a new coat; he goes to a British
importer and pays him 20 dollars, hard
money, and hard to get. England takes
none oi your rag money. j laugn.
Away it goes, in quick time. We see
no more of it. as far as circulation is conJ
ccrned, the gentleman might as well have
thrown it into the fire. 1 want a coat. 1
go to the American manufacturer and buy
$20 worth of American broadcloth. (He
wears no other, and he would compare
coats with the gentleman on the spot.)
(A laugh.) Well the manufacturer, the
next day, gave it to the farmer for wool;
he gave it to the shoemaker, the hatter,
the blacksmith: they gave it back to the
former for meat and bread; and here it
went from one to another. You might
perhaps sec his busy and bustling $20
note five or six times in the course of a
day. This made money plenty. But
where was the gcntlemans hsru money I
anished; gone to reward and enrich the
the wool-growers and farmers, shoema
kers, hatters, and blacksmiths of England.
Now, I go for supporting the American
farmers and mechanics, and the gentle
man goes for British that's the differ
ence. Can the gentleman deny it?
There are but two sides in this matter, the
British and the American side; and the
simple question is, which side shall we
take? The great stuggle is between
the
British and American farmers and
chanics for the American market,
me-
and
we must decide which shall have it.
Mr. S. would here . take occasion to
state a fact that would starde the American
people.
The British Manufacturers have; at
this moment, possession of this capital.
Yes, sir, I tell vou and the country one
of the principal committee rooms in this
house is now, and has been for weeks
past, occupied by a gentleman formerly
residing in Manchester, England, who
has a vast number, perhaps hundreds of
specimens of goods sent from Manchester
(priced to suit the occasion) to be exhibi
tion to members of Congress to enlighten
their judgments, and in the language of'
his letter of instruction from Manchester j
of the 3d Jauuary, 46, accompanying
these specimens, to enable them "to
rive at iust conclusions in regard to
the
proposed alterations in the present tarin.
Yes. sir. ao-cnts sDecimens. and letters
r w ft
ttriMm ;n,tniftino- us how to
make a tariff to suit the British. Mr. S.
here expressed the hope that the people
of the North would send on specimens of
ft, W ft ft t U. - m-T ft ft HW - m-
American manufactures to be also exhibit-
ed in the Capitol, not only to show their ; scale of duties at which it is ascertained
perfection and extent, but to correct on ' from experience that the revenue is great
the spot the false representations made by j est, is the maximum rate of duty which
these Manchester men and their agents j can be laid for the bona fide purpose of
in regard to the character and prices of , collecting money for the support of Gov
British and American goods. Speaking J eminent. To raise the duties higher
of the President's message, this Manches- than tnat point, and thereby diminish the
ter letter writer exclaims "a sec- amount collected, is to levy them for pro-
ond Daniel come to judgment, a second
Richard Cobden;" and so delighted were
they in England with Mr. Walker s cele
brated free trade report that it was or
dered to be printed by the House of
Lords. Alter all this, having our Presi
dent and Secretary oa their side, they
ought to have been content, without send
ing thei r letters of instructions here to
direct us what kind of a tarin' ihey wish
us to pais. ; But if their chancellor had
sent us a revenue bill, he could not have
furnished one to suit Great Britain better
than the one furnished by the Secretary
oi tne l reasury. rarnament would pass
it by acclamation. Sir Robert Peel un
derstands his business; he proposes to
take the duties off breadstuffs and raw
materials of all kinds used by their man
ufacturers, and remove every burden so
as to enable them to meet us and beat us
in our own markets of the world, where
Yankee competition is beginning to give
them great uneasiness. Last year, we
exported hundreds of thousands of dollars
worth of cotton goods into the British
East Indies, and beat the British in their
own markets, after laying discriminating
duties imposed to keep us out, first 8,
then 10, finally 15 per cent. In this
great struggle, Sir Robert Peel comes to
the rescue; he repeals the dnty on cotton
and wool, 2nd bread and meat and every
thing used by British manufacturers to
enable them to go ahead in this struggle
with the Americans; and what does Mr.
Walker do ? Just the reverse. He pro
poses to take off all protective duties, and
imposes heavy hurdens on the raw ma
terials, dve-slufls, &c. used by our
t
manufacturers, so as effectually to pros
trate and break them down. Sir Robert
Peel takes burdens off his steed, while
Sir Robert Wralker piles bags of sand on
his then crack their whips clear the
road a fair race! (A laugh.) Such is
the difference between British and A
merican policy. Sir Robert Peel's pres
ent system furnishes powerful arguments
for adhering to our protective system
his object is not to favor, hut to beat us;
and our course is not to defeat, but to fa
vor his purpose. This will not only be
the effect of the tariff proposed by our
Secretary, but it is its open and avowed
purpose and design; is it not proclaimed
purpose of the message and report to in
crease the importation of British goods,
snd of course, to that extent, destroy A
mcrican supply ? Does not the Secreta
ry propose to reduce the protective du
ties more than one-half for the purpose of
increasing revenue; and if the revenue is
increased by reducing duties one-half,
must not the imports be more than doub
led? This is self-evident, and if you
a 1
double your imports 01 lorcign goods,
must you not destroy to fnat extent A
merican supply ? Most certainly, unless
the Secretary can, in his wisdom, devise
a plan to make people est, drink, wear
double as much as they now do. But
where will we find money to pay for
them ? There's the rub. But Startling
and extraordinary as it may appear, our
Secretary, for the first time in the history
of the world, has boldly and openly a
vowed it as the object of Government to
break down and destroy its own manufac
tures for the purpose of making way for
those of lbreigners. In the very first
paragraph of his argumentative report .he
sets out with stating that the revenue of
the 1st quarter of this year is two millions
less than the 1st quarter of the last, and
that this has been occasioned by the sub
stitution of highly protected American
manufactures for foreign imports; and
this evil, this terrible evil, thi3 American
Secretary proposes to remedy by redu
cing the protective duties, and thus break
ing up this abominable business of ''sub
stituting domestic products" made by
American labor, out of American produce
for British goods, made by British labor,
out of British produce. Oh! but he
hates the British. Now, Sir, this is not
only the doctrine of his text, but it runs
through his whole sermon of 957
pages. No wonder it was printed by the
House of Lords: and let our Secretary
carry through this bill, and Queen Victo
ria would gladly transfer the seals from
Sir Robert Peel to Sir Robert Wralker,
for he will have rendered her a greater
service than any other man, dead or liv-
ing.
But this is not the only doctrine of
Treasury report, bat of the message
elf. The revenue stand ard laid down
the message aims a death blow at all
merican industry. It suggests a kind
the
its-
in
A-
of
"sliding scale" so that whenever any
branch of American industry begins to
' I LmaI C r. rcn mf CM.rT.?r t Vi m n r r ot
! and thereby diminish imports and reve
nue, this is evidence that the duty is too
; nign ana ougnt to
. -
be
reduced, so as to
m n . m
let in the loreign rival
productions; but
let the president speak for himself here
is the revenue standard in his own
words:
"The precise point in the ascending
; tection merely, and not for revenue. As
long, then, as Congress may gradually m
crease the rate of duty on a given article
and the revenue is increased by such in
crease of duty, they were within the rev
enue standard. When they go beyond
that point, and as they increase the duties
the revenue is diminished or destroyed,
the act ceases to have for its object the
raising of money to support Government
but is for protection merely." .
What is this but a rule to fi?or foreign-
ers, and break down Americans ? Ths
moment the American by his superior
industry and skill begins to succeed, then
the duty must come so as to increase for
eign imports and revenue. This is ths
plain and inevitable operation of the rule,
and who would go into manufacturing un
der such an anti-American rul as this,
making in death by the law certain and
inevitable. As an illustration, take iron
for instance. Owing to the rapid increasa
of iron works in the United States, th
import of iron has been greatly reduced;
men tnc executive ruic applies uowii
with tne duties, so as to increase import
and revenue. Accordingly, Mr. Walker
proposes to reduce the duty, which he
says, is now 75 per cent., to 30 per cent., .
so as to increase the revenue. Well, to
do this, he must more than double the im
ports, now amounting to more than eight
millions a year, and thus he must import.
16 millions of dollars worth of iron in
stead of eight destroy eight millions of
American manufacture to make way for.
fhe foreign, and thus import 12 millions
of dollars worth of .foreign (mostly En
glish) grain and other produce used in,
the mrnufacture of this iron; for the fact
is
incontestable, that more than three-
fourths of the value of iron is made up of
the product of the soil. And this is the
policy to favor American farmers and A
mericans laborers ! Throw the plough
out of the furrow, and turn labor out to
starve to make away for British goods,
increase revenue.
Mr. S. said he had not time aUpresent,
but he would avail himself of the first pro
per occasion, to shew, as he thought he
' could most clearly, that all theories of
I the Secretary and his followers in favor
ot their free trade policy were not only
false and unfounded, but that exactly tho
re verse of those theories was true. Ho
referred to the theories that "protection
was for the benefit of manufacturers at
the expense of the farmers and labor
ers of the country;" that "protection in
creased the price of manufactured goods,
and reduced the price of labor and pro
duce;" that it "favored monopoly and
wealth at the expense of the poor;" that
"reducing duties would increase revenue,'
&c. He could scarcely speak of such
gross absurdities in respectful terms.
What? Favor invested capital by build
ing up competition, 5 increasing the sup
ply of the articles they had to sell ? In
jure the farmers by doubling the demand
for their produce, raw materials and
breadstuffs of every kind ? Oppress and
rob the consumer by giving him goods at
one-fourth of their former price ? Re
duce wages by doubling the demand for
labor of men, women and children ? Yes
sir, increase the price of goods by doub
ling tht supply, and reduce the price of
Agricultural produce by doubling the de
mand? Favor monopolies by building;
up competition, the only thing to destroy
it? Such are the absurd theories of frea
trade. But gentlemen must first rcversa
all the laws of trade the great and uni
versal law that "demand and supply regu
late prices;" a law as universal and in
variable in its operation, as the law that
governs the solar system, must not only
be repealed, but reversed in its operation
before gentlemen could sustain any of
these absurdities.
The clock admonished him that hit
time was out he would avail himself of
the moment left to warn gantlemen if
they would allow him to prophecy, ha
would say gentlemen, pass this Treasu
ry bill, approved, as he understood, by
the cabinet bring back the scenes
1840 restore your twenty per cent,
tarifl bankrupt your treasury paraliza
your national industry break down
your farmers, manufacturers, and mechan
ics, by importing goods und exporting
rnonei, pass this bill, and in eighteen
months you will scarcely hare a spcci
paying bank, or a specie dollar left in th
country. Pass this bill, and you will
not only bring back the scenes, but I re
peat, you will bring with them the po
litical revolutions of 1840. Again will b
heard throughout the land the cry of
"change! change! any change must
be for the better." Political revolu
tions are the fruits of pnpular suffering
and discontent; in prosperity the cry i
"let well enough alone.
(A voica.) Then as a
ouht to go for the new tariff.
Whig
you
Yes, said Mr. S., if I was like soma
gentlemen on this floor if X loved my
0 .1 . T tvfvilrl?
party more man my wuu;, ,
but as I love my country more than my
nartv. I will not.
If it were not for th
uv. n,l drill ot party aiscip;ine, mi
" British Bdl" would find few advocates
on this floor. It was the banting of party
the illegitimate offspring of the Balti
more Convention, that Pandora's box.
whence originated most of the troublij
that now alllict this country. But he
again warned gentlemen pass this bill
and in a strong language of a democratic,
Senator on a late occasion, it will u
"the party so low that the arm of rcsur-
rectioa could never reach it -0 low
that (here the hour having brpirwd, th
chairman haisrr-r fe.siid Mr. t?. re
turned his r?at)
ir
fi