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PRINTED AND PUBLISHED WEEKLY BY JONATHAN ROW, SOMERSET, 'SOMERSET COUNTY, PA.
New Series.
TUESDAY JANUARY 23, 1846,
Vol. 4. No. 9,
1
T h e. Hear 1.
The human heart that restless thing!
The tempter and the tried;
The joyous, yet the suffering
The source of pain and pride ;
The gorgeous thronged the desolate,
The scat of love, the lair of hate
Self-strong and self defined !
Yet do vc bless thee as thou art,
Thou restless thing, the human heart.
m ' "
THE TARIFF.
The following queries, in the shape of
a circular, we find appended to Mr. Stew
art's recent speech on the Tariff, and
would invite to them the attention of our
readers:
House of Representatives,'?
Washington, Dec. 9., 1815.$
Deati Sir: Will you have the goodness
to answer some, or the whole, of the fol
lowing questions at your earliest conve
nience. The facts you communicate may
he important in the discussion of the ta-
gress. The Secretary of the Treasury j
has sent out several circulars to obtain ,
finta rrt fmo e!A 11 f till nilPStlOTI- Jinfl it IS
14V U Vll VW W " " J 1
deemed but right to take measures to ob- .
tain some on the other.
The whole opposition to the protec
tive policy is based upon the assumption
of the fact (without proof,) that protec
tive duties increase the prices of both
domestic and foreign goods, and are there
fore oppressive and burdensome to the
people. Now, if this is proved to be un
true in point of fact, then the whole ground
of opposition to the protective policy falls
to the ground.
It is admitted that revenue duties, lev
ied on articles not produced or manu
factured in this country, may, and gen
erally do, increase prices; but protective
duties, levied on articles we can furnish
at home, it is contended, ultimately re
duce the prices by introducing competi
tion, skill, machinery, and increased sup
ply, and that such is the universal expe
rience on the subject.
You perceive, therefore, that the whole
matter resolves itself into a question of
facts; and it is to ascertain those fact
that I have taken the liberty to address
you. Will you then be so good as to re
fer to your books and bills, and furnish
ANSWERS TO THE FOLLOWING QUESTIONS I
TO MERCHANTS, MANUFACTURERS, AND
OTHERS.
1. What was the price of cotton goods,
sheetings, shirtings, &c, in 18 1G, when
the minimum duties were first imposed
for their protection? What the price when
the tariff of 1828 was passed, and what
. is the price now?
2. What the prices, at the date indica
ted, of calicoes, twist, yarn, &e.? and ere
- they not reduced to about one-fourth of
what they wore before they were protect
ed by the tariff of 181 G?
3. What was the price of woollen
goods, flannels, satinets, &c, at the peri
ods above mentioned? and are they not
now furnished of domestic manufacture
for less than half the price paid when ex
clusively imported from abroad?
. 4. It'is estimated by the Secretary of
the Treasury, in his report, that we man
ufacture 84 "millions of dollars' worth of
cotton goods in the United States, and I
assume half that amount of woollens,
what would be the effect on prices at
home and abroad, were this immense sup
ply destroyed or withdrawn from the mar
kets of the world? .
5. What were the prices of window
and other glass in 181 G, and at the dates
of the tariffs of 1824,. 1828, and what
now? Is glass not now supplied at home
for less than one-fourth of the price paid
in 181 G; and for less than the amount of
the duty imposed for its protection?
' G. What were the prices of iron, nails,
and other manufactures of iron and steel
in 181G? What at the other periods re
ferred to, and what are the prices now?
Are not many of these articles now made
at home for one-half and one-fourth of
their former price?
- 7. What were the prices, at the above
dates, of salt, paper, and of such other ar
ticles as may seem to you calculated to
show the effect of protective duties up
on prices generally?
8. On the other hand, please state
whether the articles not produced or man
ufactured in this country, on which duties
for revenue merely and not for protec
tion are levied, such as silks, velvets, la
ces, &c, hate been reduced in price since
18jG, or have they been reduced in any
thing like the ratio of reduction tli3t has
occurred in the prices of the protected ar
ticles? What is the reason of the differ
ence? and is it not true that protective
duties, in the end, reduce prices, while
revenue duties increase them?
9. Wrhilc protective duties have re
duced the prices cf manufactured goods,
has not the increased demand, resulting
from the increase of manufacturing establishments-
throughout the country, sus
tained nd kept up the wages of labor,
and the produce of the farmer, flpur, grum,
provisions, tc, at as high, and in some
cases even higher; rates thon they were in
1810? And do not trotectivb duties,
therefore, by increasing 'the supply ' of;
manufactured goods, while they increase
the demand for the raw material and bread
slufls, enable the farmers to sixl for
MORE AND BUY FOR LESS? I
QUESTIONS TO FARMERS, MECHANICS, &C.
10. What part of the value of a yard
of cloth consists of wool, bread, meat,
and other agricultural products? And is
not a piece of flannel, manufactured by a
farmer in his own family, as much a pro
duction of his farm, and as strictly agri
cultural, as a barrel of flour? ,
11. What portion of the price of for
eign hats, shoes, axes, hoes, glass, salt,
tc, consists of foreign agricultural pro-
duce, raw material, and the subsistence of j
labor? and when we send onr money a
broad, to purchase these articles, do we j
not send it to support and enrich foreign '
farmers and mechanics to the injury of j
our' own?. j
12. What portion of the value of a ton
of P'g'11011 consists of agricultural pro
duce, estimating the subsistence of men,
horses, oxen, &c, employed in supplying
the ore and coal, and converting it into
iron? Is not seven-eighths of its value
agricultural? Does not Great Britain make
iron, cloth, glass, &c, out of the same
materials that we do; and when we Jim- t
port these articles, do we not import the ,
British agricultural produce worked up in
them? And is the policy of reducing du
ties to increase imports, such a policy as .
ought to be sustained by your representa
lives? Your answer will inform them. i
13. What proportion of the value of j
the whole of our foreign imports consists ,
of foreign agricultural produce, estimating ;
the raw material and the subsistence oi
the labor employed in their production?
Is it not greatly more than one-half ?
14. Estimating, then, one-half of the
value of our imports to be agricultural
produce, and our imports of British man
ufacture (as appears by official documents)
having exceeded for ten years past forty
millions a year, while she has taken, for
the same time, of all the agricultural pro
ducts of the grain-growing States, flour,
graid, meat, and provisions of every kind,
less than two millions of dollars worth
per year from rs; docs it not follow that
we consume annually twenty millions of
dollars' worth of British agricultural pro
Jucc iu two millions of the same mat !
consumes of ours? and ought the exten
sion of this system of policy, by which
we are made to consume ten dollars'
worth of British wool, grain, and provi
sions in the form of British goods, to one
dollars' worth she takes from us, to be
advocated by the American people or their
representatives?
questions to laborers and others.
15. With our present facilities of in
tercourse with Europe by steam, would
not "free trade" reduce the wages of la
bor here in every department of industry
to the level of the wages of labor there?
just as certainly as the removal of a. wall
separating two unequal bodies of water
would reduce the one to the level of the
other?
16. If the productions of European
labor working at 25 cts. per day in ma
king shoes, hats, cloth, and every thing
else, were admitted into our ports free of
duty, must not our mechanics and labo
rers come down and work as low as they
do, or give up the market? just as cer
tainly us that labor on one side of a street
or river working at 25 cts., would reduce
75 cent, labor on the other side to its own
level?
17. The message says the tariff "im
poses heavy and unjust burdens on the
farmer." General Jackson says, "the
tariff by taking 600,000 men, women
and children from agriculture, and em
ploying them in manufactures, would cre
ate a home market for more bread-stuffs
than all Europe now furnishes."
18. The message also says, duties ought
to be imposed for revenue only, and
whenever they are so high as to diminish
imports and revenue, thev ought to be re
duced to the revenue standard. Thomas
Jefferson in his report to Congress says,
the true system is just the reverse of this;
he says Congress should select such arti
cles as we can manufacture for ourselves,
"imposing on them duties lighter at first,
but heavier and i.ijavier afterwards as
other channels of suplly open." The
one says, as the American supply increa
ses, reduce the duties so as to increase
imports the other says, as the American
supply increases, 'increase the duties so
as to diminish imports. Here Jackson
i and Jefferson both stand directly opposed
J mm -WWW 1 .
to rolk. Which is right
The information sought by this letter
may be addressed to any friend of the
tariff in Congress, stating whether the
name of the writer may be used publicly
or not.
Letters are received from all parts of
the country, anxiously enquiring whether
the tariff will be put down or not. y
From present indications, I think the
protective policy is in great danger of
being entirely overthrown. The enemies
I oi lue larm arc ciiucaiuiing uj-Mjaivt.
a party question, and to rally the Admi
nistration party against it on party
grounds; if they succeed, the protective
policy and the present tariff must go down.
Supposing it to have every Whig vote, it
will require 35 administration votes to
save it. Where are they to come from?
Pennsylvania, New York, and Ohio,
could give them but will they do it? Not
in my judgment, unless the people them
selves come speedily to the rescue. Un
less they promptly send in remonstran
ces, signed without distinction of parly,
against making the tariff a party question,
and against the modification or repeal of
the tariff of 1842, I feaF all will be lost;
but a prompt and patriotic appeal to Con
gress by the people, without distinction
of party, may save the country from im
pending danger, and nothing else in my
oplnion can do it.
Yours, respectfully,
A. STEWART.
21) Hi Congress l&t Session.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Friday January, 2, 18 1G.
THE ARMY AND OREGON.
Mr. Haralson, from the Committee on
Military Affairs, reported a bill to provide
for the organ ization of two regiments of
riflemen, and for other purposes; which
was read twice, when
Mr. Haralson moved that it be com
mitlcd to the Committee of the Whole oh
kliC DlUlt; VI till UUU Ultth A . .
the special order for Tuesday ncx the !
Gth instant.
Mr, Houston objected to making the bill
a special order. These orders were be
coming so numerous already as to be cm
barrsssi ng to the House in the regular or
der of business.
Mr. J. Q. Adams , rose to address the
House. He said that he ought perhaps
to commence with an apology to the
House for addressing it at all on this ques
tion. The state of his health was such
as to render it impossible for him to en
ter at all on the many important questions
connected with this subject, and, whatev
er observations he might feel it his duty
to make upon it, must necessarily be
brief. His physical power would not
enable him to go at any length into . the
question
1 he question now immediately before
the bill making provision for raising two
regiments of riflemen should be made the
special order for the first Tuesday ia
January.
. The Speaker said that that constituted
one part of the question, but was not de
bateable. The other part of the ques
tion was on referring this bill to a Com
mittee of the Whole on the state of the
Union, and that question was open to de
bate. Mr. Adams said that he asked, that the
question might be divided, and might
first be put on the reference, because he
presumed that there was no diversity of
opinion on that point: if there M'as it
would change the whole state of the de
bate. Mr. Houston of Alabama, said, in ex
planation, that it was not the reference of
the bill he had objected to, but its being
made a special order.
The speaker further declared that the
first branch of the question, viz; the ref
erence of the bill could be decided by a
majority but that to make it a special or
der would require a vote of two thirds.
Mr. Adams said that, if the House
should refuse the reference, then he
should have nothing further to say.
The Speaker said that the first ques
tion would be on the reference of the bill,
and that question was debateable.
Mr. Adams then asked if he was at
liberty to debate the question whether
this bill should be made the special order
for Tuesday next.
The Speaker replied that he could not,
but that the question of reference might
be debated.
Well, then, (said Mr. Adams,) I will,
at the risk of being arested for irrelevancy
(which seems of late a favorite mode of
! preventing discussion,) speak in reality
and in substance to the -question of ma
king the bill a special order while, in
form my remarks will be on the question
of reference.
! This measure now proposed to be re
i ferred is one, which, for a variety of rea-
sons, is as important as any question
j which has hitherto come, or will hereafter
! come, before this House for discussion,
j It is difficult to speak on one of the bills
relating to this subject without reference
j to all the others. For example: this is a
j bill to raise two regiments of riflemen.
I Now I find there has brcn reported in
: another part of this bjuilding a bill provi
j ding for one regiment of mounted rifle
' men. . The question then presents .itself
i to me how are these two bills to go to
gether? and whether they ought not to be
considered together? If but one regiment
only of mounted riflemen is necessary to
be maintained, then it does not follow
that two regiments of unmounted rifle
men are needed: the one bill depends in
a measure upon the the other. I refer to
this merely as an illustration, to show
the variety of measures which are at the
same time in contemplation of the House.
I find further, in the same bill to which I
have just alluded, an appropriation of
dollars, for the expense of any mili
tary defence which the President may
deem necessary on the line of our com
munication with Oregon. Now the im
portance of that provision depends on the
sum which shall be put into the hands of
the President. AU I infer from this is,
that it is contemplated that other expenses
(and in my opinion very heavy ones)
must bp considered as concurrent meas
ures with the- raising of these regiments
of riflemen. This is not the only meas
ure that vill be necessary, and therefore
it may be doubtful if there is any neces-!
sity for wasting the time of this House in
discussing the question whether these
two regiments of riflemen shall be raised,
unless the necessity is made apparent for
their employment. Why, what reason
is there that two regiments or one regi
ment shall be raised at this time? We
have heretofore gone through some meas
ures which presented a prospect of war:
we have gone through them and there has
been no war. We are at a profound
peace Avith all the world. Why then in
crease our military establishment? It must
be recollected that the spirit which pre
vailed in this House two, three, or four
years ago, was very different as to this mat
ter of increasing our military force. We
who were then here voted not only to
prevent the increase of our military es-,
tablishment, but we reduced it by very
nearly one-third. That was four years
ago, when the prospect of war was quite
as great as now, and I will take this op
portunity to say that I do not believe at
all in any danger of war at this
TIME.
I do not see any testimonials of the
probability of a war at this time; but, if
any danger is apprehended by any gen
tlemen here, it appears to me that the
very first measure to be taken that
which should precede all military meas
ures of any kind is to "give notice to
Great Britain that we mean to terminate
the existing joint occupancy of Oregon.
That is the first measure to be taken.
How can gentlemen apprehend war oth
wiee? Does Great Britain tell us that
she shall take offence at the continuance
of the treaty of joint occupancy? She
does not, though I have heard of some
question being made in England whether
t-n " - - -
nation of the joint occupancy. Yet it is
not a joint occupation, and I have been
surprised at the language held by some
gentlemen on the subject. The treaty
acknowledges, no occupation of the ter
ritory by either party; it is a commercial
convention for free navigation, but it does
not admit by either party the occupation
of one inch of territory by the other. It
is no occupation. But whether it is,
neither party can permanently occupy
the country without notice to the other
to terminate the convention of commerce
and trade, which would not be pennitted
without such convention. It is not a
treaty of joint occupation; it is a treaty
for the exercise of navigation rights, com
mercial rights.' and trading rights with the
Indians. It precludes the occupation of
the country by either party. Exclusive
occupation cannot be assumed by either
without notice. Of all the measures for
assuming jurisdiction over citizens of the
United States who have gone into Oregon
and are there in actual possession, notice
is the first thing. Twelve months after
that notice shall have been given the right
will accrue to the United States to occupy
any part of the territory they may think
proper.
In the bill which passed at the last ses
sion I myself moved, as a first section to
the bill, that such notice should be given.
The House did not think proper to a-
gree to it, and passed the bill without any
notice.
Mr. C. J. Ingersoll. No: It was put
into the bill at the last moment.
Mr. Adams. But the bill did not pass
the Senate, and so the insertion was im
material. But it is a material fact to me,
because I proposed it as constituting the
first section of the bill. I declared my
self ready then, and I am ready now, to
give such notice. Great sensation.
I hope it will be given, and that we shall
do it as the first measure to be taken
to be followed afterwards by a real occu
pation of the whole territory. Great
sensation in the House and an incipient
clap, which, however, was promptly ar
rested by the, Speake rwho called loudly
to order' But it is indispensible that we
shall firstgive notice.
The gentleman from Illinois (Mr.
Douglas) says that it appears to him there
is a-game playing here a remark which
is quite incomprehensible to me. s I shall
not inquire to what the gentlemen allu
ded, but I confess I was very much su
prised to hear that the Committee on
Foreign Affairs will not report to the
House such notice.
Mr. C. J. Ingersoll. I know of no
member of that committee who has said
so.
Mr. Douglass. 1 said so, because I
had heard that such was their determina
tion! ' ' '
Mr. Adams resumed. I have heard it
from various quarters; and, if the report
is delayed much longer, I shall believe it.
A laugh. If it is so, I shall deplore it; I
fhall deeply regret if a majority of that
committee shall not be ready to give that
notice. All the other measures must de
pend on that. While we sit talking here
about regiments of riflemen, and regi
ments of infantry, and stockade fort?, and
sappers and miners, and pontoniers. Great
Britain is arming her steam-vessels, e
quipping her - frigates and line-of-battle
ships, and sending troops over here to be
ready. icbuU press a resolution giv
ing the notice this day, if I hoped that
a majority of the House could be obtained
to effect th3 measure.
Mr, Wentworth here moved that the
rules be suspended to afford an opportuni
ty for such a motion; but the motion was
pronounced to be out of order.
Mr. Adams resumed. I feel myself
scarcely authorized to hope that I should
be successful should I make the motion.
But for this I would have moved it on the
first day of the session. Because I have
so profound a sense of the duty of ad
hering to treaties, I feel debarred from
the least act of hostility, or even from
meeting hostility manifested elswhere, till
notice shall have been given. While our
convention remains, 1 will vote no incrcse
of the army or navy, no fort or stockade,
no riflemen, no sappers, or miners. All
must depend on that, If this bill
shall be made the special order for Tucsl
day, I hope it will be arranged by the
gentlemen who manage the business of
this House, that the question of gi'ing
notice shall come up on the same day,
and shall.be taken up before any thing
else, It is mere wasting of time, and
whistling to the wind, to talk about rais
ing a military force until our concicnce is
clear from the obligation of the conven
tion. And it does not follow that, if we give
notice, there must of necessity be war;
nor does it even follow thatwc shall then
take possession. It will only be saying
toGreatBritain: After negotiation twenty
years about this matter, we do not choose
to negotiate any longer; we shall take pos
session of what is our own; and then, if
to settle the question what is our own,
you wish to negotiate, we will negotiate
as long as you please. We may nego
tiate after we take possession. Much
laughter.Thal is the military way of do-
men tile grealr rede nek came to the
throne of Prussia; his father had prepared
and equipped for him an army of an hun
dred thousand men. Meeting, shortly
after, the Austrian Minister, the latter
said to him: "Your father has given you
a great army; but our troops have seen
the wolf; yours have not." "Well, well,"
said Frederick, "I will give them an op
portunity to see the wolf." Frederick
then added in his memoir: "I had some
excellent old pretensions to an Austrian
province which some of my ancestors
had owned one or two hundred years be
fore, and I sent an embassador to the
Court of Vienna stating my claim, and
presenting a full exposition of my right
to the province. The same day my em
bassador was received in Vienna I entered
Silesia with my army." A laugh. So
you see that, on the very day his army
entered Silesia, he gave notice to the
Court of Vienna that the convention for
the joint eccupation of Silesia was ended.
Loud and prolonged laughter.
I say therefore, that I hope the first
measure adopted by Congress will be to
give, in the most solemn manner, the no
tice to Great Britain which the treaty re
quires; then the coast will be clear for us
to do what we please. It does not, I re
peat, it docs not follow as a necessary
consequence that, be cause we give this
notice, we must take possession, though
it is my hope that we shall, It does not
necessarily draw after it a war: and if
Great Britain chooses to take such notice
as an act "of hostility on our part, and
forthwith commence hostilities on hers,
we have been told that we shall all b but
one party, and God Almighty grant that
it may be so? If it shall be so, the war
will have less of those very extraordinary
terrors which my friend from4South Caro
lina (Mrllolmes)has now just discovered
notwithstanding the extreme military pro
sensities which he manifested on this
floor last year.
The gentleman was a most valiant man
when Texas was in question. But I
shall draw no comparison as to what we
witnessed then and what we sec now;
but this I will say, that I hope, if war
shall come which God forbid, and of
which I entertain no fears at all: the whole
country will hate but one heart and one
united hand. And of this I am very sure
in that case Great Britain will not long
occupy Oregon,, or any thing else north
of the Canada line. Great sensation,
and incipient indications of applause But
if you will agree to give notice, strong as
is my horror of war, and of all military
establishments, if there should then be the
breath of life in me, I hope I shall be wil
ling to go as far as any in making any
sacrifice to render that war seccessful and
glorious. I can say no more. But, till
notice is given, I am not prepared to vote
any preliminary raeasuae of a mili ary
kind. I suppose, however, that we may,
without giving notice, extend . our laws
and our protection to our brethren who
have settled at least in that part of Oregon
which is nol claimed by Great Britain;
but there can be no need of increasing our
army and our navy in order to do that.
I hope that such an act will not be ofTcnr
jive to Great Britain, and that she wll
not think of going to war about it.
But, if we are going to take actual oo?
cupation of the country, then soma add;?
tional force will be needed to our army,
and in that case, however unwilling I
have ever been to increase our military
establishment, I think I should gst over
my difficulties, especially if a disposition
should be manifested by Great Britain tq
take offence at the measure I have just
mentioned. All our military preperation
must depend on notice to great Britain;
we must not have our hands and feet
bound; the obligations of joint occupancy
must be dissolved, and we left free to act
according as the interests of our country
may require.
I believe it will not be necessary for
me to refer to any other part of this eiib-r
ject. There have been, as I understand,
two applications mado to this House by
fellow citizens of ours, settled beyond tho
Kocky Mountains, for the protection of .
this Government. The Chairman of tho
Committee on Foreign Affairs (Mr. C.
J. Ingersoll) presented, as I think, one
memorial, while another from a different
quarter is also before the Territorial
Committee possibly it is a copy of the
same.
Mr. C. J. Ingersoll. No: they ars
different memorials, from different per:
sons.
Mr. Adams. I think it is lima thi
House should consider what are their du?
ties to our countrymen there. I confess
that I know them very imperfectly. I
have of course seen the reports of Lieut
cnants Wilkes and Fremont; they coni
tain' much valuable information; but that
sort of information, which wc now want
it was not the object of those expedition.
to obtain. I am in favor of protecting
these persons as far as wc can.
I believe I have now said all that is at
present necessary. 1 have said perhaps
more than I should, and certainly mora
than I intended; I am not able to go furj
ther. The most important point I wish
ed to state is, that to give notice should
be our first measure. Then let us pro?
... laminn- citir" 11 ft rii .
r.0.jio,Uv aiwcrrrtue lOris and such an
increase of our military establishment as
may be necessary: but I am against all
other measures unless that is dono first.
Mr. Farn, of Ohio, moved to suspend
the rules for the purpose of offering a res
olution which he held in his hand, but
the House, without hearinj it read, iin
mediately adjourned.
IN SENATE.
December 30, 1813,
OREGON.
The following resolutions offered yen
terday by Mr. Hannegan, coming up:
1. Resolved, That the country incltl
ded within the parallels of forty-two de
grees and fifty-four degrees forty minutes
north latitude, and extending f.-om tho
Rocky Mountains to the Pacific Ocean,
known as the Territory of Oregon, is tho
property, and part and parcel oi the terri
tories of the United States.
2. Resolved, That there exists ni
power in this Government to transfer its
soil and the allegiance of its citizens u
the dominion, authority, control, an 'sub
jection of any foreign Power, Prince,
or Sovereignty.
3. Resolved, That the abandonment
or surrender of any portion of ths Ter
ritory of Oregon would be an ab..t:lon
ment of the honor, character, and tlio but
interests of the American people.
The resolutions having been read
Mr. Hannegan rose and sn'td that, as
the Senate was not at present fall, h
would ask that these resolutions be
the special order for some future d:.y, and
he would name next Monday w-jk a-
the day.
Mr. Archer suggested to the Senitcr
from Indiana that sufficient tiui-j ought to
be allowed, before the resolu :'.; wera
brought up for final action bv'or: ihe Se
nate, that they might be printed -nd re
flected upon, not only by Senate,;: '.;:
by the community. He thought it wo :! 1
be better to prolong somewhat the time
named by the Ssnator, and tu orJer that
the resolutions be printed.
Mr. Hannegan thereupon moved that
the resolutions be printed, and mid?. Cic
special order for the third Monday in Jun
uary. Mr. Calhoun said he did not rise to op
pose this motion, but to request that the
Senate would permit him to make a few
prefatory remarks before submii.ug tits
amendments he intended to move to the
resolutions now before the Senate.
Mr. President, (said he,) though I can
not "ive my support to theoe ret-oii; turns,
I am very much gratified that they have
been moved by the Senator from Indianu.
Whatever objections there may b? i
them, they have at least the merit of bc::g
direct, open, snd manly. They deny, in
direct t2rms,the authority of thi3Govern
ment to make a treaty in reference to the
Oregon territory, and denounce as I un
derstand them, by implication, the propo
sitions that have been already mad? by
our Government to settle the boundary
bv a division along the forty-ninth faral-