lievcd, maintained by
irrefragable
facia
and arguments.
The riviSived world will see in these
proceedings a spirit of liberal conccstion
on the part of the United States; and
this government will be relieved from all
responsibility which may follow the fail
ure to settle the controversy.
All attempts at compromise, having fail
ed, it becomes the duty of Congress to
con idcr what measures it may be proper
to adopt for the security and protection of
our citizens now into that territory. In
adopting measures for this purpose, care
should be taken that nothing be done to
violate the the stipulations of the conven
tion ol 1827, which is still in force.
The faith of treaties, in the letter and spi
rit, has ever been, and, I trust, will ever
be, scrupulously observed in the United
Slates. Under that convention, a year's
notice is required to be given by either
party to the other, before the joint occu
pancy shall terminate, and before either
can rightfully assert or exercise exclusive
jurisdiction over any portion of the terri
tory. This notice it would, in my judg
ment, be proper to give; and I recommend
that provision be made by law for giving
it- accordingly, and terminating, in this
manner: the convention of the sixth of
9
August, 1827.
It will become proper for Congress to
determine what legislation they can, in
the meantime, adopt without violating this
convention. Beyond all question, the
protection of our laws and our jurisdic
tion, civil and criminal, ought to be imme
diately extended over our citizcus in Ore
gon. They have had just cause to com
plain of our long neglect in this particu
lar, and have, in consequence, been com
pelled, for their own security and protec
tion, to. establish a provisional government
for themselves. Strong in their allegi
ance and ardent in their attachment to the
United Suites, they have been thus cast
upon their own resources. They are an
xious that our laws should be extended
over them, and I recommend that this be
done by Congress with as little delay as
possible, in the full extent to which the
British Parliament have proceeded in re
gard to British subjects in that territory,
by their act of July the second, 1821, "for
regulating the fur-trade, and establishing
a criminal and civil jurisdiction within
certain parts of North America." By
this act Great Britain extended her laws
and jurisdiction, civil and criminal, over
her subjects; engaged in the fur-trade in
that territory. By it, the courts of the
province of Upper Canada were empow
ered to take cognizance of causes civil and
criminal. Justices of the peace and other
judicial officers were authorized to be ap
pointed in Oregon, with power to execute
all process issuing from the courts of that
province, and to "sit and hold courts of re
cord for the trial of criminal offences and
misdemeanors' not made the subject of
capital punishment, and also of civil cases,
where the cause of action shall not "ex
ceed in value the amount or sum of two
hundred pounds."
Subsequent to the date of this act of
Parliament, a grant was made from the
'British crown" to the Hudson's Bay
Company, of the exclusive trade with the
Indian tribes in the Oregon territory, sub
ject to a reservation that it shall not ope
rate to the exclusion "of the subjects of
any foreign States who, under or by force
of my convention for the time being, be
tween tis and such foreign Slates respec
tively, may be entitled to, and shall be en
gaged in, the said trade."
It i9 much to be regretted, that, while
tinder this act British subjects have en
joyed the protection of British laws and
British judicial tribunals throughout the
whole of Oregon, American citizens, in
the same territory, have enjoyed no such
protection from their government. At
the same time, the result illustrates the
character of our people and their institu
tions. In spite of this neglect, they have
multiplied, and their number is rapidly in
creasing in that territory. They have
made no appeal to arms, but have peace
fully fortified themselves in their new
homes, by the adoption of republican in
stitutions for themselves; furnishing ano
ther example of the truth that self-government
is inherent in the American breast,
and must prevail. It is due to them that
the)' should be embraced and protected by
our laws.
It is deemed important that our laws
regulating trade and intercourse with the
Indian tribes cast of the Kocky mountains,
should be extended to such tribes as dwell
beyond them.
The increasing emigration to Oregon,
and the care and protection which is due
from the government to its citizens in that
distant region, make it our duty, as it is
our interest, to cultivate amicable rela
tions with the Indian tribes of that terri
tory. For this purpose, I recommend
tnat provision be made lor establishing an
Indian agency, and such sub-agencies
may be deemed necessary, beyond die
0
liocky mountains.
For the protection of emigrants whilst
on their way to Oregon, against the at
tacks of the Indian tribes occupying the
country through which they pass, I re-
commend that a suitable number of stock
ades and block-house forts be erected a
long die usual route between our frontier
settlements on the Missouri and the Koc-
Ly mountains; and that an adequate force
of mounted riflemen be raised to guard
protect them on their journey. The im
mediate adoption of these recommenda
tions by Congress will not violate the
provisions of the existing treaty. It will
be doing nothing more for American citi
zens than British laws have long since
done for British subjects in the seme ter
ritory. It requires several months to perform
die voyage by sea from the Adantic States
to Oregon; and although we have a large
number of whale ships in the Pacific, but
few of them afford an opportunity of in
terchanging mtciligenc?, without grrrt de
ter,' between our srtilwnruts in that dis
tant region and the United States. An
overland mail is believed to be entirely
practicable; and the importance of such a
mail, at least once a month, is submitted
to the favorable consideration of Con
gress. It is submitted to the wisdom of Con
gress to determine whether, at the present
session, and until the expiration of the
year's notice, any other mearurcs may be
adopted, consistently with the convention
of 1827, for the security of our rights,
and the government and protection of bur
citizens in Oregon. That it will ultimate
ly be wise and proper to make liberal
grants of land to the patriotic pioneers,
who, amidst privations and dangers, lead
the way through savage tribes inhabiting
the vast wilderness intervening between
our frontier settlements and Oregon, and
who cultivate, and are ever ready to de
fend the soil, I am fully satisfied. To
doubt whether they will obtain such
grants a3 soon as the convention between
the United States and Breat Britain shall
have ceased to exist, would be to doubt
the justice of Congress; but, pending
the year's notice, it is worthy of conside
ration whether a stipulation to this eflect
may be made, consistently with the spirit
of that convention.
The recommendations which I have
made, as to the be3t manner of securing
our rights in Oregon, are submitted to
Congress with great deference. Should
they, in their wisdom, devise any other
mode better calculated to accomplish the
same object, it shall meet with my hear
ty concurrence.
At the end of the year's notice, we
shall have reached a period when the na
tional rights in Oregon must either be a
bandoned or firmly maintained. That
they cannot be abandoned wiUiouta sacri
fice of both national honor and interest,
is too clear to admit of doubt.
Oregon is a part of the North Ameri
can continent, to which it is confidently
affirmed, the title of the United States is
the best now in existence. For the
grounds on which that title rests, I refer
you to the correspondence of the late and
present Secretary of State with the Bri
tish plenipotentiary during the negotia
tion. The British proposition of com
promise, which would make the Colum
bia the line south of forty-nine degrees,
with a trifling addition of detached terri
tory to the United States, north of that
river, and would leave on the British side
two-thirds of the whole Oregon territory,
including the free navigation of the Co
lumbia and all the valuable harbors on the
Pacific, can never, for a moment, be en
tertained by the United States, without an
abandonment of their just an clear territo
rial rights, their own self-respect, and the
national honor. For the information of
Congress, I communicate herewith the
correspondence which took place between
the two governments during the late ne
gotiation. The rapid extension of our settlements
over our territories heretofore unoccupied;
the addition of new States to our confede
racy; the expansion of free principles,
and our rising greatness as a nation, are
attracting the attention of the Powers of
Europe; and lately the doctrine has been
broached in some of them, of a "balance
of power" on this continent, to check our
advancement. The United States, sin
cerely desirous of persevering relations
of good understanding with all nations,
cannot in silence permit any European in
terference on the North American conti
nent; an3 should any such interference
be attempted, will be ready to resist it at
and all hazards.
It is well known to the American peo
ple and to all nations, that this govern
ment has never interfered with the rela
tions of other governments. We have
never made ourselves parties to their wars
or their alliances; we have not sought
their territories by conquests; we have
not mingled with parties in their domes
tic struggles; and believing our own form
of government to be the best, we have ne
ver attempted to propagate it by intrigues,
by diplomacy, or by force. We may
claim on this continent a like exemption
from European interference. The na
tions of .America are equally sovereign
and independent with those of Europe.
They possess the same rights, indepen
dent of all foreign interposition, to make
war, to conclude peace, and to regulate
their internal affairs. The people of the
United States cannot, therefore, view with
indifference attempts of European pow
ers to interfere with the independent ac
tion of the nations on this continent.-
The American system of government is
entirely different from that Europe, lest
any one of them might become too pow
erful for the rest, has caused them an
xiously to desire the establishment of
what they term the "balance of power."
It cannot be permitted to have any appli
cation on the North American continent,
and especially to the United States. We
must ever maintain the principle, that the
people of this continent alone have the
right to decide their own destiny. Should
any portion of diem, constituting an inde
pendent state, propose to unite themselves
with a confederacy, this will be a question
for them and us to determine, without any
foreign interposition. We can never con
sent that European Powers shall interfere
to prevent such a union, because it might
disturb the "balance of power" which
they may desire to maintain upon this
continent Near a quarter of a century
ago, the principle was distinctly announ
ced to die world in the annual message of
one of my predecessors, that "the Ame
rican continents, by the free and indepen
dent condition which they have assumed
and maintain, are henceforth not to be
considered as subjects for future coloniza
tion by any European Power." This
principle will apply with gready increas
ed force, should any European power at-
; tempt to establish any new colony in
J North America. In the existing circum
; stances of the world, the present is deem
ed a proper occat-ioa to reiterate and re
affirm the principle avowed by Mr. Mon
roe, and to state my cordial concurrence
in its wisdom and sound policy. The re
assertion of this principle, especially in
reference to North America, is at this day
but the promulgation of a policy which
no European power should cherish the
disposition to resist. Existing rights of
every European nation should be respec
ted; but it is due alike to our safety and
our interests, that the efficient protection
of our laws should be extended over our
whole territorial limits, and that it should
be distinctly announced to the world as
our settled policy, that no future Europe
an colony or dominion shall, with our
consent, be planted or established on any
part of the North American continent.
A question lias recently arisen under
the tenth article of the subsisting treaty
between the United States and Prussia.
By this article the consuls of the two
countries have the right to sit as judges
and arbitrators "in such differences as may
arise between the captains and crews of
the vessels belonging to the nations whose
interest are committed to their charge,
without the interference of the local au
tho.ites, unless the conduct of the crews
or of the captain should disturb the order
or tranquility of the country; or the said
consuls should require their assistence to
cause their decisions to be carried into ef
fect or supported."
The Prussian consul at New Bedford,
in June, 1814, applied to Mr. Justice sto
ry to carry into effect a decision made be
tween the captain and crew of the Prus
sian ship Borussia; but the request was
refused on the ground that, without previ
ous legislation by Congress, the judiciary
did nof possess the power to give effect
to this article of the treaty. The Prus
sian government, through their minister
here, have complained of this violation of
the treaty, and have asked the govern
ment of -die United Stales to adopt the
necessary mcssures to prevent similar vi
olations hereafter. Good faith to Prussia,
as well as to other nations with whom
we have similar treaty stipulations, re
quires that these should be faithfully ob
served. I have deemed it proper, there
fore, to lay the subject before Congress,
and to recommend such legislation as
may be necessary to give effect to these
treaty obligations.
By virtue of an arrangement made be
tween the Spanish government and that of
the United States, in December, 1831, A
merican vessels, since the twenty-ninth
of April, 1832, have been admitted to en
try in the ports of Spain, including diose
of the Balearic and Canary islands, on
payment of the same tonnage duty of 5
cents per ton, as though they had been
Spanish vessels; and this, whether our
vessels arrive in Spain directly from the
United States, or indirectly from any oth
er country. When Congress, by the act
of the thirteenth of July, 1832, gave ef
fect to his arrangement between the two
governments, they confined the reduction
of tonnage duty merely to Spanish ves
sels "coming from a port in Spain," lea
ving the former discriminating duty to re
main against such vessels coming from a
port in any other country. It is mani
festly unjust that, .whilst American ves
sels, arriving in the ports of Spain, from
other countries, pay no more duty than
Spanish vessels, Spanish vessels arriving
in the Untied States from other countries
should be subjected to heavy discrimina
ting tonnage duties. This is neither e
quality nor rcciprociy, and is in violation
of the arrangement concluded in Decem
ber, 1831, between the two countries.
The Spanish government have made re
peated and earnest remonstrances against
this inequality, and the favorable attention
of Congress has been several times invo
ked to the subject by my predecessors. I
recommend, as an act of justice to Spain,
that this inequality be removed by Con-
gress, ana tnat tne discriminating uuues
which have been levied under the act of
the thirteenth of July, 1832, on Spanish
vessels coming to the United States from
any other country, be refundedt .This
recommendation does not embrace Spa
nish vessels arriving in the Uuited States
from Cuba and Porto Rico, which will'
still remain subject to the provisions ol
die act of June thirtieth, 1831, concern
ing the tonnage-dulv on such vessels. .
By the act of the fourteenth of July,
1S32, coffee was txempted from duty
altogether. This exemption was uni
versal, without reference to the country
where it was produced, or the national
character of the vessel in which it was
imported. By the tariff act of the thir
tieth of August, 1842, this exemption
from duty was restricted to coffee im
ported in American vessels from the
place of its production; whilst coffee im
ported under all other circumstances was
subjected to a duty of twenty percent.
ad valorem. Under this act, and our
existing treaty with the King of die
Netherlands, Java coffee imported from
die European ports of that kingdom
into the United States, whether in Dutch
or American vessels, now pays this rate
of duty. The government of the Neth
erlands complains that such a discrimi
nating duty should have been imposed
on coffee, the production ofomof'lts
colonies, and which is briefly brought
from Java to the ports of that kingdom,
and exported from thence to foreign
countries. Our trade with die Nether
lands is highly beneficial to both coun
tries, and our relations' with them have
evei been of the most friendly charac
ter, Under all circumstances of the
case, I recommend (that this discrimina
tion should be abolished, and that the
coffee of Java imported from the Neth
erlands be placed upon the same fooling
with that imported directly from Brazil
and other countries where it is produ
ced. Under the eighth section of the tariff
act of the thirteenth of August, 1842, a
duty of fifteen cents per gallon was im
posed on Port wine in casks; while, on
die red wjp.es of several other countries,
when imported in casks, a duty of only
six cents per gallon was imposed. This
discrimination, so far as regarded the
Port wine of Portugal, was deemed a
violation of our treaty with that Power,
which provides, that "No higher or oth
er duties shall be imposed on the impor
tation into the United States of America
of any article die growth, produce, or
manufacture of the kingdom and posses
sions of Portugal, than such as are or
shall be payable on the like article being
the growth, produce, or manufacture of
any other foreign country." According
ly, to give effect to the treaty, as well
as to the intention of Congress, express
ed in a proviso to the tariff act itself,that
nothing therein contained should be so
construed as to interfere with subsisting
treaties with foreign nations, a treasury
circular was issued on the sixteenth of
July, 1833, which, among other things,
declared die duty on the Port wine of
Portugal, in casks, under the existing
laws and treaty, to be six cents per gal
lon, and directed that the excess of du
ties which had been collected on such
wine should be refunded. By virtue of
another clause in the same section of the
act, it is provided that all imitations of
Port, or any other wines, "shall be sub
ject to the duty provided for the genuine
article."' Imitations of Port wine, the pro
duction of France, are imported to some
extent into the United Stales; and the
government of that country now claims
that, under a correct construction of the
act. these imitations ought not to pay a
higher duty than that imposed upon the
original Port wine of Portugal. It ap
pears tome to be unequal and unjust,
that French imitations of Port wine
should be subjected, to a duty of fifteen
cents, while the more valuable article
from Purtugal should pay a duty of six
cents only per gallon. I therefore rec
ommend to Congress such legislation as
may be necessary to correct the inequality-
,
T he last President, in his annual mes
sage of December last, recommended an
appropriation to satisfy the claims of the
Texan government against the United
States, which had been previously ad
justed, so far as the powers of the Exec
utive extend. These claims arose out
of the act of disarming a body of Texan
troops under the command of Major
Snively, by an officer in the service of
thw United Slates, acting under the or
ders of our government; and the forcible
entry into the custom honse at Baiarly's
landing, on Red river, by certain citi
zens of the United Stales, and taking a
way therefrom the goods seized by the
collector of the customs ts forfeited un
der the laws of Texas. This was a li
quidated debt, ascertained to be due to
Texas when an independent state. Her
acceptance of the terms of annexation
proposed by the United States does not
discharge or invalidate the cldm. I rec
ommend that provision be made for its
payment.
The commissioner appointed to China
during the special session of the
of the Senate in March last shortly af
terwards set out on his mission in the
United States ship Columbus. On ar
riving at Rio de Janeiro on his pas
sage, the state of his health had become
so critical, that, by the advice of his med
ical attendants, he returned to the United
Stales early in the month of October
last. Commodore Biddle, commanding
the East India squadron, proceeded on his
voyage in the Columbus, and was char
ged by the Commissioner with the duty
of exchanging with the proper authori
ties the ratifications of the treaty lately
concluded with the Emperor of China.
Since the return of the Commissioner to
the United States, his health has been
improved, and he entertains the confi
dent belief that he will soon be able to
proceed on his mission.
Unfortunately, differences continue to
exist among some of the nations of
South America, which, following our
example, have established their inde
penence, while in others internal dis
sensions prevail. Il is natural that our
sympathies should be warmly enlisted
for their welfare; that we should desire
that ill controversies between them
should be amicably adjusted, and their
governments administered in a manner
lo protect the rights, and promote the
prosperity of their people. In is con
trary, however, lo our settled policy, to
interfere in their controversies, whether
external or internal.
I have thus adverted to all the subjects
connected with our foreign relations, lo
which ldeem it necessary to call your
attention. Our policy is not only peace
with all, but good will towards all the
Powers of the earth. While we are
just to all, we require that all shall be
just to us. Excepting the differences
with Mexico and Great Britain, ourre
Ih lions with all civilized nations of the
most satisfactory character. It is hoped
that in this enlightened age, these differ
ences may be amicably adjusted.
The Secretary of the Treesury, in
his annual report to Congress, will com
municate a full statement of the condi
tion of our finances. The imports for
the fiscal year ending on the thirtieth of
June last, were of the value of one hun
dred and seventeen millions two hun
dred and fifty four thousand five hun
dred and sixty-four dollars, of which the
amount exported was fiftteen millions
three, hundred and forty-six thousand
eight hundred ond thirty dollars leav
ing a balance of one hundred one mil
lions nine hundred and seven thousand
seven hundred and thirly-four dollars for
domistic consumption. The exports for
the saae year were of the value of one
hundred and fourteen millions six hun
dred and forty-six thousand six hundred
and six dollars; of which, the atnouui
of domistic articles was ninety-nine
millions two hundred and ninety nine
thousand seven hundred and and seventy
six doliarf, The receipts into the trea
sury during the same year wexe twenty
: i
nine millions seven hundred and sixty--nine
thousand one hundred and thirty
three dollars and fifty-six cents.of which;
there were derived from customs, twenty-seven
thousand and twentyMwo dol
lars and thirty rents; and from incidental
and miscellaneous sources, one hundred
and stxty-three thousand nine hundred
and ninety-eight dollars and fifty-six
cents. The expenditures for ihe same
period were twenty-nine millions nine
hundred and sixty-eight thousand two
hundred and six dollars and ninety-eight
cents; of which, eight millions five hun
dred and eighty-eight thousand one hun
dred and fifty seven dollars and sixty
two cents were applied lo the payment
of the public debt. The balance in the
treasury on ihe first of July last, was
seven millions six hundred and fifty
eight thousand ihree hundred and six
dollars and twenty-two cents.
The amount of the public debt remai
ning unpaid on ihe first of October last,
was seventeen millions seventy - five
thousand four hundred and forty-five
dollara and fifty two cents. Further
payments of the public debt would have
been made, in anticipation of the period
of its reimbursement under the authority
conferred upon the Secretary of the
Treasury by the acts of July twenty-first,
1841, and of April fifteenth. 1842, and
March third, 1844, had not the unsettled
stale of car relations with Mexico me
naced hostile collision with that power.
In view of such a coniingency.it was
deemed prudent to retain in the treasury
any amount unusually large for ordinary
purposes.
A few yea-is ago, our whole national
debt growing out f the Revolution and
the war of 1812 with Great Britain was
extinguished, and wc presented to the
world the rare aud noble spectacle of a
great and growing people who had fully
discharged every obligation. Since thai
time, the existing debl has been contrac
ted; and small as it is, in comparison
with the similar burdens of most other
nations, il should be extinguished at the
earliest practicable period. Should tho
state of ihe country permit, and, espe
cially, if our foreign relations interpose
no obstacle, it is contemplated to apply
all the moneys, in the treasury as they
accrue beyond what is required for the
appropriations by Congress, to its liqui
dation. I cherish the hope of soon be
ing able to congratulate the country on
its recovering once more the lofty posi
tion which il so recently occupied. Our
country, which exhibits to the world the
benefits of self-government, in develop
ing all the sources of national prosperi
ty, owes to mankind the permanent ex
ample of a nation free from the blighting
influence of apublicdebt.
The attention of Congress is invited
to the importance of making suitable
modifications and reductions of the rates
of duty imposed by our present tariff
laws. The ohjeet of imposing duties on
imports should he to raise revenue to
pay the neeesaary expenses of govern
ment. Congress may, undoubtedly, in
the exercise of a sound discretion, dis
criminate in arranging the rates of duly
on different articles; but ihe discrimina
tion! should be within the revenue stand
ard, and be made with the view to raise
money for the support of government.
Il becomes important to understand
dislinctly what is meant by a revenue
standard, the maximum of which should
nol be exceeded in the rales of duty im
posed. It is conceded, and experience
proves, lhat duties may be laid to high
as lo diminish, or prohibit altogether,
the importation of any given article, and
thereby lessen or destroy the revenue
which, at lower rales, would be derived
from its importation. Such duties ex
ceed the revenue rates, and are not im
posed to raise money for the support of
government. If Congress levy a duly
for revenue, of one per cent, on a given
article it will produce a given amount of
money to the treasury, and will inciden
tally and necessarily afford protection,
or advantage, to the amount of one per
cent, to the home manufacturer of a sim
ilar or like article over the importer.
Ifihedutybe raised lo ten per cent, it
will produce a greater amount of money,
and afford greater protection. If it be
still raised to twenty, twenty-five, or
thirty per cent, and if, as il is raised,
the revenue derived from it is found to
be increased, the protection or advan
tage will also be increased; but if it
be raised to thirtysone per cent, that
the revenue produced at that rate is less
than at thirty per cent, it ceases to be a
rsvenuc duty. The precise point in the
ascending scale of duties at which it is
ascertained from experience that the rev
enue is greater, is the maximum rate of
duly which cBn be laid for ihe bona
fide purposes of collecting money for
the support of government. To raise
ihe duties higher than lhat point, and
thereby diminish the amount collected,
is to levy them for protection merely,
and not for revenue. As long, then, as
Congress may gradually increase die
rate of duty on a given article, and the
revenue is increased by such increase of
duty, they are within the revenue stand
ard. When they go beyond that point,
and. as they increase the duties, the
revenue is diminished or destroyed, the
act ceases to have for its object the reis
ing of money to support government,
bui it is for protection merely.
It does not follow that Congress should
levy the highest duty on all articles of im
port which they will bear within the
revenue standard; for such rates would
probably produce a much larger amount
than the economical administration of
the government would require. Nor does
it follow that the duties on all articles
should be at the same, or a horizontal
rate. Some articles will bear a much
higher revenue dntv than oiheru. Below
.i, r .V i i
me Mia a iiiiiMii u i me revenue eiaiiuiu i
may and ought to discriminate in the j
rates imposed, taking care to to adjuet
them on different articles as to produce
in tec aggregate the amount which, when
added to thv proceeds 0f ,aIes of public
lands, may be needed lo pay lhe cco
nomical expenses of the gvernnnt.
In levying a tariff of dmica. Cj,greaa
exercise the taxing power, ana fi..
poses of revenue may select the o'tjcci
of luxation. They may exempt certain
snides xltogether, and permit their im
portation free of duty. On others thev
may impose low duties. In these classes
should be embraced such articles of ne
cessity as arw in general use, and espe
cially such as are consumed dy die labo
rer and lhe poor, as well as by lhe weal
thy citizen. Care should be. taken lhat.
all the great interests of lhe country, in
cluding manufactures, agriculture, com-,
mcrce, navigation, and the mechauic arts,
should, as far as may be practicable, de
rive equal advantages from the incidental
protection which a just system of reve
nue duties may afford. Taxation direct
er indirect, is a burden, and it should be
so imposed as to operate as equally as
may be, on all classes, in the proportion
of their ability to bear it. To make the
taxing power an actual benefit to one
class, necessarily increases the burden
of the other beyand their proportion,
and would be manifestly unjust The
terms 'protection to domestic industry .
are of popular import; but they should
apply under a just system to all the va
rious branches of industry in our coun
try. The farmer or planter who toils
yearly in his fields, is engaged in "do
mestic industry," and is as much enti
tled to have his labor "protected," as the
manufacturer, the man of commerce, the
navigator, or the mechanic, who are en
gaged also in "domestic industry," in
their different pursuits. The joint la
bors of all these classes constitute t!ia
aggregate of the "domestic industry" of
the nation, and they are equally entitled
to the nation's "protection." No one
of them can justly, elaim to be exclusive
recipients of "protection," which cart
only be afforded by increasing burdens
on lhe "domestic indasiry" of the oth
ers. If these views be correct, it remains
to inquire how far the tariff act of 1842
is consistent with them. That many of
lhe provisions of thai act are in violation
of iliejcardinal principles here laid down,
all must concede. Tho rates of duty
imposed by it on some articles are pro
hibitory, and on others so high as greatly
to diminish importations; and to produce
a less amount of rovenue that would be
derived from lower rates. They oper
ate as "protection merely'to one branch
of "domestic industry," by taxing other
branches.
By the introduction of rainimnms, or
assumed and false values, and by the
imposition of specific duties, the injus
tice and inequality of the act of 134?, in
its practical operations on different class
es and pursuits; are seen and felt. Many
of the oppressive duties imposed by it
under lhe operation of these principle?,
range from one per cent, to more than
two hundred per cent. 1 hey are pro
hibitory on scmo articles, and partially
so on others, and bear most heavily on
articlet of common necessity, and but
lightly on articles of luxury. It is to
framed that much the greatest burden
which it imposes is thrown on labor and
the poorer classes who are least able to
bear it, while it protects capital and ex
empts the rich from paying their just
proportion of the taxation required for
lhe support of governmet. While it
protects the' capital of the wealthy man
ufacturer, and his profits, it doea not
benifit the operative or laborer in his
employment, whose wages have not been
increased by it. Articles of prime ne
cessity or of coarse quality and low
price, used by the masses of the people,
are, in many instances, subjected by it to
heavy taxes, while articles of finer qual
ity and higher price, or of luxury, which
can be used only by the opulent, are
lightly taxed. It imposes heavy and un
just burdens on the farmer, the planter,
the Commercial man, and those of all
other pursuits except the capitalist who
has made his investments in raanu far-
lures.
All the creat interests of tho
country are not, as nearly as may be
practicable, equally protected by it.
The government in theory knows no
distinction of persons or classes, and
should not bestow upon some favors and
priviliges which all others may not en
joy. It was the purpose of its illustri
ous founders lo base the institution
which they reared upon the great and
unchanging principles of justice and e
quily, conscious that if administered in
the spirit in which they were conceived,
they would be felt only by the benefits
which they diffused, and would secure
for themselves a defence in the hearts of
the people, more powerfully than standing
armies, and all die means and appliances
invented to sustain governments founded
in injustice and oppression.
The well-known fact lhat the tariff
act of 1842 was passed by a majority of
one vote in the the Senate, and two in
the House of Representatives, and that
some of those who felt themselves con
strained, under the peculiar circumstan
ces existing at the time, to vote in
its favor, proclaimed its defects, and ex
pressed ihetr determination lo aid in its
modification on the first opportunity, af
fords strong and conclusive evidence
that it was not intended to be permanent,
and of the expediency and necessity of
its thorough revision.
Ii recommending lo Congress a reduc
tion of the present rates of duty, and
a revision and modification of the act of
1842, I am far from entertaining opin
ions unfriendly to the manufacturers.
On tlie contrary, I desire to see them
prosperous, as far as they can be sa,
without imposing pnenuul burdent en
t mVir lnlrrrcli.
The advantage under
indirect taxation, even
anv system of
within the revenue standard, must be in