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IF
AND FAEMEE, AND MECHANICS' " B.EG-ISTEE.
PRINTED AND PUBLISHED WEEKLY BY JONATHAN BOW, SOMERSET, SOMERSET COUNTY, PA.
New Series.
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 9, 1845
Vol. 4.-No. 4.
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S f 6) Jj
lm
Onondaga Salt. -The quantity of O
nomlaga salt made last year at the State
Salines (New York) was-3, 127,500 bu
shels. lr. Spencer the late Superinten
dent of the Salines, expresses the opinion
that he can mrke salt at Saltville (Va.)
Springs at a cost not exceeding five cents
per bushel, and that he ?an make coarse
salt, similar to Turks Island, for a cost
little exceeding that price.
MESSAGE
OF THE
president of tljc 11. States.
DECEMBER, 184 5.
feUoiD-cilizens of the Senate and
House of Representatives :
It is to rae a source of unaflccted satis
faction to meet the Representatives of the
States and the people in Congress assem
bled, as it will be to receive the aid of
their combined wisdom in the administra
tion of the public affairs. In performing,
for the first time, the duty imposed on me
by the constitution, of giving to you in
formation of die state of the Union, and
recommending to your consideration such
measures as in my judgment are necessary
and expedient, I am happy that I can
congratulate you on the continued pros
perity of our country. Under the bles
sings of Divine Providence and the be
nign influence of our free institutions, it
stands before the world a spectacle of na
tional happiness.
Willi our unexampled advancement in
all the elements of national greatness, the
affection of the people is" confirmed for
the Union of the States, and for the doc
trines of popular liberty, which lie at the
foundation of our government.
It becomes us, in humility, to make our
devout acknowledgments to the Supreme
Ruler of the Universe, for the inestima
ble civil and religious blessings with which
we are favored.
In calling the attention of Congress to
our relations wi-h foreign Powers, I am
gratified to be able to . state, that, 'though
with some of them there have existed
since your last session scriov.3 causes of
irritation and misunderstanding, yet no ac
tual lu-Htilites have taken place. Adopt
ing the maxim in the condnct of our for
eign alTairs, to "ask nothing that is not
right, and submit to nothing that is wrong,"
it has been my anxious desire to preserve
peace with all nations; but, at the same
time, to be prepared to resist aggression,
and to maintain our just rights.
In pursuance of the joint resolution of
Congress, "for annexing Texas to the U
niteu States," my predecessor, on the
third day of March, 1815, elected to sub
mit the first and second sections of that
' - resolution to the republic of Texas, as an
overture, on the part of the United States,
for her admission as a State into our U
nion. This election' I approved, and ac
cordingly the charge d'affairs of the Uni
ted States in Texas, under instructions of
the 10th of March, 1815, presented these
sections of the resolution for the accep
tance of that republic. The executive
government, the Congress, and the people
of Texas in Convention, have successive
ly complied with all the terms and condi
tions of the joint resolution. A constitu
tion for the government of the State of
Texas, formed by a convention of depu
ties, is herewith laid before Congress. It
is well known, also, that the people of
Texas at the polls have accepted the terms
of annexation and ratified the constitu
tion. I communicate to Congress the corres
pondence between the Secretary of State
and our charge d'affairs in Texas; and al
so the correspondence of the latter with
the authorities of Texas; together with
the official documents transmitted by him
to his own government.
The terms of annexation which were
oflered by the United States having been
accepted by Texas, the public faith of
both parties is solemnly pledged to the
compact of their union. Nothing remains
to consummate the event, but the passage
of an act by Congress to admit -the State
of Texas into the Union upon an equal
footing with the original States Strong
reasons exist why this should be done at
an early period of the session. It will
be observed that, by the constitution of
Texas, the existing government is only
- combined temporarily till Congress can
act; and that the third Monday of the
present month is the day apyointed for
holding the first general election. On
that day a governor, lieutenant governor,
and both branches of the legislature, will
be chosen by the people. The President
of Texas is required, immediately after
the receiptof the official information that
the new State has been admitted into our
Union by congress, to convene the Legis
lature; and, upon its meeting, the existing
government will be superceded, and the
State government organized. Questions
de?ply interesting to Texas, in common
wi;h the other States; the extension of our
revenue laws and judicial system over her
people and territory, as well as measures
of a local character, will claim the early
'attention of. Congress; and, therefore, up
on every principle of republican govern
ment, she ought to be represented in that
body without unnecessary delay. 1 can- !
not too earnestly recommend prompt ac- !
tion on this important snbject.
As soon as the act to admit Texas as a
State shall be passed, the union of the
two republics will be consummated by
their own voluntary consent.
This accession to our territory has been
a bloodless achivement. No arm of force
has been raised to produce the result.
The sword has had uo part in the victo
ry. We have not sought to extend our
territorial possessions by conquest, or our
republican institutions over a reluctant peo
ple. It was the deliberate homage of
each people to the preat principle of our
federative union. ,
If we consider the extent of territory
involved in the annexation its prospec
tive influence on America the means by
which it has been accomplished, spring
ing purely from the choice of the people
themselves to share the blessings of our
union, the history of the world may be
challenged to furnish a parallel.
The jurisdicticn of the United States,
which at the formation of the federal con
stitution was bounded by the St. Mary's,
on the Atlantic, has passed the Capes of
Florida, and been peacefully extended to
the Del Norte. In contemplating the gran
deur of this event, it is not to be forgotten
that the result was achieved in despite of
the diplomatic interference of European
monarchies. Even France the country
which had been our ancient ally the
country which has a common interest with
us in maintaining the freedom of the seas
the country which, by the cession of
Louisiana, first opened to us access to the
Gulf of Mexico the country with which
we have been every year drawing more
and more closely the bonds of successful
commerce most unexpectedly, and to
our unfeigned regret, took part in an ef
fort to prevent annexation, and to impose
ou Texas, as a condition of the recogni
tion of her independence by Mexico, that
she never would join herself to the Uni
ted States. We may rejoice that the
tranquil and pervading influence of the A
merican principle of self-government was
sufficient te defeat the purpose of British
and French interference, and that the al
most unanimous voice of the people of
Texas has given to that interference a
peaceful and effective rebuke. From this
example, European governments may
learn how vain diplomatic arts and in
trigues must ever prove upon this conti
nent, against that system of self-government
which saems natural to our soil, and
which will ever resist Foreign interfe
rence. Towards Texas, I do not- doubi that a
liberal and generous spirit will actuate
Congress in all that concents her interests
and prosperity, and that she will never
have cause to regret that she has united
her lone star" to that glorious constella
tion. I regret to inform you that our rela
tions with Mexico, since your last session,
have not been of the amicable character
which it is our desire to cultivate with all
foreign nations. On the sixth day of
March last, the Mexican envoy extraordi
nary and minister plenipotentiary to the
United States made a formal protest, in
the name of his government, against the
joint resolution passed by Congress, "for
the annexation of Texas to the United
States," which he chose to regard as a
violation of the rights of Mexico, and, in
consequense of it, he demanded his pass
ports. He was informed that the gov
ernment of the United Slates did not con
sider this joint resolution as a violation
of any of the rights of Mexico, or that
it. afforded any just cause of offence to
his government; that the republic of Tex
as was an independent Power, owing no
allegiance to Mexico, and constituting no
part of her territory or rightful sovereign
ty and jurisdiction, He was also assured
that it was the sincere desire of this go
vernment to maintain with that of Mexico
relations of peace and . good understan
ding. That functionary, however, not
withstanding these representations and as
surances, abruptly terminated his mis
sion, and shortly afterwards left the coun
try. Our Envoy Extrordinary and Min
istcr Plenipotentiary to Mexico was re
fused all official intercourse with that go
vernment, and, after remaining several
months, by the permiseion of his own go
vernment, he returned to the U. States.
Thus, by the acts of Mexico, all diploma
tic intercourse between the two countries
was suspended.
Since that time Mexico has, until re
cently, occupied an attitude of hostility
towards the United Stateshas been mar
shalling and organizing armies, issuing
proclamations, and avowing the intention
to make war on the United States, either
by an open declaration, or by invading
Texas. Both the Congress and Conven
tion of the people of Texas invited this
Government to send an army into that
territory, to protect and defend them a
gainst the menaced attack. The moment
the terms of annexation, offered by the
United States, were accepted by Texas,
the latter became so far a part of our own
country, as to make it our duty to afford
such protection and defence, , I therefore
deemed it proper, as a pecautjonary mea
sure, to order a strong squadron to the
coasts of Mexico, and to concentrate an
efficient military force on the western
frontier of Texas. Our army was order
dered to take position in the country be
tween the Nueces and the Del Norte, and
to repel any invasion of the Texan ter
ritory which might be attempted by the
Mexican forces, Our squadron in the
gulf was ordered to ce-operate with the
army. But though our army and navy
were placed in a position to defend our
own, and the rights of Texas, they were
ordered to commit no act of hostility a
gainst Mexico, unless she declared war,
or was herself the aggressor by striking
the first blow. The result has been, that
Mexico has made no a ggressive move
ment, and our military and naval com
manders have executed their orders with
such discretion, that the peace of the two
republics has not been disturbed.
Texas had declared her independence,
and maintained it by her arms for more
than nine years. She has had an organ
ized government in successful operation
during that period. Her seperate exis
tence, ai an independent State, had been
recognized by the United States and the
principal Powers of Europe. Treaties
of commerce and navigation had been
concluded with her by different nations,
and it had become manifest to the whole
world that my further attempt on the
part of Mexico to conquer her, or aver
throw her government, would be vain.
Even Mexico herself had become satis
fied of this fact; and whilst the question
of annexation was pending before the
people of Texas, during the past sum
mer, the government of Mexico by a for
mal act, agreed to recognise the indepen
dence of Texas on condition that she
would not annex herself to any other
Power, The agreement to acknowledge
the independence of Texas, whether
with or without this condition, is conclu
sive against Mexico. The independence of
Texas is a fact conceded by Mexico her
self, and she had no right or authority to
prescribe restrictions as to the form pf
government which Texas might after
ward, choose to assnme.
But though Mexico cannot complain
of the United States on account of the
annexation of Texas, it is to be regreted
that serious causes of misunderstanding
between the twe countries continue to
exist, growing out of unredressed inju
ries inflicted by the Mexican authorities
and people en the persons and property
of citizens of the United States, through
a long series of years. Mexico has ad
mitted these injuries, but has neglected
End refused to repair them. Such was
the character of the wrongs, and such
the insults repeatedly offered to American
citizens ajid the American flag by Mexi
co, in palpable violation of the laws of na
tions and the treaty between the two
countries of the fifth of April, 1831, that
they have been repeatedly brought to the
notice of Congress by my predecessors.
As early as the eigth of February, 1837,
the President of the United Sutes de
clared, in a message to Congress, that
"the length of time since some of the in
juries have been committed, the repeat
ed and unavailing applications for re
dress, the wanton character of some of
the outrages uponlhe persons and prop
erty of our citizencs, upon the officers
and flag of the United States, independ
ent of recent insults to this government
ane! people by the late Extraordinary
Mexican minister, would jusiiry in the
eyes of all nations immediate war." He
did not, however, recommend an imme
diate resort to this extreme measure,
which, he declared, "should not be used
by just and generous nations, codfiding
in their strength for injuries committed,
if It can be honorably avoided;" but, in
a spirit of forbearance, proposed that an
other demand be made on Mexico for
that redress which had been so long and
unjustly withheld. In these views,
committees of the two Hosse of Con
gress, in reports made to their respect
ive bodies, concurred. Since these pro
ceedings more than eight years elapsed,
during which, in addition to the wrongs
then complained of, others of an aggra
vated character have been committed on
the persons and property of our citizens.
A special agent was sent to Mexico in
the summer of 1838, with full authority
to make another and a final demand for
redress . The demand was made; the
Mexican government promised to repair
the wrongs of w ich we complained; and
after much delay, a treaty of indemnity
with that view was concluded between
the Powers on the eleventh of April,
1339, and was duly ratified by both gov
ernments. By this treaty a joint com
mission was created to adjudicate and
decide on the claims of American citi
zens on the government of Mexico. The
commission was organized at Washing
ton on the twenty-fifth day of August,
1840. Their time was limited to eigh
teen months; at the expiration of which,
they had adjudicated and decided claim
araonnting to two millions twenty-six
thousand one hundred and thirty nine
dollars and sixty-eight cents in farar of
citizens of the United States against the
Mexican government, leaving a large
amount of claims undeeided. eOf the
latter, the American commissioners had
decided in favor of our citizens, claims
amounting to nine hundred and twenty
eight thousand six hundred and twenty
seven dollars and eighty-eight cents,
which were left unacted en by the um
pire authorized by the treaty. Still fur
ther claims, amounting to between three
and four millions of dallars, were sub
milted to the board too late to be consid
ered, and were left undisposed of. The
sum of two millions twenty-six thousand
one hundred and thirty nine dollars and
sixty eight cents, decided by the board,
was a liquidated and ascertained debt due
by Mexico to the. claimants, and there
was no justifiable reason for delaying its
payment according to terms of the treaty.
It was not, however, paid. Mexico ap
plied for fnrther iudulgence; and, in that
spirit of liberality and forbearance which
has ever marked the policy of the United
Slates towards that republic, the requst
was granted; and, on the thirtieth of Jan-
ury, 1 843, a new treaty was concluded
Bv this treaty it was provided, that the
interest due on the awards in favor of
claiments tinder the convention of the
eleventh of April, 1839, should be paid
on the thirtieth of April, 1813; and that
"the principal of the said awards, and
the interest arising thereon, shall be
paid in five years, in equal instalments
every three menths; the said term of five
years to commeuce on the thirtieth day
of April, 18-13, and the three first of the
twenty instalments, have been paid.
Seventeen of these instalments remain
unpaid, seven of which are now due.
The claims which were left undecided
by the joint commission, amouniing to
more than three millions of dollars, to
gether with other claims for spoliations
on the property of ourcitizeris, were sub
sequently presented to the Mexican gov
ernment for payment, and were so far
recoinised, that a treaty, providing for
their examination and settlement by a
joint commission, was concluded and
signed at Mexico on the tweutielh day
of November, 18 13 This treaty was
ratified by the United States, with cer
tain amendments, to which no just ex
ception could have been taken; but it has
not vet received the ratification of the
Mexican government. In the meantime
our citizens who suffered great losses,
and some of whom have been reduced
from affluence to bakruptcy, are without
remedy, unless their rights be enfocred
by their government. Such a continued
and nnprovoked series of wrongs could
never have been tolerated by the United
States, had they been committed by one
of the pcincipal nations of Eerope. Mex
ico was, however, a neighboring sister
republic, which, following our exam
ple, has achieved her independence, and
for whose success and prosperity all our
sympathies were early enlisted. The
United States were the first to recognise
her independence, and to receive her in
to the f.-.mily of nations, and have ever
been desirious of cultivating with her a
good undemanding We have therefore
borne the repeaded wrongs she has com
mitted, with great patience in the hope
that a returning senseof justice wauld ul
timately guide her councils, and that we
might, possible, honorably avoide
any hostile collision with her.
Without the previous authority of
Congress, the Executive possessed no
power to adopt or enforce adequate rem
edies for the injuries we had suffered,
or to do more than be prepared to repel
the threatened aggression on the part of
Mexico. After our army and navy had
remained on the frontier and coasts of
Mexico fer many weeks, without any
hostile movement on her part, though
her menaces were continued, I deemed
it important to put an end, if possible, to
this state of things. With this view, I
caused steps to be taken, in the month of
September last, to ascertain distinctly,
and in an authentic form, what the de
signs of the Mexican government were;
whether it was their intention to declare
war, or invade Texas, or whether they
were disposed to adjust and settle, in at;
amicable manner, the pending differen
ces between the two countries. On the
ninth of November an "official answer
was received, that the Mexiean govern
ment consented to renew the diplomatic
relations which had been suspended in
March last, and for that purpose were
willing to accredit a minister from the
United States. -With a sincere dessire to
preserve peace, and restore relatious of
good understanding between the two re
publics, I waived all ceremony as to the
manner of renewing diplomatic inter
course between them; and assuming he
initiative, on the tenth of November a
distinguished citizen of Louisiana was
appointed Envoy Extraordinary and Min
ister Plenipotentiary to Mexico, clothed
with full powers to adjust, and definitive
ly settle, all pending differences, between
the two countries, including those of
boundary between Mexico and the State
of Texas. The minister appointed has
set out on his mission, and is probably
by this time near the Mexican capital.
He has been instructed to bring the ne
gotiation with which he is charged to
a conclusion at the earliest practicable
period; which, it is expected, will be in
time to enable me to communicate the
result to Congress during the present
session. Until that result is known, I
forbear to. recommend to. Congress such
ulterior measures of redress for the
wrongs and injuries we havo so long
borne, as it would have been proper to
make had no such negotiation been in
stituted. Congress aDpropriated, at the last ses
sion, the sum of two hundred and seventy-five
thousand dollars for the payment
of the April and July instalments of the
Mexican indemnities for the year 1844;
"Provided it shall be ascertained to the
satisfaction of the American government
that said instalments have been paid by
the Mexican government to the agent
appointed by the United States to recive
the same, in such manner as to discharge
all claim on the Mexican .government,
and said agent tu be delinquent in re
mitting the money to the United States."
The unsettled state of our relations
with Mexieo has invoved this subject
in much mystery. The first mformaiion
in an authentic form from the agent of
the United States, appointed nnder the
administration of my predecessor, was J
received at the State Deparimeet on the
ninth of November last. This is con
tained in a letter, dated the seventeenth
of October, addressed by him to one of
our chrzens then in Mexico, with
the view of having it commuHicated to
that department. From this it appears
that the agent, on the twentieth of Sep
tember, 1814, gave a receipt to the treas-,
ury of Mexico for the amount of the
April and July instalments of the indem
nity. In the same communication,
however, he asserts that he had not re
ceived a single dollar cash; but that he
holds such securities as warranted him
at the lime in giving the receipt, and "en
tertains no doubt but that he will eventu
ally obtain the money. As these instal
ments appear never to have been actual
ly paid by the government of Mexico to
the agent, as that government has not
therefore been released so as to discharge
the claim, I do not feel myself warranted
in directing payment to be mado to the
claimants out of the treasury, without
further legislation. Their case is, un
doubtedly, one of much hardship; and
it remains for Congress to decide wheth
ca any, and what, relief ought to be grant
ed lo them. Our minister to Mexico
has beeu instructed to ascertain the facts
of the case from the Mexican government
in an authentic and official form, and
report the result with as Utile delay as
possible.
Mr attention was early directed to the
negotiation, which on the fourth of
March last, I found pending at Washing
ton between the United States and Great
Britain, on the subject of the Oregon
territory. Three several attempts had
been previously made to settle the ques
tion in dispute between the two countries
by negotiation, upon the principle of
compromise; tut each had proved un
successful. These negotiations took place at Lon
don, in the years 1818, 1824, and 1826,
the two first under the administration of
Mr Monroe, and the last under that of
Mr. Adams, The negotiation of 1818
having failed to accomplish its ohject,
resultfd in the convention of the twenti
eth of October of that year, By the
third article of that convention, it was
"agreed, that any country that maybe
claimed by either party on the northwest
coast of America, westward of the Sto
ny mountains, shall, together with its
harbors, bars, and creeks, and the navi
gation of all rivers within the same, be
free and open for the term of ten years
from the date of the signature of the
present convention, to the vessels, citi
zens, and subjects of the two Powers; it
being well understood that this agree
ment is not to be construed to the preju
dice of any claim which either of the
two high contracting parties may have
to any part of the said country, nor
shall it be taken to affect the claims of
any other Power or State to any part of
the said country; the only object of the
high-contracting parties in that respect
being, to prevent disputes and differen
ces among themselves."
The negotiation of 1824 was produc
tive of no result, and the convention of
1818 was left unchanged.
The negotiation of 182G, having also
failed to effect an adjustment by com
promise resultfd in the convention of
August the sixth, 1827, by which it was
agreed to continue in force, for an indefi
nite period, the provisions of the third
article of the convention of the twenti
eth of October, 1818; snd it was further
provided, that "it shall be competent,
however, to either of the contracting
parties, in case cither should think fit,
at any lime after the twentieth of Octo
ber, 1828, on giving due notice of tweTve
months to the other contracting party, to
annual and abrogate this convention; and
it shall, in such case, be accordingly en
tirely, annulled & abrogated after the ex
piration of the said term of noire.
In these attempts to adjust the contro
versy, the parallel of the forty-ninth de
gree of north latitude had been offered
by the United States to Great Brnian,
and in those ef 1818 and 1S26, with a
fnrther concession of the free navigation
of the Columbia river seuth of that lati
tude. ' The parallel of the forty-ninth
degree from the Rocky mountains to its
intersection with the fiortueaatcinniost
branch of the Columbia, and ihenco
down the channel of that river to the sea,
had been offered by Great Britain, with
an addition of a small detached territorv
north of the Columbia. Each of these
propositions had been rejected by. iho
parties respectively.
In October, 1843, the Envoy Extra
ordinary anJ Minister Plenopotentiary
of the United States in London was au
thorized to make a similar offer to thosa
in ISIS and 1S20. Thus stood the
question, when the negotiation was
shortly afterwards transferred to Wash
ington; and on the thirty-third of August,
1844, was formally opened, under the
direction of my immediate predecessor.
Like all the previous negotiations, it
was based upon principles of "corupro
mise," and the avowed purpose of the
parties was, "to treat of the respective
claims of the two countries to the Ore
gon territory, with the view to establish
a permanent boundary between them
westward of the Kocky mountains to-the
Pacific ocean." Accordingly, on the
twenty-sixth of August, 1S44, the Brit
ish plenipotentiary offered to divide tho
Oregon territory by the forty-ninth par
alel of north latitude, from the Kocky
mountains-to the point of its intersection;
with the northea3ternmost branch of the
Columbia river, and thence down that
river to the sea; leaving the free naviga
tion of the river to be enjoyed in com
mon by both parties the country south
of this line to belong to the United
States, and that north of it to Great Bri
tain. At the same time, he proposed in
addition, to yield to the United States a
detached' territory, north of the Colum
bia, extending to the Pacific & the Straits
of Fuca, from Bulfinch's harbor inclu
sive, to Hood's canal, and to make free
to the United States any port or ports
south of latitude forty-nine degrees,
which they might desire, either on tho
main land, or on Quadra and Vancou
ver's island. With the exception of the
free ports, this was the same offer which
had been made by the British, and rejec
ted by the American government in the
negotiation of 1826. This proposition
was properly rejected by the American
plenipotentiary on the day it was sub
milted.' This was the only proposition
of compromise offered by the British
plenipotentiary. The proposition on tho
part of Great Britain having been reject
ed, the British plenipotentiary requested
thai a proposal should be made by the U
nited Stales for "an equitable adjustment
of the question.
When I came into office, I found this
to be state of the negotiation. Though
entertaining the settled conviction, that
the British pretensions of Ut!c could not
be maintained to any portion of the Or
egon territory upon any principle of pub
lic law recognized by nations, yet in de
ference to what had been done by my
predecessors, and especially in consider
ation that propositions of compromise
had been thrice made by two proceeding
administrations, to adjust the question
on the parallel of forty-nine degrees,
and in two of them yielding to Great
Britain the free navigation of the Co
lumbia, and that the pending negotiation
had been commenced on the bas3 of
compromise, I deemed it to be my duty
not abruptly to break it off. In consid
eration, too, that under the conventions
of 1818 'and 1827, the citizens of sub
jects of the two Powfrs. helJ a joint oc
cupancy of thejeountry, I was induced
to make anothar effort to settle this long"
pending enntroversy in the spirit of mod
eration which had given birth lo the re
newed discussion. A proposition was
accordingly made, which was rejected by
the British plenipotentiary, who, without
submitting any other proposition, suffer
ed the negotiation on his part to drop.ex--pressing
his trust that the United Slate
would offer what he saw fit to callsome
further'proposal for the settlement of the
Oregon question, more consistent with
fairness and equity, and with the rea
sonable expectations of the British gov
ernment.' The proposition thus offer
ed and rejected 'repeated the offer of the
the parallel of forty-nine degrees of north
latitude, which had been made by two
prcceeding administrations, but without
proposing to surrender to Great Britiain,
as they had done, ihe free navigation of
the Columbia river. The right of any
foreign Power, to the free navigation of
any of our rivers, through thc-hea-rtof
our country, was one which I was unwil
ling to concede. It also embraced a pro
vision to make free to Great Britain
any port or ports on the cape of Quadra
and Vancouver's island, south of this par
allel. Had this been a new question,
under discussion for the first time, this
proposition would not have been made.
The extraordinary and wholly inadmis
sible demaods of the British government,
and the rejection of the preposition made
in deference alone to what had been done
by my predecaesors, and the implied ob
liFai"inn which iheir acts seemed to im-,
j pose, afford satisfactory evidence that no
'compromise hich the United State",
ought to accept, can be effected. v.'itl
thii conviction, the proposition of com--promise
which had been maVe and rejec-'
ted, was by my direction, sequently:
wiihdrawn, and our tit'e lo the whole f
Oregon territory a?f-extc, aru a is bev.