I
%l)z cite.
PHIL A I) E LP HI A,
JfrSUDAY v.VbwlNt>, APRIL tl.
Mr. PITT's SPEECH,
(>fi THF.
-Vino y WITH IREL AND.
COKttNVED,
HOUSE of COMMONS,
yjyujitr 31, 1799.
next consideration" is the internal
fitnation of Ireland. While Ireland con
tinues disjoined, any attempt to provide 3
salutary cu:e for her internal divisions, or
to allay the animosities which arise out of
her religious differences, will be impraftica
ble. It must ever be a question of the grea
tefl difficulty to fay what (hall be the rights
of the Catholic?, or what securities are ne-
for the Protestants ?• When question*
of this nature have been agitated in tUis
house by thnfe wVo pretend a regard for the
privileges of the Catholics, it ever was my
opinion that tbefe questions were dircft at
tacks on the independence of the Irish par
liament, and assuming by unfarpation what
could 01.ly be obtained by compaft. But
while I disclaim *1 interference of this kind,
it is impossible to remain blind to what is
paffitig around. I must repeat that the oc
currences which have taken place in Ireland
have unhappily taaght the enemy where our
wca ness lies. Outrage and cruelties have
been complained of, but the lamentable yet
necessary feveritics were the tffefls of the
treafonsby which the connexion was assailed, ;
and »f the rcfiftanee opposed to the unwea- j
attempts t« overturn the established |
conftiuition. Whoever looks at the k&s I
into which the population is divided, the re- !
mains of the hoftili'y between the English '
fettlen; and .he native inhabitants, togetheg
with the unfortunate want of civilization,
more conspicuous that in mod parts of Eu
rope, the prevalence of jacobin principles
among the very lowed cl lies of the people,
mull be sensible tf the disastrous state iu
which Ireland has been placed The truth
of this delineation will not be disputed by
gentleman on the other fide. For these evils
tbeie i# no remedy but an imperial legisla
tion, aloof fr.m the prejudices, uninflamed
by the pa (lionß. and uninfluenced by the
jealousies to which a local legiflatu e must be
liable. Did I feel niyfelf called upon not
only in the regard vshLh I must feel, and
the care which duty imposes upon me for
the interest of the whole empire,the separate
yiew of the benefits which Ireland separate
ly must derive from the measure, is fufficient
to move it to consider it with wi'ling atten
tion. True Englishmen and true Irilhmen,
however ought to feel the fame fentia.ents.
—To allay the evils of the present fituaiion
of Ireland, to make way for a better system,
to provide a remedy for those evils which
are deeply rooted in the state of society, and
the diftribuiion of property, a l?giflative
u .ion is a-'ioue adtqnate. In addnion to
this may be confidend the evils which arise
from the want of induftty and capital, which
can ooiy be com&cd by blending more
close with Ireland the induft y and capital
of this country. The leading diftinftion
which prevails is that of prcteftant and ca
tholic. The protestant feeis that the claims
of catholic f. r power and privilege (sor
row i} ;.il) threatens his a.fcendeniy ; and the
catholic tonfitiers his exclusion as a griev
ance. In all the circumfiances of the cafe,
it if * difficult thing-to fay how far the re
jection of Catholic claims is confident with
tranquility, and how far their conceflion
would be compatible with the exiding con
stitution. I mud fairly fay, however, that
Ireland in this rcfpeiStforms an exc«*ption to
every country in Europe—runs counter to
all received principles concerning religious
eftablilhments. The religion of the govern
rnant and that of the multitude are different,
snd the mass of property is in the hands of
the fmallcr number. It is difficult on general
principles therefore to decide what line of
policv ought to be pursued. The advocates
for the catholic might plaulibly contend that
if the religion of the majority was not the
efhblifhed religion, it ought at least to have
a parity. Some contend that this is their
jultice and their right. Those who maintain
this argument, however, lose light of the
conneO ion between the two countries; doubt
iel's, indeed, the agitation of the quellion is
in every view attended with difficulty. No
man could fay, that in the present state of
things, a full conceflion could be made to the
catholics without endangering the existing
conftltucion. On the other hand, without
anticipating the discussion or the propriety
of agitating the question speedily in an im
partial parliament; two proportions are in
disputable : When the day arrives when the
catholics (hew principles which may be fafe
ly truftcd, conceflions might be made by a
united parliament, which would be danger
ous in the present state of Ireland. Ihe o
ther is, that as long as the privileges claim
ed !>y the catholic are withheld, the catho
lic will feel the inconveniences less under an
imperial than under a local parliament, and
-.viH kfs feel the irritation which nowprompts
him to urge his demands. By what other
regulations the measures may be accompa
nied, how far it may be wife to relieve the
lower orders fitfim the prefTure of tithes and
other inconveniences under which they labor,
vhefe are points to which I merely allude.—
fliey mil ft be the fubjeft of future discus
sion. Ido not therefore hesitate to fay, on
thi = part of the fabjeft, that with a view to
remedy the diftra&icm that had appeared in
Ireland, with a view to that which has en
daggered .nd still threatens its security, the
r.uafure I have the. honor of proposing to
•yoi proniifcs much more serenity to that
country and to this, and consequently to
the whole of the British empire, than any o
thei-, or in any other (liape it can be put;
and 1 confefs that, delicate as the fubjeft is,
j f ce i it my duty to submit it to the house,
r.cl'Wh'it 1 have said cf the fubjeft ha> aril- |Jo that fatal extreintty I Thai! ucva cvik V-•
cii iri»:i) the tiiile 1 Liit,rv.,ii ut :.:y duty. I' ] nil the lubject I wifli to be dillutlvd "fai'lj
have fpoketi Isitlurrto in general upon the na- ; and d'-libcrately ; that it should -be prrpole*
turc of the fubjeft, but there are other ob- i by the legiikturc oi this country ts-tbat o
jests which, although of' less importance j Ireland, with.good temper an.; SnTKiefs, aw
than these general points, which ought to i I hope, no fatal flop to the -final ;;doptis!
form the basis- of all legislation, are vet in «ot it will taken, in eoufequence ot thi
.hemfeives of great importance, and there- ■ blindness ot' thoic who may lead the coua
;ore material to be considered in a iecondary cils of cur filter kingdom. 1 lay, if we fee
riewi I have heard it has been repeatedly ©urfelves to be interested, as nioft unquefti
liked—what are the advantages Ireland has onablv we are interested, in the profpent;
:ogain by this measure ? I think I have al- of li t land, T»e must leel also h wifli, tlia
ready given a fufficient answer to that quef»~ ; such prosperity may have a lasting tecurity
tien. I think it is a question that has no ;at prefeiit the whole of its commercial- prof
lifficulty in it—we know it has been asked, '. perity depends entirely on the uifcrction c
ivhat are the advantages we have gained by j the legiimure of Great Pritam, and not oi
the pretent war ? I might fay we have had thfc legislature of Ireland* It that is tin
Vrilliant fuccefles—our triumphs have been j state ct the cale, as moA unquestionably it is
jreat—our glories have been unparralleled j while-the two kingdoms arc separate in par
—our territories have been encreafed—our i liament, Ireland cannot have e\en the fecu
trade has been protested—our power has | ritv icloft cor.id- v. ) hi at this- moment, foi
jeen enlarged ; but infteadof dwelling upon ' tkc.ccfcf.nudncf ct its own commercial ad
Rich topics, by way of answer to such. a vantages. I have itated the reasons why r
question, I would fav in a tew words, 11 that appears to me that this liieahire ought to b<
wl\at we have gained by this war is the pre- dilpaifionatcly weighed in the Gfter kingdom
fervation of all that we should have loft lam aware, however, that objeftiens hav<
without it." I would fay in answer to the been urgcdagainft.it, with that refembkna
St her question, What will Ireland gain by t0 reason which has the j'ame force as the
;he union ? It is enouglrfor Ireland that she best arguments in some cases, and too ofter
will thereby have more than ihe enjoys at produces the roost- unhappy effects upoi
srsfent of the British consTitution—that (lie the affairs of nations, the prefem
will have more of the bletfings of that con- moment the cafe is so with regard to thi:
Vitution in proportion as she becomes close- measure, but I hope the delusion will looi
y conuefted with this country—that -she vanifli. I mud heie, take notid
will be protected in the hour of danger, and of fomc °/ the objeftions which have beei
that flie may reft in fafety on that account, -urged againit the measure. 7he firft ob
I should fay it had gained security for re- jeftion is, that .which was stated iu tht
fuge its calamity when at any time houie by the honourable gentleman on the
threatened to be overwhelmed by it. These. ot be r fide ot the bouse, namely, that th<
ire 'Treat politic and state confederations, and parliament of Ireland is incompetent to tht
Might tube regarded as superior to all con- diicuffiou of «be question, or rather, to em
[iderations ofpecuniaiy advantages. There brace the measure without the consent oi
ire in politics questions which are superior *' ie whole people of Ireland. The hotiour
n their nature to any advantages that can able gentleninn, I believe, said this for tht
ippear from accounts, and such as cannot pnrpoic rather ot deprecating the discussion
leComprifed under them. Such do I deem than to,convey a»y doubts which he really
;hat which hai a tendency to the ameliora- entertained ot that competency. I did riol
:ion of the condition of a whole society, by imderftand that he had.in reality that doubt,
mproving the lyftem on which it iS to be car- hope I underftpod him rightly—if not
ied on-—by improving the progress of civil- I,ext bope would be, that there may be
sation—by enabling the Irish to converse opportunity afforded ot having-that fub
nore freely, and to copy EngTifh manners, diftinftly difcutfed between iij. Foi
ind to acquire English habits of industry, by P r esent l will aflume the right of parha
•lacing them |n the way to increase the na- nient ' n particular. I will fay that nc
ional wealth-by leading them on that path man this hqiife can deny the competency
vhich will in time conduft them to a superior t^le r ' parliament to exercise an aclive
ondition of life—by finally producing that P owei °\ er the whole ot that, as well as any
effation of disorders and 'confufions which ot^\ r c^jc< -t : I"bat the Irith parli unent ex
lave so often diftrafted that country, and src.ling its power freely, tully and lawfully
which atprefent it has nopowrr within infelf lielanJ, and it certainly may, have legiti
o resist. ; Here I fliould have been contented mate authority for that purpose j no man
o flop upon this pkrt of the fubjeft, but can " cn y 'b it the parliament ot Ireland co
ince there, are those who will ftill'alk eqrtal with our own in pow.-r, has that pow
vhat Ireland will gain by this mealure in fr > ■witnout denying at the fame moment the
>oint of commerce ? lam desirous of mnk- whole of. the authority ot the parliament ot
ng this oppprtnnity to answer them j in ad- Qreat Britain, alia without intifting that the
lition to what I have alrealry advanced in its w hole ot its acis, that ev.ry thing that has
avour, a solid and unalterable compatfl be- "^ ccn done in its name, and,by its authority ;
ween the two countries, and above all, the e V er y thing, Jus ever been done that de
;reat adyan'.age. Ireland Will derive by hav- feryes the, naunjj.ot an of government ;
ng made permanent those advantages (lie *" vt;r y thing that has been done bv any public
low enjoys, ohly uj»on a discretion Which authesrify, Irow lacred soever, or bow bench
nay be contingent and precariotis. ' I beg f' a ' foe\ er, to the public, is neither more nor
eave to allude to a great and refpeftable au- ' e^s than an ait cf ulurpatuj;). I fay that nn
:hority, which has been alluded to more her is prepared to-deny the power of the
han once upon this' fubjeft' (Mr. Foster, parliament of .Great Britain to enter,,into a
pea her of the Irish house of commons.)— engagemeat, or indeed |Utdfr»>.ny en-
Here he read the words of the report of gagement, not only he must dc-jiy the valid
:hat gentleman's speech ill the house of com- un ' on iCWI England and Scot
nons of, Ireland upon the fubjeft of the Irish 'and, but he must also deny the authority un
iropofitions in the yeai 1785, by which der which we n«rw lit ; he must deny the au
t appeared that the trad.: to Ireland would thority of every law that has been enadted
)e much improved by them, but by which or common security of both ;he raufl
t was contended that the conditions on the authority of every measure adopted
which th?t was to be obtained was injurious D y parliament. He must also call in queftiui
:o Ireland on other points of view, and j-every measure adopted by parliament. He
lating'the amount between imports and ex- alfo Cull in question every "meafure^thai
>orts with regard to both countries; and has been in parliament which hetias been tht
:hen he proceeded to fliew by reference to nioft forward to maintain. This point, fir,
:he state of trade at this moment, that Ire- 1S °' nluc^l importanc: that I think ]
and had gained" very considerably in her ought not to fuffer tiie opportunity to pas:
:rade by the allowance of' Great Britain without explaining what it is I mean upon it
:hat Ireland should have so much power of If this principle of the incompetency of par
importing hither duty free •in those articles bament to the deafioc ot matter be allowed
ilfo which improved the valae -of land in' cr that parliament-had no legitimate autho,
Ireland, which enlarged their cotnmerce, r ' l y to discuss and determine the matter
which improved their manufactures ; and you will be driven-to the acknowledgment o,
vrhich, in Ihort, improved their exportation a principle the nioft dangerous that ever wa:
from about one million to five millions fter- adopted in any flete, I nieaa the principle
:ing ; that was to fay, four fifths of their that parliainent Cftunot adopt any tnealure o:
trade was improved by the allowance of the great iimportance* without recurring to it:
parliament of Great Britain. In favour of constituent and delegated authority for di
[reland all this was done. Here he went reftions—that is to fay, you can never de
jver the article of linen and other commo- termine on any great or important measure,
lities in which indulgences were granted to without appealing to the people at large for
Ireland, as well as the other articles In which 'tbeir direftioiis. lhat conlequently you
we had laid on a duty of thirty per cent, afted without any legitimate authority wher
jpon the importation from other countries, you regulated the.principally of Wales, 01
n order that it might amount nearly to a either of the counties palatine of England,
prohibition, and thereby to give the greatest That every law yoti ever made without ma.
xiflible encouragement to the trade with Ire- k' n g that appeal, (f° r if true in any, it is
and, and that Great Britain facrificed up- tru f ' n ever y ca ) 1S °; no ' e 2 a ' authority,
wards of per annum, for this pur- 1 bis would annihilate the whole body politic
aofe in one particular. This he illustrated this countiy,,for it would declare void
jy reference to'various documents ; and con- every public measure on which has depended
:luded what he had to urge upon that head the fafety of the Britifti empire for upwards
if the fubjeft with the obfrrvation, that all a century. It will not apply merely to
hefe advantages, great as they were to Ire- every law which has a general public objeft
and, depended upon the will and discretion *i'- w 5 but it will destroy the diftinftioni
>f the parliament of Great Britain, and upon >' ou have eftaUifhed upon the rights of vari
;hat onlv.] But, continued he, it is not to ous eleftori ir. this countiy. It will apply to
tnv indulgence of any opinion of my own, the freeholder's qualification of forty (hillings
:hat I should with to gave way upon this a year, as well as the various qualifications
jccafion ; but lam speaking the leniiments of eleftors, which you have established trom
)f the best informed men of both countries, time to time, and whieh have been afted up
vho have judged the fubjeft difpaflionately, on throughoat the whole of this country as
vhen I fay, that, the advantages to Ireland well as of
n point of trade will be very considerable if cafe will be still stronger than it is in En
:he measure nowpropofed should be adopted, gland agaiufl the legitimacy of pawer, for it
tri faying this lam not alarmed, left I should may be said that the protcftants, who are
iwaken the jealousy of the people of this coun- comparatively obly a few, have pafied laws
;ry ; I know that they wifli for the prosperity difpofmg cf the property and determining
if Ireland, and that they feel, that to in- tipon the qghts of Roman Caeholics, who
:rcafe the wealth of the one without dimin- compose the great mass ot the people of Ire
filing that of the other, is to increafc the land. God forbid I fliould blame my of
Irenfth of \soth ; such as lam cony need those meat 11 ws ; lam only, dating the prin
vill be the effeft of the measure proposed, ciple that parKamcnt has no authority _to de
vhe never it shall be adopted, and I hope I termine upon this question, to fliew. the ex
nall not be compelled to feel the melancholy tent to which it must neceffariiy lead if you
let-suasion, that these ireneral principles on admit it at all. The effefts of admitting
vhich, I have said, depend the prosperity that the fovfreigßty is not in the hands of
>f empires, are to be set aside for ever by the those who compote a legislature, but in the
:ower of prejudice. That would indeed be bands only of those who delegate it, may bt
atal to the interests of the Britifti empire, dreadful. Eut here let me afc whether any
But to any aft of force I Ml never Agree, man who clwfes to allow that the afts which
the parfiatr.ctrt of this cSuntry have rou* -c.
dlsfraiichife Come and eufraiicKife others are
legal, will lay that the principle which mrtlrcs
them legal will not extend to a power o; vii -
ing two kingdoms ? lam lure t. it no d -
tinfticn in point of principle can be (cares--
i'uliy contended for, a •.jingle :r. ; si-mi . '--r
Ihouid I find it neccffary to dwell upon this
point in the manner I do, ir T v.'.-: ■ not con
vinced that it is conne&ed v»itu ! ..'e abu
tments and the m;freprei?ntatiori and prsvtr
fions of all the principles on *r\s gov
ernments are legitimatvly founded. Such
indeed is always the cafe when any one ima
gines that the (oveleignty of a state Tfcfiiies
any where but in the legislature. Such is al
ways the cii'e when any one imagine* that |
there is a sovereignty as it were in abeyance.
that is, people tUem(elves, anu ready
to be called forth upon any occasion. These
are the print iules that have done Co much
rnifchici, that have caused such defbhitlon
over Co many parts of the habitable glybe.
These principles are Co well known by their j
practical effects, as hardly to have an enlight- ,
esied diiinterefted advocate, when they are j
viewed in their own colors ; and yet with all j
the horrors we have at the light of the ef- ;
lefts of these principles—with all the love
we have for the Constitution of this country, :
in which there is to be found no trace offuch ;
principles ; we find many enlightened minds j
who abhor Such principles when they fee '
them clearly, dill tinftured by men of their ;
opinion ; and this is truly the very mistake ,
that has produced such mighty evils in
I mankind within these tew years—and give ;
me leave to fay, that this tincture of Jaco
biniiin in the opinion of fonse leading men,
that is to fay, that the fovereigniy is in the
people upon certain important occafious, has
done all the mifchief we have witnefled, and
this danger is the gteateft when it is planli
oly urged, and accompanied by other argu
ments that 'are not dilputed. When this
principle is thus disguised, it is truly danger
ous, becaule the poison, although deadly, is
invisible to the mass of mankind, who are
able to refill the attack when it is ripen. No
society can exist long where this principle is
cherilhed ; supreme authority mull lodge in
some delegated manner or other. The quef
t'.on, whether the people lhall resume that
power or not, becaufc it is .illedged by some,
and poflibly believed hv others, to have been
aliufed by those who polL-fs it, is, and al
ways will be, a question of extreme refpon
(ibility upon thole w ho bring it into agitati
on. It is alio applicable to those who aft
upon it, as well as those who cause it ; but
in no chapter of human jurifprudcuce are we
to find any prcvilion for such a cafe, it can
con'nll with the fafety of no constitution up
on earth, and whenever agitated, is danger
ous to any. It can make no part of monar
ch) , because the firft and leading feature of
that form of government is confidence in the
executive power ; as little can it consist with
an aristocracy, for that also implies that
some perlbni are (elected from others to ma
nage public affairs. It could make no part
of any government except that imaginary
one which never yet cxifted, and which I
believe never will exist—a pure drmocracv.
If this principle is so.disuniting a quality as
not to fit for aduntSon into any government
that may be, how much ought it to be fhun
licd in that government, which from its br
ing a compound of all good governments,
has every thing that is excellent in ail,
without tfye defefts of either ? Shall that
principle be cherished as the be ft which is
admitted to be too bad for the worst of go
vernments ? Shall that principle be icceived
in proportion as the very reason which ever
made it necessary in any state at any time is
unlikely to exill '( Shall we fay that the lei's
occasion we have for so desperate a remedy,
the more eager we ought to be to embrace
it ? Such queftious mull be all answered in
the affirmative, before that principle can be
adopted in the best government in this world.
I feel that these points are of great import
ance, becaufc they belong more or less to
every government upon earth, and involve
the happiness of all its inhabitants, and
therefore I have>faid more upon them than
otherwise I Ihouid. I fay,therefore, that those
who talk of the sovereignty of the people,
are the enemies of their race, and that is
chiefly owing to their which the
mass of mankind have notthe means of duly
examining, and therefore cannot thoroughly
understand, all the evils which have so
much overrun the world of late, have had
their effect. I therefore hop? the Parliament
of Ireland will in due season feel the force
of this point, and tcel tbe importance of the
confluence to which it leads. 1 am sure the
Parliament of England feels it already, 'l'he
next head of objefton refers to that which is
not less prevalent than thfit which I have
been explaining, and which is -a thing de
pending chiefly upon a»word, but which
produces a very natural, and would be a very
laudable feeling, provided t.se ftibjeft called
for it, but I will here take the liberty to call
it a mistaken notion ; I mean that which is
generally understood under the head of nati
onal pride, That is a feeling which I know
is cafily awakened in the molt generous
minds, and therefore as soon called forth in
Ireland as any where el ft. This measure has
been treated as if Ireland were called upon
to surrender its national independence. I
admit that nothing to a proud nation can be
a compensation for such surrender : but be
fore we conclude that this measure calls up
on Ireland to do so, we may as well examine
the afiertion. If they mean to fay that it is
to be underftoocUs a maxim, that any nation
surrenders its independence when it unites to
another—or in other words, that when two
societies unite, and the one of them happens
to be larger than the other, the lefier of the
two mud forfeit its independence by a union ;
if they mean to fay that when two societies
unite, and the one of them happens to enjoy
more advantages than the other, the one that
has the fewer advantages uniting with the o„
ther, an'd being allowed to participate advan-
tages it never before e moved, ntuft therefore
be allowed to its independence ; if
to be allowed to enjoy-bleffings* it never feit
before, be to surrender 1 have
,'v ) - ' ia T* But if ?xa-ni-- • -
I tor >" of kH tl:e 'nititf .s of
ID oft pro'j a of its -independence » 1
, la ~ r' ,lucl »-e, -you „ill
fmdtfcersvt not <me of them thath aSIH)t '
veil this ! Mrt ol test to a surrender ofi n j^
j pendence—there is not one of them can be
Uid to or muependent. Our forefathers
""t how to fuppert the true dignity of
'their. Country, >t this i, the true mode of
judging. I fay on the contrary that
they a :ted wifely, for they fa-quently by
union pet an end to the warfare of p«tty
states. Will any man tell me that the
different diftci&s that have from time
to time been incorparated into our e m ,
pire, refined their independence by that
incorporation ? Will any man tell me
| that after thefeincotporations the inhabitant,
; incorparated had less room for their exe r .
; tidfcs than before ? If this do&rine be true,
| what has become of the rights of the diffe-
I rent countries of England, for many of their '
dillindtions have from timetotime been dor.e
; away for the general advantage of the whole
kingdom ? Indeed if yon indulge this fott
of chimera,you will work the utter deftruc.
tion of all independence in a nation in the
prefeirt state of society all over the earth ;
and then, to enjoy your independence vou
mud go back again isto a state of nature.
I fay, therefore, that the arguments that
have been urged against the measure upon
this topic are vague and dehifive ; and that
they refer to nothing that is real in human
life. But what need have we to indulge any
vague theory upon the fubjedl, when we
have obvious principles to guide us. If a
country contains fufficicnt mems of credit
to fuppcrt its tradeandcommerce with other
powers, and has the prote&ion of that trade
within itfelf; if within itfelf it has all dus
means of military and r aval forca to secure
it* rights, and preserve its honours ; if it ha?
the means to secure the due inrhiftry of its
inhabitant* ; if, in addition to all :his, it
pofTefTes a free constitution, and equal to
my other upon earth,or what is pretty near
y the fame thing, has acquired the habit of
(linking so ; then indeed 1 should think that
Tueh a country forfeited its independence; or
it leafi dimii.idled it unwisely by uniting
■vilh any other nation ( and that it need not
ioirt any one to make a larger empire, for it
weuld be large enough for all the purposes
)f practicable happ'nefs in this world.But if
ultead of this, there be a kingdomthreaten
:d with da ger, froih without and within j
f it has not the means, but by the aid of
mother, of prote&ing itfelf in any of these
and that other be a neighbour
ng nation, using the fame language ; ruled
>y laws of the faxe kind, but of superior
:orre&nefs; used to enftoms of the fame
tind, but some of them of more force and
iraftical advantage ; pofleffing more trade
,nd f.iperior means of acquiring wealth ;
joflefiijig also a Constitution which is the
idrwintion and envv of the reft of the world,
ind of which the Constitution of the other
s an inadequate resemblance, 3twl that it is
>nly the complaint that the resemblance i*
lot perfed. I fay all these points united, L
vould ask if it be incontinent with the true
jriiiciples or rational ferife of dignity and
lonour for a State ttiu* inferior to another
o unite with tfiat other? In other words,
vould it be unwise in such an inferior State
o unite with the superior? I alk whither
Ireland be not iu that fi'uatioii ?aad whe
herthisbe uot theview which Ireland otight
o have of the quetlion ? lam iniftaken if
helc be not fair and rational grounds and
irinciples, fit for the decilion of those who
:ouncil the aflairs of States, and aQ enfwer
o all true national pride which has of late
jeen so much attem: ted to guide the minds
if Irishmen. With a view of the enjoy
nent of liberty as far as it is confiftei.t with
rood order } with the encouragement of in
luftry j with prot dion to pr perty ; with
heprcgrefs of civilization j with the ircr. afe
if trade and eommerce ; with fafety to the
arid-holder ; with i afe to the manufacturer;
vith comfo t to tlie peasant ' with that cir
:ulati( n of contentment and invigorating
iriraciple which runs through the whole
ram-c oi social lite; fur the i-creale of lau
!able ambition for the display of thofetalenlt
>f which Irishmen have as great a (liare as
my nation upon earth. With these views,
ind for these purposes compare the prtfeat
Ituation ot Ireland with that which may b«-
oine its fhuation, and then let any man tell
ne whether the real dignity of Ireland is
ikely to fufFer by an Union with Great
Britain ? If I do not much mifunderlland
h« thing. Ireland will consult her honour
is well as her interest by according to this
neafure. In short it will be only giving to
he people of Ireland more of ihat for which
hey have an attachment than they possess
ilready, and giving (hem only what they
eel to want. Wilt any nun tell me it is
naking Ireland fubjeil to a foreign yoke,
vlien it is only the voluntary afiociation of
wo countries by the equality of laws, whose
vilnes arc the fame, wliofe local circum
laiices are so nearly allied, and who ought
o differ in nothing, mho can d fTer in 110-
hing without injuring their mutual inter
(ls, who want nothing but Union to make
hem invulnerable.
(To be continued.)
For Edenton, N. C.
FOR Freight, enquire at No. 135, M»r
ket-Oreet.
«pril 11 6t
Nankeens,
Hyson,
Hyson Skin, am! >■
Souchong J
JV ST LANDING,
From-on boarjl t!ie (hip Wooddrop Simn
from Canton, and tor fair bv
April n
TI;E slo&P
A R K,
T E A S,
'jamt. C. Filter,
No. 13, Arch-llrcct.
cocks