aftcd in. 178^ under the suffices (if f'tnc »F
themoft zealous opp ifersof the powersof the
aft of cou^vtf^-; —It was revised, correfted,
and reported by the judges and others ap
appointed to collate and digest all the laws
of the (late. It was then reena&ed in
1792.
Never daring this investigation and re-in
veftig'tion, did it occur to a (ingle indivi
dual, that to order an alien to depart the
common wealth, firft under the suggestion
of congress under the old confederation, and
afterwards on the suggestion of the Presi
dent undsr our improved conft'tution, uni
ted legifjative, executive, and judicial pow
ers, or deprived an alien of a trial to which
he wa6 entitled, viz. trial by jury.
That this measure fbould originally have
been suggested as necessary for national fafe
ty, that it {hould have been preserved through
a long course of refleftion, that it (hould be
deemed free from the objeftion of uniting
the p.iwers of different departments in the
exacutive, as also an aft of depriving an ali
en from his'refidence without a trial by ju
ry, and yet that it (hould far the fame oau
fes produce a ferment in some state», as soon
as the principle was adopted by Congress,
might warrant refl:ftions which we will not
permit ourfclres to express.
The ait enti led " An aft in addition to
the ad intituled an aft for the pumlhme«
of certain crime* ag/und the United States,
and which i» commonly ealled the sedition
law, fubjefts to a fine not exceeding twothou
frfnd dollars and to imprisonment not excee
ding two years any person who (hall write,
print, utter, er publilh, or cause or procure
to bejwritten, printed,uttered, p'ibliflied, any
falfc, scandalous, malicious writing or writ
tings against the government of the United
State*,, or either houle of Congress of the
United States, or the President of the Uni
ted States, with intent to defanr.e the said
government , or either house ©f Congress, or
the said President, or to bring them, or either
of them, into contempt ot difrepnte, erto
excite against them, or either or any of them
the hatred of the good people of the United
States, or to stir up sedition within the Uni
ted States or to excite any unlawful com
binations therein for oppofirtg or refitting
any law of the United State, or any aft
of the President of the United States, done
in pursuance of such law, or of the pnweri
in him vetted by the constitution of the Uni
ted State*, or to resist, oppose, or defeat any
such law or aft, or to aid, eneourage, or abet
any hostile designs, of any foreign nation a
gain ft the United State*, their people, or
government: the person accused is to be tri
ed by jury, and may give in evidence the
truth of the matter contained in the libel.
To conftiiute tbe crime, the writing must
be falfe, scandalous, and malicious, and the
intent must be to effeft some one of the ill
purpofo deferred in the aft.
To contend that there does not «Jcift a
power to punish writings coming within the
description of this law, would be to assert
the inability of our nation to preserve its
own and to pYoteft themselves from
the attempts of wicked citizens. wh*>, inca
ble of quiet themselves, are inceffaßtly em
ployed in devising means to dillurb tnt pub
lic repose.
Government is instituted and preserved for
the general happiness and fafety—the people
therefore are interested in its preservation,
and have a rieflix to adopt measures for its fc
curity, as well against lecret plots as open
hostility. But government cannot be thus
secured, if, by falthood and malicious slander
it is to be deprived of the confidence and af
feftion of the people. It is vain to urge
that truth will prevail, and that flsnder, when
detected, recoils on the calumniator. The
experience of the world, and our own expe
rience, prove that a continued course of de
famation will at length fully the faireft repu
tation, and will throw suspicion on the purest
conduft. Although the calumnies of the
taftious and discontented may not poison the
minds of a majority of the citizens, yet they
will infett a veiy confideraWle number, and
prompt them to deeds deftruftive of the.pub
hc peace, and dangerous to the general lafe-
This the people have a right to prevent :
and therefore, in all the nations of the earth
■where prefles are known, some correftive of
their licentioufnef* has been deefned indifpen
fi'ole. But it is contended, that though thit
may be theoretically true, such is the pecu
liar ftrufture of our government, that this
power has either never been confided to, or
has been withdrawn from the legislature of
the union—We will examine these positions.
The power of making all laws which (ball
be necessary and proper for carrying into ex
ecution all powers vested by the constitution
in the; government of the United States, or
in any department or officer thereof, is by the
concluding cl&ufe of the eighth feftios of the
firft article,' expressly delegated to congress.
This clause is admitted to authorise congress
to pass atiy aft for the punishment of those
who would resist the execution of the laws,
becaule such an aft would be inconteftibly
necessary and properfor carrying into execu
tion the powers vested in the government.
2f it authorises the puni(hment of aftual re
finance, does it not also authorise the pun
ifhment'of those rifts, which are criminal in
•themselves, and which obvioufiy lead to and
prepare resistance ? Would it not be strange
if, for the piupofe of executing the legiti
mate powers of the government, a clause
like that which has been cited (hould be so
■construed as to permit the passage of laws
punithing open resistance, and yet to forbid
the pafiag'e of laws punishing afts which con
stitute the gcrmfrom which resistance springs?
That the government must look on, and fee
preparations for resistance which it (hall he
unable to control, until they (hall break out
in open force ? This would b? an unreason
able and improvident conftruftion of the ar
ticle under consideration. That continued
calumnies against the government have this
tendency, is demonstrated by uninterrupted
experience. They will, if unrestrained, pro
duce in any fcciety convulfionr, which if
Sot totally deftruftive of, will yet be very
injurious to, its prosperity and welfar;. |t
is not tQ be believed that the people of th'
western parts of PetinfyHania could have
been deluded into that unprovoked and wan
ton infurreftion, which called forth the mi
litia of the neighboring states, if they had
not been at the fame time irritated and se
duced by calumnies with which certain press
es incessantly teemed, into the opinion that
the people of America, in (lead of supporting
their government and their laws would join
in their subversion. Those calumnies then,
tended to prevent the execution of the laws
of the union, and such seems to be their ob
vious and tiecefTary tendency.
To publilh malicious calumnies against an
individual with an intent to defame him, is
a wrong on the part of the calumniator, and
an injury to the individual, for which the
laws afford redress. To write or print these
calumnies is such an aggravation of the
Crime, as to constitute an offence against the
government, and the author of the libel is
fubjeft to the additional punilhment which ,
may be inflifted under an indiftment. To
publish malicious calumnies 1 against govern
ment itfelf, is a wrong on the part of the
calumniator, and an injury to "all those who
have an interest in the government. Those
who have this interest and have sustained the
injury, have the natural right to an adequate
remedy. Ihe people of the United States
have a common interest in their government,
andfuftainin common the injury which ;>f
fefts that government. The people of the
United States therefore have a right to the
rempdy for that injury, and are fubftairtially
the party seeking redress. By the 2d sec-
of the 3d article of the constitution, the
judicial power of the United States is ex
tended to controversies to which the United
States (hall be a party ; and by the fame ar
ticle is extended to all cases in law and.equi
ty arising under the constitution,' the lu\ys:of.
the United States, and treaties madeor which
(hall be made under their authority. What
are cases arising under the constitution, as
contra distinguished from those which arile
under the law made in pursuance thereof ?
They must be cases triable by a rule which
exists independent of any aft of the legisla
ture of the union. That rule is the Com
mon or unwritten law which pervades • ail
America, and which declaring libels against
government to be a punishable offence, ap
plies itfelf to and protests any government
which the will of the people may eftablilli.
The judicial power of the United States
then, being extended to the punishment of
libels against the government, as a common
law offence, arising under the constitution
which created the government, the general
clause gives to the legislature of the union
the right to make such laws as (hall give
that power eSeft.
That such was the contemporaneous con
ftruftion of the constitution, is obviou; from
one of the amendments which have been
made to it. The 3d amendment which de
clares, that Congress (hall make no law a
bridging the liberty of the press, ij a general
conftruftion made by a:l America on the
original inftruraent a<W\tling its applicstKJn
to the fubjeft,'. It would have been certainly
unnecessary thus to have modified the legi&u
tive powers of Congress concerning the press,
if the power itfelf does not exist.
But although the original constitution
may be supposed to have enabled the govern
ment to defend itfelf against falfe and mali
t cious • libels, endangering the peace, and
threatening the tranquility of the Anteriran
people, yet it is contended that the 3d a
mendment to that instrument, has deprived
it of this power.
The amendment is in these words, " Con
gress (hall make no law refpefting an efta
bli(hm?nt of religion, or prohibiting the free
excreife thereof, or abridging the freedom
of fpeechorof the press."
In a solemn instrument, as in a constitu
tion, words are well weighed and considered
before they are adopted. A remarkable di
versity of expression is not used, unlef* it be
designed to manifeft a difference of intention.
Congress is prohibited from making any law
respecting a religious eftablilbment, but
not from making any law respecting the
nrefii. When the power of Congress relative
to the press is to be limited, the word re
specting is dropt, and Congress is only
restrained from pafling any law abridging
its liberty. This difference tif expression
with refpeft to religion and the press, fnani
fefts a difference of intention with refpeft to
the power of the national legislature over 1
those fubjefts, both in the per fan who drew
and in those who adopted this amendment.
All abridgment of the freedom of the
press is forbidden, but it is only an abridg
ment of that f• eedom which is forbidden.
It becomes then necessary in order to dfeter
mine whether the aft in question be uncop
ftitutional cr not, to enquire whether it does
in faft abridge the freedom of the press.
1 he aft is believed not to have that oper
ation, for two reasons.
ift. A punilhment of the is
not considered as a reftriftion of the free
dom of the press.
aft complained of, does not pun
ish any writing not before punishable, nor
does it inflift a more severe penalty than
that to which the fame writing was before
liable.
1 ft. If by freedom of the press is meant
a perfeft exemption from all punishment for
whatever may be published, that freedom
never has, and most probably never will ex
ist. It is known to all, that the person who
writes or publilhes a libel, may be both sued
and indifted, and must bear the penalty
which the judg-ment of his country inflifts
upon him. It is also known to all that the
person who (hall libel the government of the
state, is for that offence, punishable in the
like manner. Yet this liability to punish
ment for slanderous and malicious publica
tions, has never been considered as detraft
ing from the liberty of the press. In faft
the liberty of the press is a term which has
a definite and appropriate fignification, com
pletely understood. It fignifies a liberty to
publish, free from previous reftrair.t, any
thing and every thing at the difcrrtion of the
printer only, but not the Ebaity of ipr/ad'ui,!
with impunity falte "and scandalous ilanders
which may destroy the. peace and. mangle the
reparation. uFan individual or of a commu
nity.
If this definition of the tern: be correct,
and it is presumed that its correftnjis.is not
to be questioned, then a law punifiling the
authors and-publifhers offalfe, mahcicus and
Icandalous l:bels can be no attack on the li
berty of the press.
But the aft complained of Is no abridg
ment of the liberty of the pre is, for apother
reaibn.
2d. It does not punifii any writing not
before pum'habie, nor does it inflict a hea
vier penalty than the fame writing was be
fore liable to.
No man will deny, that at.common law,
the author and publisher of a falfe, scanda
lous and malicious libel against tlie govern
ment or an individual, were fubjeft to fine
and imprilbnnient, at the dill re ti an of the
judge. Nor will it be denied, that previ
ous to our revolution, the common law was
the taw of the land throughout the now li
nked. States.
We believe It to be a principle incontef
tibly true, that a change of government does
not diflolve obligations previously created,
does not annihilate exiftiog laws, and dis
solve the bonds of society ; but that a people
palling from one form of government to ano
ther j retain in full force all thtir municipal
inft-.tutior.s not neceflarily changed by the
change of government. If this be true,
i then the common law continued to be the
| law'of the land after the revolution, and was
I yf complete obligation even before the aft of
| our Assembly for its adoption. Whether
fimihir afts have been paiFed by the legifla
-1 tures of other ftatesor not; it is certain that
' in every ftite the common law is admitted
to be .iij fidl force, except as it may have
been altered by the statute Ijw. The only
question is, whether the doftfines of the
< ommon law are applicable to libels- against
j the goverifment of the United States, as well
j as to libels against the government! of the
i particular states. For such a diftinftion
: there seems to be no fufficicnt reason. It is
; not to a magistrate of this or that description
that the , rules of the common law apply.
That he is a magistrate, that he is cloathed
with the authority of the laws, that he is
inverted ■with power by the people, is a fuffi
cient title to the protection of the common
law, -The. government of the United States
js /or certain purposes. as entirely the go
vernment of.each state, cWai by the people
thereof, and if loathed wvith their- authority,
„as.the government of each-particular state is
the government of every-fiib-dlvifion -<jf that
•ftate,-and na fatisfctfttify ' Italbfi has been
heretofore afligned why a geftfcfal ride com
mon to all, and pnhilhiKg'gerierally the ma
licious calumniators of; magiflra'tes, (hould
, not be as applicable, to magift rates chosen by
,the;wh.ole-, as to those chosen for its differ*
ent parts.
j,-„ If then it were even true that the punilh*
merit of the printer of malicious falfhoods af
fpatd-thc-Hberty of-the- prwS, yet the aft
4ors. not abridge that liberty, fwee it does
-not substitute a harsher 'or ftverer rule of
; puniftiment than "that which before existed.
On points so extremely interesting, a dif
ference of opiniori will be entertained. On
luch oecaftorts all parties must be expefted to j
maintain their jigaTopinions, but to maintain
them with moderation and with decency.
1 he will of rhtf mijoiity mufi: prevail, or tlie
republican principle'« abandoned, and the
nation is deftrOyed."' "If upon every constitu
tional question which presents itfelf, Or on
every question we chufe to term constitution
al, the conftrtiftioh of the majority Jhall be
forcibly oppol'cd, and hostility to the govern
ment excited throughout the nation, there
is an end to our domestic peace, and we ■
may ever bid adieu t« our' representative
government.
The Icgiflature of Virginia has itfelf pas
sed more than one unconstitutional few, but
they haw not been passed with an intention
to violate the oonftitution. On being deci
ded to beunconftitutional by tbe legitimate
authority, they have been permitted tofall.
Had tbe deemed them conftititional,
they' would have'been maintained. .The
fame check, nor if it a less efficient one, ex -
ifts in the government of the union. The
judges of the United States are as indepen
dent at the judget of the state of Virginia
nor is there any reason to believe them less
wife or less virtuous. It is their province,
and their duty to construe theconftitution
and the laws, and it cannot be doubted,
but that they will perform this duty faith
fully and truly. They will perform it un
warned by political debate, uninfluenced by
party zeal. Lei us in the mean time seek
a r«peal of any afls we may disapprove, by
means authorised by our happyconftitution,
but let as n.t>t endeavour to difTeminatc a
mong our fellow citizens the molt deadly
hate against the government of their own
ereation, against the government, on the
prefei vation of which we firmly believe the
peace and liberty of America to depend,
because in some respeCts its judgment has
differed from our own.
Various other points, are noticed in the
address alike calculated, to excite your re.
fentment, and provoke your refinance. Se
i rioufly do we regret, the cVpreflion of such
sentiments by a body so rcfpeftable.
At a time when all ought to unite in
repelling every evidence of extftence of di«
vision in the United States on which division
our enemy calculates and with her know
ledge of which has had the presumption to
upbraid us, it cannot but inflift a deep
wound in the American mind to find the
commonwealth of Virginia, exhibiting
through her legislature irresistible testimo
ny of the degrading charge, nor will the
embittering reflection be foftened by the
declaration of a determination to repel a
foreign iavaficn. which is occasionally inter
spersed in those proceedings. Hatred to
government is unapt to beget a diipofiu'on
to unite in its defence, and more probably
would projeft other fchemei, coupling de
f-nce from irivafion, with change of paliti
cal fylfem. Th<- result of which might be
union with the invader, for, the putpofe of
accomplish rig a delegable reform. Unfortu
nately for the human race, .such .coalitions
have happened and unfortunately for the
American people, another iuftaqce of like
cpnduft. may be afforded. Exhortations to
foreign danger under pretence of
opposing domestic ufufpation is, an artifice,
which has been often used to divide and ruin
republican governments Switzerland has
lately afforded a fatal proof of this melancho
ly truth, and may heaven avert the like fate
from us.
One otherfertiletopicofcomplaint against
the general government, we must notice its
fifcal arrangements, and increasing expenfea.
In con fide ring this fubjeft, always recol
leCt that our revolutionary war left the na
tion With a heavy debt, (the price of its in
dependence) and bereft of the means of dis
charging it.
When an individual or a nation cannot
pay the principal of an honest debt, and can
pay the interest, every f. ir motivpeommands
the principal to be secured and the interelt
to be punctually paid. Obedience to this ho
nest injunction produced the funded debt of
the United-States ; ai d altho' we pretend
not to fay that some mode more confonaßt
to the American charafter, might not have
been adopted, producing the fame end,, yrt
we do assert that the mode adopted was the
result of much labor, and much inveftig.ation
and tliat it received the constitutional fanft
lon. From this we infer that acquiescence
in, and support of the fyltem, is the prope'r
eouduft of every good citizen.
Added to these, original debts has been
the valt exptnee of defending 'Kentuckey,
and the weitern frontiers from the Indian
enemy, and the eftablifhrnent of government
in the north and south western territory.
At present, the defence of the United
States claims money, and their defence can
not but swell considerably the public de
mands—The stake is our all—and t® save
his all, who would begrudge a part ?
But we derive great consolation in re
minding ourfeivesof the following fafts—
Our resources are vast, are anually increa
! si' gi are managed with ability,and difburftd
with integrity—that they are applied topro
mote the people's good, < uly consonant to
their intention, and by their chofeß f. rvants
j —That the choice of our functionaries re
curs as usual, when the faithful servant will
receive his reward, and the unfaithful be
ordered to depart—Thre we are a great,
powerful and independent nation—and that
the fafety, and happiness of fueh a people
cannp' be promoted without proportionate
supplies of their money—that the weight
of taxation in the congreflional fyltem falls
almost entirely on the rich—that the capa
city to pay rises in proportion to our securi
ty from abroad, and our tranquility »t home
—that the prcfervation of peace is as it has
been, our constant desire, to prevent the in
terruption of which our government has a
bly and perfcYcringly ftuggled—that war in
defiance of all oUr endeavouis, impends •-
vei our heads—and that to aven its calami
ty, we must be prepared to meet it like men.
Continuing to confide in our government
—continuing to regard union as the rock of
our political salvation, and the constitution
as the means cf its
to prefer a state of peace without dishonor,
we will not turn from the perils of war, with
a degraded name, but-like our fathers will
be ready to risque life and fortune ; expeft
ingfrom the timely exertions of our govern,
mfent, to be enabled to meet any and every
efiemy.cn equal terms.
Democratic Judge. \
\ efterday a reiclution paired the Mouse of
Representatives of the Pennfyfvania Legisla
ture, itquefting the Governor to difptace
Benjamin Brannan, esq. from the office of
Aflociate Judge of the county of Delaware.
Yeas j7—.Nays ti.
YEAS.
. MefTrs. Evans, speaker: Albright, Bull,
Drown, Buckley, Baird, Blair, Campbell,
IJunlap, Erwin, Erjalt, Fisher, Frailey,
Follmer, Forster, Hall, Hemphill, Hannum,
Hopkins, Hostetter, Horn, Hartzell, Hen
dricks, Huston, Ingels, Keppele, Keys, Kel
ly, Kennedy, Krause, Lylc, Meivborter,
Miller, Martin, McPberson, McDowell,
Power, Preston, Palmer, Rugb, Raum,
Seckel, Stocker, A. Scott, Stewart, J. Scott,
Spetr, Sample, laylor, Turner, Udrtc, Van
Horne, Wharton, Wright, Wilson, Welles,
Williamson— 57.
NAYS.
Doctor Logan, Boileau, Cunningham,
Conrad, Eyre, Linnard, Penrose, Rose,
Shoemaker, Snyder, Worrell. u.
CONGRESS.
Owing to the Indifpolition of the Speak
er, the House of Repref'entatives adjourned
this day without proceeding to business.
BALTIMORE, February i,
A poftfeript to a letter from Hamburg,
of the 29th of November, to a mercantile
house in this, fays.
" Within these few days past, much
talk has been caused bythe arrefl of Napper
Tandy, and 6 other United Irishmen, at the
reqneft of the British minister. The Fren.h
minister tells the senate, that if they are not
reflorcd in 24 hours, he will leave the city,
The senate, however, (till keep them is pri
son, and the matter in dispute is to be refer
red to the king of Pruflia."
ggi——
Insurance Company of tbe State of Penn
sylvania.
February i. 1700.
T H j ®'reflors have this day declared a dividend
<" fevcnty-lour dotlarj on each (hare 01 the
Stock ol this company for the last fix month<which
Will be paid to the Stockholders or their legal re
piclcntatifcs after the loth initaut.
JAMES S. COX, Frefident.
feb 1 diot
nww Mimiifa—a-inm ■- r .■
Hate jfoteigttZtHHH
■ '..; t f , . .. i !. >
ERUNN, November y. ,'. <;•■
According tq, private let era frJom Cun
ftaatinople, (fay our gazettes) . 18 Egyp
tian Beys have already joined the French,
and a great part of the people are entirely
won over by thtm This, however, appears
to require confirmation., It is added, that
Buonaparte iscollefting all,the flipping he
can find, -and that live French are fully em
ployed in refitting them.
• ' ■ ■ i • -a
MILAN, O&ober 29T
In the great harbour of Maha is &
French (hip of the line and thHce frigates,
with two .unrigged Maltese fliips of war.
The French garriT n in Malta is provided
with meal for. a whole year, and hopes to
hold out (ill the (lormy weatjaer (hall compel
the to raiff the blocka 'e. Ac
cording to fame accounts, Malta will be
restored to the knights of the order, when
the between France and Naples
lhall be amicably adjufied.
PARIS, November ti
The French, corsair, le Mercure, has ta
ken an English vtffel from China. This
rcffel had on . board a cteft of: feeds for the
king of England. Lebrun {he. captain of
the corsair, made a prtfent of them 10 the
botanic 'garden of Bordeaux There are
300 different kinda st icaft, and of the most
rare species.
Ncv.-mbtr 19.
The commander o£ the Anemone advice
boat, Viijich vrat wrecked on the cO'jftof A
iexaiidria ;n its endeavors to avoid falling in-
poffeffion of the Engljfh, and which
was fteverthelcfs taken by them, was brought
into this port on the 17th Oftober. At the
time of its departure, Sept. ax, the French
army was encamped 30 leagues t«,*ond Cai
ro, in the most advantageous pofitiori. It
was abundantly supplied with provisions ■,
but a disorder prevailed i.n the eyes of the
men, which it was expe&ed would ceaie on
the approach of winter. A squadron had
made itfelf niafter of the whole courfe.of the
Delta. Gen. Buonaparte had declared him.
felf Governor of Egypt.
BRUSSELS, November 6.
11 ft-*rday and the day"before, durin? the
whole day, there was fighting without inter
million upon tire canal of Bruges and Ant
werp, particularly m.the environs of Room,
Willeb'roeck, and of Capell aux bois. A
part of this krft place was burnt by the re
publican artillery. The infurgenta.defend
ed themselves with a rage bordering' on clef
pair ; they loft a great number in theft dif
ferent a nions. An officer and several woun
ded soldiers have been thought inhere.
\efterday at two o'clock, large detach
ments of cavalry andinfantry with fix pieces
of cannon, went from hence to attack the
rebels again, conjointly with two other co
lumns of troops. There will probably be
this day a general attack of the rebel's, and
.there is reason to hope it w'il be decisive on
the points to which it will be directed,
We learn on the other hand, that in the de
partments of the Lys arid the Forest?, the
revolters have again been beaten. Troops
from all the armies continue ta arrive.,
DUBLIN, Novemher 24.
A letter received yesterday from Belfaft,
mentions that a desperate fire had taken place
there in the linen hall, in which two of the
fquarcs of that building were consumed.
Extract of an authentic letter from Emma
Vale, near Atbione, dated Nov. 23.
" The rebel Hacket has at length paid the
forfeit of his crimes ; he was shot in the aft
of pillaging the house of Mr. Atkins."
The Hamburg mail which arrived yester
day brings important papers from the con
-sjrei . at Raftadt, by which our readers will
fee, that as the Ruffian troops advance, and
the treaties towards anew confederacy draw
to a close, the empire becomes more categor
ical m its demands on the French, an 3 more
daring in its language. The French minis
ters lent off couriers to Paris, and it is thought
that the answer will decide the question of
peace or war.
In other relpefts the mail is not important.
No flep on the part of the French has taken
place on the Grifon frontier; but they are
bubly employed in recruiting their aripv on
the Rhine. The infurreftion in Brabant
teems to decline a positive massacre. The
Leyclen Gazette lays, that it exhibits only a
Iceue of horror and defalcation. TRe-irifur
gents, pressed by the troops of the French
take refuge in their villages, try in vain there
to defend themselves, Jet fire to their hou'fes,
and peri Hi in the flames. *lt is not true thai
Syeys has quitted Berlin. That court, not
withltanding its representations on the fta-eof
Elirenbretftein, seems fHll determined to keep
aloof from the Confederacy, and prelerve to
its people the*bleffings of "peace.
Richard Bayley >
R r n n r l L r Y ir,lorir public that the
7 RetaU Bufrnef- carried op by them at their
Store. No 136, Market Orcet, will in future be
cirned on by .Mr. Wll. Bonnar, whom they W
leave to recommend to the favor of their Ir,ends
and the public.
All Persons indebted to the
above firm and those to whom they are indebted,
Will plc.ife to apply to John U hitksides 5c Co.
or the fettle men t of their refpeSive ac. ounus, wl o
are duly empowered for that purpose.
Richard Bayley & Co.
WILLIAM BONNAR.
RESPECTFULLY informs hi 3 friends and the
public, that the shove Store will he opened
by h.m on Moh«U/ the 4 -h ef February next,
with an anort-tnert of
dry goods,
Suitable to the feafen;. vi 'iich he flatters 1 in if- If
Will meet the approbation us those whs honor h:m
with their favor.
jsn z 9 . •> r