from "The
Club. j;
If we command our wealth we shall be rich j
and free : if our wealth commands us we
are poor indeed.—Too great a sense of the
value of a subordinate interest may be the ,
very source of its danger, as well as the i
certain ruin of interests of a superior or
der. [Burke's Let. on Regicide Peace.
PARSIMONY and extravagance are
both highly injurious to a state ; but the for
mer is a more dangerous vice than the latter.
By refilling to make provision tor a threaten
ed evil, on motives of an overstrained oecon
omy, thousands may be surrendered to the
dread of expence, and, what is above all
price, Honor and Independence may fall a
facrificeto calculations on cents and farthings.
With this mischievous disposition America
has to contend. It not only assails her in its
naked (implicity, counting cost without re
ference to final advantage, but it is made the
instrument of artifice, lends its specious
countenance to cover treachery, and combin
ed with pusillanimity has even induced some
to prefer tribute, degrading tribute, to the
expenccs of a juftand an honorable War.—
Could we prevail on the opposition to resign
other falfe notions and prejudices,with which
this isclofelv connected, we fhauld have lit
tle to fearfrom itseffc&s. Butwhilethe pre
sent anxiety for novelty and innovation exists
indefpiteof the lessons of experience; while
theaufterity of republican manners, thefweets
ofpaftoral repose, and the favagenefs of volun
tary power, are made more the object of our
pursuit, than the urbanity, dignity, and re
finement of poliflied life ; and while this mo->
4el of national character is admired by the
multitude, though drawn by the feverifh i
maginatiou of those, who, having been led
by founder minds, into a new and dangerous
path with success ; suppose all is flowery and
fair, with neither gin nor pit-fall. This rage
for frugality mult also continue to embarrass
every measure whereby we may hope to rife :
it will Viang like a mill-stone round the ne«k
of our country, and deliver us bound hand
and foot, into the clutches of our foes. It
is however but fair to acknowledge, that
these things are foreign to the spirit and feel
ings of our indnftrious yeomanry, and the
more foberand respeCtable clafies of our citi
zens. They become daily more and more
convinced that their advocates are men de
termined to amuse themselves, though with
the destruCtion of our best interests. Men
who calumniate, condemn, and (hackle the
administration, unreftrainedby responsibility.
Men, whose little talents mud be displayed,
whose little resentments must be gratified,
Whose inveterate prejudices are not to be
resigned: Who are indeed that four and
fermenting quality in a state, by which the
sediment of society is stirred up to discolour
and confufe the whole mass. Yet, notwith
standing the great body of our countrymen
are aware of all this, it does not follow that
yre are secure from the repeated attacks, and
unweared perseverance of Faction. We have
done much by our firm and decided measures
in weakening its influence, and in exposing
its inconsistency ; but by resolving to hazard
all in defence of all, we {hall nearly accom
ptifh its defeat. We shall do more ; we shall
add vigour to our endeavours, increase to our
fields, and respeCtability to our name.
Commerce is the source which supplies the
circulating principle of Life, and while "it ii
kept free and unobstruCted, Industry is en
couraged, Arts, Manufactures and Agricul
ture continue to flourifh, and every part of
the community is healthful and aCtive : The
benefits it diffufes refledt back the means of
extending them, and the expences attendant
on its preservation aie, or may be, returned
ten fold into the Coffers of the State. But
by denying our trade the necessary proteftion,
the motives to industry will cease to exist,
the produce of our country will becom6 a
drug, the influx of wealth be cut off, our
Farmers be dispirited, and more real proper
ty loft to the State than all the savings of
recoiKimy ever will reimbtirfe.
R. TAYLOR,
MUSIC PROFESSOR,
NO. 96, NORTH SIXTH-ITSIET,
RESSECTFULLY informs the Public that
he continues to teach Ladies the Piano
forte as usual.
Nov. 6. tuthsa
%l)c Csa3ette,
PHILADELPHIA,
SATURDAY EVENING, "JANUARY 16.
&>«- ™
Extract of a letter from Richmond.
" I have been for some time very much
disturbed at the politics of this country; I
have had suspicious for some time, that there
are a party in our Legifiature who wish a
separation from the union ; in which belief
I am confirmed by the proceedings of the par
ty, at the head of which is Mr. John Tay
lor, who, it appears, can carry almost every
measure he wilhes. Some time since he pro
cured resolutions to be pafled, declaring the
Alien and Sedition Bills unconstitutional, in
vindication of which, he has had leave from
the house to bring in the inclosed address for
their approbation, to go forth accompanied
with a certain number of copies of the Con
stitution of the United States, and of the
Alien and Sedition Bills, with their f-efolu
tions, all of which are intended, I believe,
to render the people of this country difaf
feCted to the general government. What
will be the effect, I cannot lay—but the
times are alarming, and, unless the general
government takes measures to check the
thing in its infancy, I do not know , how
soon we may be involved in a Civil War.
I most religiously believe there are a party in
this country who wish it; and I have no
doubt but the enclosed address is intended to
alarm the people unnecessarily, and, if possi
ble, to provoke them to opposition. Re
member it has not yet pafled the house, tho'
I have no doubt but it will, and by a large
majority—-as that party is all powerful."
ADDRESS
09 THE
GENERAL ASSEMBLY,
TO THE
OPLE of the COMMONWEALTH of
VIRGINIA.
Fellow Citizens,
UNWILLING to shrink from our repre
sentative responsibility, conscious of the pu
rity of our motives, but acknowledging your
right to supervise our conduit, we invite
your serious attention to the emergency,
which di£tated the subjoined resolutions.
Whilst we disdain to alarm you by ill found
ed jealousies, we recommend an investigation,
guided by the coolness of wisdom, and a de
cision bottomed on firmnefs, but tempered
with moderation.
It would be perfidious in those entrusted
with the guardianship of the state sovereign
ty, not to warn you of encroachments,
which, though clothed with the pretext of
neceflity, or disguised by arguments of ex
pediency, may yet eftablilh precedents, which
will ultimately devote a generous and unsus
picious people, to a bondage under power
usurped.
Encroachments springing from a govern
ment, whose organization cannot be main
tained without the co-operation of the
states ; whose authorities are constantly lia
ble to be modified by their concurrence, be
cauie they consist of exceptions from power
previously exercifedby the states, which they
only conceded, on account of the right of
controul reserved, are the strongest excite
ments upon the state legislatures to watchful
nefs, and impose upon them the strongest ob
ligation, to preserve unimpaired the line of
partition.
State tranquility amidst infractions of the
federal compaCt, would either beget a speedy
consolidation, by precipitating the state go
vernments into impotency and contempt;
or fofter perpetual revolutions, by a repetiti
on of these infractions, until the people are
roused to appear in the majesty of their
strength. It is to avoid these calamities,
that we exhibit to the people, for whose be
nefit the general government was ordained,
the momentous question, whether the consti
tution of the United States shall yield to a
construCtion, which defies every constraint,
and overwhelms the best hopes of republi
canism.
Exhortations to disregard domestic usur
pation, until foreign danger shall have past,
is a deceptious artifice which may be for ever
used ; because the possessors of power, who
are the advocates for its extension, can ever
create national embarrassments, to be fuc
ceflively employed as arguments, that the
people lhould sleep, whilst that power is
swelling, silently, secretly, and fatally. Of
the fame character are insinuations of a fo
reign influence, which seize upon a laudable
enthusiasm against danger from abroad, and
distort it by an unnatural application, so as
to blind your eyes against danger at home.
The sedition act presents that which was
never expefted by the early friends of the
constitution. It was then admitted, that
the state sovereignties were only diminished,
by powers fpecifically enumerated. Now,
federal authority isdeducedfrom implication;
general phrases, which were used as indica
, tions or recitals of that intention, which in-
the framing of the constitution are
grasped by ambition, and wrested into grants
of power ; and from the existence of a state
law, it is inferred, that Congress poflefs a
similar power of legislation.
. The sedition aCt is the offspring of these
tremendous pretensions, which infliCt a death
wound on the sovereignty of the States.
For the honor of American understand
ing, we will not believe that the people have
been allured into the adoption of a tonftitu
tion, by an affectation of defining powers,
whilst a construCtion was lurking under
the covert of unsuspeCted recitals, which
was to ereCt the will of Congress into a pow
er, paramount in all cases, and therefore li
mited in none. And yet it is in vain we
fcarch for any fpecified power, embracing
the right of legislating against the freedom of
, the press ; on the contrary, we plainly fee,
that the extensive prospeCts announced by tha
preamble of the constitution, are defined and
>.v
limited by the agencies allowed for realizing '
tliole prolpetts. 1
Had the states been despoiled of their so ■
vereignties by the generality of the preamble, t
and had the general government been en- c
dowed with whatever they ihould judge to be t
indrumental towards union, judive, tranqui
lity, common defence, general welfare, and >
the preservation of liberty, nothing could 1
have been more frivolous than an enumera- <
tion of powers. '
It is vicious in the extreme to calumniate <
meritorious public servants ; but it is both <
artful and vicious to rouse the public indig
nation against calumny, in order to conceal 1
ulurpation. Calumny is forbidden by the '
laws, usurpation by the constitution. Ca- 1
luniny injures individuals, usurpation dates. <
Calumny may be redreflsd by the common ju
dicatures, usurpation can only be cqntroul- 1
ed by the aft of society. Ought that which I
is mod mischievous to be rendered less hate- '
ful, by that which is injurious in a decree,
less pernicious ? But the laws for the correc- 1
tion of calumny were not defective. Every :
libellous writing or exprefficn might receive 1
its punilhment, whether it injured private ci
tizens or public officers, in the state courts, '
from juries l'ummoned by an officer, who '
does not receive his appointment from the
President, and is under no influence to court
the plealure of government. Now is there
any diftinftion in the constitution empower
ingcongref*exciu(ively to punilh calumny di
rected against an officer of the general go.
vernment; so that a conftruftion assuming
the power of protecting the reputation of a
citizen officer, will extend to the cafe of any
other citizen, and open to congress a right
of legi Ration in every conceivable cafe which
can arise between individuals.
In answer to this it is urged, that every
government possesses an inherent power of
fdf-prefervation, entitling it to do whatever
it (hall judge necessary for that purpose.
This is a repetition of thedoftrine of im
plication and expediency in different language
and admits of a similar, and decisive answer,
namely, that as the powers of Congress are
defined and fpecified, powers inherent, im
plied or expedient, are obviously the creatures
of ambition, because the care expended in
defining powers would otherwile have been
fuperfluous. Towers extra fted from such
sources, will be indefinitely multiplied, by
the aid of armies and patronage, which, with
the impossibility of controuling them by any
demarcation, would presently terminate rta
foning, and ultimately swallow up the state
sovereign ties.
So insatiable is a lust of power, that it
has resorted to a diftinftion between the free
dom and the licentiousness of the press, for
the purpose of converting the third amend
ment of the constitution, which was dictat
ed by the most lively anxiety to preserve that
freedom into an indrument for abridging it.
Thus usurpation even juitifies itfelf by a
precaution against usurpation ; and thus an
amendment universally designed to quiet eve
ry fear is adduced as the source of an aft,
which has produced general terror or alarm.
The diftinftion between liberty and licen
tiousness, is fttll a repetition of the protean
doftrine of implication, which is ever ready
to work its ends by varying its ftiape. By
its help, the judge as to what is licentious,
may escape through any constitutional rcftric
tion. Under it, men of a particular reli
gious opinion, might be excluded from office,
because such exclusion would not amount to
an eftablilhment of religion, and Gecaufe it
might be said that their opinions were licen
tious. And under it, Congress might de
nominate a religion to be heretical and licen
tious, and proceed to suppression. Re
member that precedents onee eftablilhed, are
ever prophetic of the use to which they will
be turned at some period ; and that the na
tion which reposes on the pillow of political
confidence, will sooner or later end its po
litical existence in a deadly lethargy. Re
member also, that it is to the press mankind
are indebted, for having dispelled the clouds
which long encompafied religion for dis
closing her genuine lustre—and disseminating
her salutary doctrines.
As if we were bound to look for security
from the personal of congress, amidst
the frailties of man ; and not from the bar
riers of the constitution ; it has been urged
that the accused under the sedition aft, is
allowed to prove the truth of the charge.
This flimfy veil will not for a moment dis
guise the unconftitutionality of the aft, if it
be recollefted that opinions, as well as falfe
faCts are made punishable, and that the truth
of an opinion is not susceptible of proof. By
fubjefting the truth of opinion to the regu
lation of fine and imprisonment, to be inflic
ted by those who are of a different opinion,
the free range of the human mind is at a
blow cut off. Religion is but opinion, and
under the fame precedent, its truth or licen
tiousness may be ascertained and punished by
a jury of a different creed. This law then
commits the double lacrilege of arreftipg rea
son, in her progress towards perfection, and
cf placing religion in a state ofdifmay—But
where does the constitution allow congress to
create crimes and inflift punilhment, provi
ded they allow the accused to exhibit evidence
in his defence ? This doftrine, united with
the aflertion, that sedition is a common law
offence, and therefore within the correfting
power of congress, opens at once the hedious
\olumes of penal law, and turns loole upon
us the utmost invention of insatiable malice
and ambition, which in all ages have dc
bauched morals, depressed liberty, (hackled
religion, supported despotism, and deluged
the fcaffold with blood.
All the preceding arguments, arising from
a deficiency of constitutional power in con
gress, apply to the alien aft, and it is liable
to others, of peculiar application. If a fuf.
picion that aliens are dangerous, constitute
the judification of that power exercised over
them by congress, then a similar suspicion
will juftify the exercise of a similar power
over natives. Because there is nothing in
the constitution diftinguilhing between the
power of a state to permit the residence of
natives and of aliens. It is J therefore a right
k originally poffefTed, and never furrendcred by
the refpeftive states, and which is rendered
utdr ....'u yalttuiXJ tu v-irfciUKi, Occaule it is
aflailed through the bolom ot the constitu
tion, and becaule her p;.cuhKr fituition ren
ders the easy atlmillion of an.l.:ns and labor
ers, an interest of vast importance.
But this bill contains other features, dill
more alarming and dangerous. It difpcnl. s
with the trial by jury : it violates the judi
cial system ; it confounds legiil.itive, execu
tive and judicial powers ; it punishes with
out trial ; andit beftowsupon the President,
despotic power over a numerous class ot men.
Are such measures confident with our con
stitutional principles ? And will an accumu
lation of power so extenlive in the hands of
the executive over aliens, secure to natives
the blessings of republican liberty ?
Herewith we submit to your con fide ration
the opinions of a sister state refpefting these
laws, which will fupercede the neceflity of
farther oblervations from us.
It measures can mould governments, and
if an uncontrolled power of condrudtion, is
lurrendered to thiife who adminider them,
their progress may be ealily forefeen. A lo
ver of monarchy, who opens the treasures
of corruption, by didributing emolument
among devoted partizans, may at the fame
time be approaching his objeft, and deluding
the people with profeflions of rcpublicanifm.
ife may confound monarchy and republican
ism, by the art of definition. He may var
nifli over the dexterity which ambition never
fails to display,with the pliancy of language,
the fetluftion of expediency, or the prejudi
ces of the times. And he may come at
length to avow, that so extensive a territory
as that of the United States, can only be go
verned by the energies of monarchy ; that it
cannot be defended, except by danding ar
mies ; and that it cannot be united, except
by consolidation.
An accumulation of materials foreboding
the dire success of such an avowal, already
exids. These materials conlift,
In fifcal fyltems and arrangements, which
keep an hod of commercial and wealthy in
dividuals, embodied and obedient, to the
mandates of the treasury.
In mercenary armies and navies, which
will on the oae hand enlid the tendency of
man, to pay homage to his fellow creature
who can feed or honor him ; and on the
other employ the principle of fear, by pun
llhing imaginary infurreftions, under the
pretext of preventive justice.
In an extensive edablifhment cf a volun
teer militia, rallied together by a political
creed, armed, and officered by executive pow
er, so as to rob the dates of their conditu
tional right to appoint militia officers—to
place the great bulk of the yeomanry in a
defencelefs situation, and perhaps even to
open the doors of congress to officers having
commissions under the executive.
In swarms of officers civil and military,
whocan inculcate political tenets tending to
consolidation and monarchy both by indul
gences and feve'rities ; and can aft as spies
over the free exercise of human reason.
In the exclusive knowledge of aft inter
course with foreign nations, which enables
an executive to guide public impressions, by
fragments of information, colored to diigud
or deceive, so as to expose us to the whole
catalogue of intrigues foreign and domedic
which foreign quarrels perpetually beget.
In destroying by the sedition aft, the re
sponsibility of public servants and public mea
sures to the people, thus retrograding to
wards the exploded doftrine " that govern
ment is the master and not the servant of the
people," and exposing America, which ac
quired the honor of taking the lead among
nations towards perfecting political princi
ples, to the disgrace of returning fird to an
titnt ignorance and barbarism.
In exercising a power of depriving a por
tion of the people, of that representation in
congress bedowed by the constitution, under
pretence that the reprefeutative chosen ought
to express his opinions, according to the will
of a majority, to be explained by executive
and judicial authority j thus edablilhing a
precedent for sapping the lad fortrefs to
which republicanism can retreat.
In corrupting the garrifom of that for
trefs, by admitting into it military charac
ters, whose rank and pay may depend upon
their voting for war ; whilst the constitution
ledulouily laboured, that the people, by a
representation of the utmost purity, Ihould
exclusively determine that question ; well
knowing, that the appetite for power, inva
riably impels the man who possesses much, to
seek for more.
In the adoration and efforts of some,
known to be rooted in enmity to republican
government, applauding and supporting mea
sures by every contrivance, calculated to
take advantage of public blindness, which
is allowed to be ingenuous, butwill be fatally
injurious.
In the suppression of the freedom of the
press, and investing the executive with legis
lative, executive, and judicial powers, over a
numerous body of men.
And that we may shorten the baleful ca
talogue, in eftablilhing by successive prece
dents such a mode of condruing the consti
tution, as will rapidly remove every restraint
upon federal power.
Let history be confultcd; let the man of
experience reflect; nay, let the artificers of
■ monarchy be asked, what farther materials
1 they can need, for building up their favorite
system.
These are solemn, but painful truths ; and
' yet we recommend it to you, not to forget
' the peffibility of danger from without, al-
L though danger threatens us from within.
Usurpation is indeed dreadful, but against
i foreign invahon, if that (honld happen, let
- us rife with hearts and hands united, and re
> pel the attack, with the zeal of freemen, who
- will still strengthen their title to chad fc
; usurpation, by defending their country.
r Pledged as we are,fellow-citizens, to these
l sacred engagements, we yet humbly and fer
r vently implore the Almighty disposer of
i events, to avert from our land, war and
; usurpation, the scourges of mankind ; to
f permitoo r fields to be cultivated in peace ;
t to indil into nations the love of friendly in
i tercourfe; to fuffer our youth to be educated
in virtue ; and to prefervc our morality ir.- v.
the pollution, invariably incuki.t to fca!>iu
of war; to prevent the labourer and h.f
bandman from being harrafic-d by taxe. ..i.d
imports ; to remove from ambition the
disturbing the commonwealth ; to annihilate
all pretexts for power afforded by war ; to
maintain the conftiuition ; and to bless our
nation with tranquility, under whole benign
influence we may rerch the summit of happ
nefs and glory, to which we are destined by
nature and nature's >God. -
An elegant Chariot,
With plated Harness,
For SALE at the Merchant's Cajfcc Houses,
On Saturday next,
at 10 o'clock.
FOOTMAN W CO.
*3 d4l
MADEIRA WINE
FOR SALE,
At the late dwelling-house of Hknry
Hill, Esq.
On Tuesday morning next,
precisely at n o'clock.
FOOTMAN & CO.
Approved endorsed notes, at 60 days, will
be received in payment.
3 ao »3 dtTu
Henry Zantzinger,
SURVIVING PARTNER OF THE HOUSE OJ
Keppele Isf Zantzinger,
Will difpefe of all their Stock in Trade, upon
moderate terms, conji/lmg as the fallowing
articles, in packages and open,
Br»ad and narrow Cloths Sewing Silks, Twill
C aflimeres, Swa-ifdowni Ginghams, Bengal Stripe*
Plains Beverrets Beaver Gloves and Bind-
Coatings, Elastic Cloths ings
Flannels, Swanikins Coloured and Scotch
Uai "s Threads
Refs Blankets > in Bales. Men'sand Women's Cot
Striped do. J Hose
Thickfetts,Velvctts,Cor- Do. do. Silk do
duroys Men's Beaver Hats
Fancy Cords, Vest Coat- Pocket and Children'#
">g Knives
Jeans,Fuftians, Nankeens Barlow and other Pen-
Cott. Ba.idanoes Romsll knives
Linnen and Cotton pock Knives and Forks Butch
et Handkerchiefs ers Knive, '
Pulicat and other ditto SciflWs, Shears R.,„ n
Silk Hdkfs Ferret, Ivory, horn, and X
Olive, purple and chintz Combs
Shawls Needles, Spetfacles, and
Apron
Calicoes and ( in I'himbltt, Curry Combs
Chintzes f Trunks &c. &c.
Furnitures )
Camblets, Calimancoes, N. B. A large assort-
Durants ment of Pearl, Steel and
I. Spinning 5c other Stuffs other Buttons
" d 7 e
For Savannah,
To fail the JirJl opening,
The well acoommodated and faft
failing ship
ggS SWIFT PACKET,\
PatrrcK Gkibbin, Mafler,
Now lying at Latimer's wharf.--For Freight
or Passage apply to the master on board, or
N. & J. FRAZIER,
No. 95, South Front Street.
January »». diw
40 Boxes of Fresh Citron
J»ft arrived via New.York, and for Sale by
JOHN CRAIG,
Who has also for Sale,
Old Madeira Wine
of the firft quality,
India Muslins,
coarse and fine, See.
A quantity of the belt English large leaf
Clover Seed.
)»"• *»• dlw
CHINA GOODS, :
Just received per the fcip New-Jersey from Canton
AND FOR SALE
BY ARCHIBALD M'CALL,
At his Store No. 187, south Second street,
—viz
An assortment of Teas of the firft
quaity,
White and yellow nankeens
Cafiia, iilk. umbrellas
an assortment of chipa ware,
and a variety of SILKS, consisting of
Black and colored Luteftrlng
do. do. fattins
do. do. fenfhaws
da. da. silk handkerchiefs
do- do. sewing silks
Black Taffeties
ALSO,
12 pipes of excellent Madeira Wine,
fit lor immediate use,
jan- *4 §
To be Sold at Public Sale,
At the Merchant's Coffee House,
On Saturday the 26th instant, at 7 o'olock
iu tl.e evening,
A well finished three story
brick house,
BRICK kitchen, brick neccffary, and brick
smoke house in the yard, situate in Coatus*
alley, a little above Race flreet, and about 100
feet east from 2d street.
The house is about 16 feet front and about 75
feet deep. The houf* is neatly painted and pa
pered, has a private alley, is very convenient; the
whole yard ispaved with brick, and has a beautiful
opening back. The terms of payment will be easy,
and conditions published at th; time of sale—an
indisputable title wijl be given to the purchaser,
and possession m:iy be had in one month.
SHANNON isf POALK, Auct'rs
i an - *4- dtCit
TO BE SOLD,
A two story Stone House,
I" ATELY built, with two acres of land, on
-Li the Bristol road, about a mile above Frank
fort. The situation is high and healthy, and
»he water excellent.—For terms apply to Mr.
\.John McClelland, or Mr. Richard Whitehead,
No. 62, Vine-street.
Jan. 21 daw
PUBLIC NOTICE
IS hereby given, that application will l»e
made to the Directors of the Bauk of Pennsyl
vania for the renewal of a Cei tificate for a share
in the said Bank, No 1182, dated July 24th
1797, (landing i« tfee name of JOSEPH REED,
the fame having beeu accidentally lolt or de
ll royed,
Philad. Jan. d6w