Bssg&jrirm y f '"*w*y*3>
%f)t o&s#t&
P If 1 I. A 1) K I. P H t A ,
MONDAY" EVE; l tN'G, October ;,O. J
A CHARGE
To the Grand juries of the counties of Alteg•
Ir-jy, oc. pM'iJhr.d at the requcjl of the
GrHnd jury ofAlkgitay eotiiity.
That man cannot be governed without
force, is one of' those truths, which, as too
often learnt only by experience,, experience
will Wl abandon. The young mind, unac
quainted with the dangerous effects of hu
man pnffions, cberifhes the delusive idea,
that all men are virtuous, that they haVe no
filfiflj views, but listen to the-voice of reason,
and pursue the generafgood—that restraints
on opinion are unneceflary, and punifhmentfc
of mifcomlua cruel : that, to be be free,
xvs mull be untedrained ; and that exer
tions of the power of government are viola
tions of liberty. Sentiments like these are
received with the stupid npplaufe of the ig
norant, and with the malignant praise of
ths artfully wicked ; and become the vtatch
vords of party, acid fymbojs of fadtion.—
The molt salutary measures, and the mod
faithful ministers of government are fufpe£t
ed, misrepresented, censured, and opposed,
till falfehood triumphs over truth, paflion
over reason, popular opinion over public au
thority, and riot and infurre&ion over or
der and peace : the main pillar of govern
ment, general confidence, is undermined ;
and licentiousness destroys liberty. l
Nor is it in politics or civil government
rlonet'nat these error*and dangers exist :
every where, wisdom will be opposed by
folly, knowledge "by igooVanc#, prudence
by rashness, and virtue by vice. Tbe most
efficacious do&ripes, and the moil benefi
cent precepts of religion are ceufared, as nn
renfonable restraints on human opinion and
conduit ; the mod prudent discipline of the
church, as encroachments on freedom of-life
and manners ; and ite mod; enlightened and
honed ministers as enemies' to human happi
ness, ambitious seekers of power to them
selves, and tyrants over the conferences of
others.
Wisdom and power will never life more
means, than are neeeffary.to accomplish the
end. If man could have been governed by
reason and a regard to duty, would the Al
mighty have had recourse to mysterious doc
trines of faith, positive precepts of praflice,
and the moil awful and tremendous puuifh
inents ? for the government of man, even in
his most perfeft date, it was necessary to
add to the knowledge of duty, the fear of
p tnifnment, and denounce death to the
transgressor. And liamas governments but
imitate the divine, when they trust not to
man'stcafon and virtue alone, to preserve
him ip obedience, but knywing that force
is neceflary, prepare force to keep him in
peace, submission , and duty. Without
fnrre. neither can the wfeful pUrposes of go
vernment be aecoraplilhed, nor the govern
ment itfelffubfid. For (such is the per
verse vehemence of human paflion) a govern
ment without a ready and constant command
of force, will (oort fall.
On this ground we may account for its
being received as a maxim, that a republi
can government is incompetent to an exten
sive territory.
Though, in a republican government,
laws, and not men, govern, and though
laws be made by the whole people, yet, the
people being numerous, no individual feel*
an attachment to the laws as to his own au
thority* While there is no peculiar affe&ion
to the laws in any, there is in many a drong
relentment to them. The laws which are
made to redrain and punish offences, must
be odious to^ offenders, and offenders are in
' ail countries a numerous class. With them
are aflociated, in sympathy at leafl, all who,
from like propensitieS, may forefee like dan
ger to th.mfelres, and wish to prepare in
ctheri a precedent of indulgence to their
future frailty. And even in the mod ho
ned, there may, from the want of personal
iutered and of an enlightened mind, be less
indignation for the wounded honor of the
laws, than companion for the fuff-rings of
the offender. While the people thus forget
tbeir own honour, the officers in .vhofe
hands is the public force, fee! too little in
terest in the office and are too much wittyn
the reach of the people, to oppeuc theit
humour or excite any individual resentment,
by a drift execution of the laws. By a
faithful exertion of their authority, they
are sure to create some enemies, but nc
man feels himfelf thereby bound to be theii
friend. By indulgence to offenders, the)
are sure to create friends, but no man feels
that intered in public authority, as there
fore to become their enemy. Thus thi
disposition both of officers and people is toe
often inclined to relax the energy of th<
laws. Relaxation of the energy of th(
laws will certainly produce licentiousness
and licentiousness will certainly dedroy th<
jrovernment. This will happen, even in ;
narrow territory. But in an extended ter
ritorv all the causes will operate with in
sreafed force, and proportionally accelcrati
the crisis of the state. According as the;
are remote from the feat of government
the vigilance of efficers will be lessened
their refpeft for the energy and dignity o
the government will diminilh, and their mo
tives to indulgence of offences will multiply
Temptations of ambition to set up feparat
independencies will occur or be suggested
combinations will be formed f°r.th,sp>n
riofe which distance will render it difhcul
for the general force to redrain and subdue
Tl"ii evpry. thing will con/pire to produc
a relaxation of the laws ; and of conlt
onem-e, a corruption of manners, licenti
oufnefs of .practice, and a prostration
morals. I" iatc ' oc "- t y> no % c
vevnment of laws can ftmd (for lieer.tioul
ness and can never fufcfi!b together
and a government of force rnutl fuccetd.
Tt results from all this, that, to make
republican govcri:mei: # pennanent, even in a I
small, but efpccially in a large, territory, it p
must be indeed a government of laws, and c
not of the passions either of the people or ! b
the officers. To make it so, it isneceffary, n
not only to provide for the free and enliglit- a
ened edablifhment of laws, but for their in- 1;
dant and energetic execution. To effect an
instant and energetic «xeeution of the laws, V
it is neceflary, to deposit the public force f
, in hands fufficiently independent of the hu- < i
mours of individuals, and fufficiently inter- c
eded in the execution of the laws, at ajl times, <
tojenfure such an application of it, as will i
compel universal submission. And, in such 'I
hands, the powers of government ought to i
be so didributed into every part of the ter- j
ritory, that it may reach, not only into the i
house, but, if possible (with reverence I 1
speak it) like the power of the Almighty; i
inio the heart of every man. If this can be
done, a republican government of laws vyill, i
with the blessings of liberty, have all the 1
stability and forde of despotism ; the people
will be well governed ; for they will be, at
the fame time, free and submissive ; and they
will be happy, because they will be com
pelled to be virtuous.
The force, then, of a republican govern
ment, cortfids in universal I'efpeft for the
Haws. .While that fubfids, the whole people
is a danding army, to compel their execu
tion. When that fails, the laws will not
be executed, and th/government, which ex
ids OBly in the laws, is therefore annihilated.
I may be reminded, that the republic of
Rome governed a vast territory, and laded a
long time. But let it also be remembered,
that it governed by a military despotism, and
is no example to any other republic, which
does not pursue the fame plan.
When the cofiftitution of the United
States was under consideration, this objecti
on to a republican government over an ex
tenfivc territory was discussed. It was said
that the objeition applied only to a fiogle
government over an extehiive territory, and
not to a federate government, as is that of
; the United States. And'it was dated from
j Mo'ntefquieu # , that a federate republic
! compoied'of ftveral states, united together
. under a general government, might preserve
i itfelf from an external force, the great danger
to fmail states, and from internal diffention,
the graat danger to large dates , and might
l become permanent.
This is the nature of the American povern
menrs. Sixteen states, each poffemng all
power necessary for the regulation of its in
ternal concerns, are combined into one, pos
sessing all power necessary for the regulation
of the general concerns : and this feheme,
. on the principles of Montefqtiieu, is compe
tent to secure the liability of a republican
government over an extenlire territory.
Admitting, that this feheme is compe
tent for this phrpofe, dill some proportion
must be preserved between the exttpt of the
territory and the number of fabdivifions ; for
a large territory mud surely be subdivided
into more states tfean a small territory, or
each may, more or less, fuffer the evils of an
extensive republic. The then is,
whether each state be not too extensive for
J its government to superintend, with efficacy,
all its internal concerns ; and whether there
ought not to be subdiVisions, fnbordinate to
1 states, descending to a competency to the
minuted public concerns, and rising, in a
regular gradation, one above another, the
larger comprehending the less. The necef
• fity of this fecms admitted. For every state
1 is divided into counties, and evety county
: into inferior diftri£ts, which, in this state,
' are called townships. This is the lowest
subdivision ; and, perhaps, lower than this,
' may not be necessary : except that, as the
> i fame regulations, which are fufficient for a
- country townilip, may not also be fqffi«ient
for a town, a town is often_deelared a fepa
-1 ratt diftrift, and incorporated, under the
1 name of a borovghf. Thus we have bo
' roughi, townships, eounties, states, snd the
United States'; and our political diftrifts,
1 descending to the fmalled limits, that eon
-1 venience requires, become more extensive,
" by degrees, and include each other, till the
union includes the whole territory of the
5 United States.
e * Spirit of liv/i I. 9. c. !*- • 1
f -f- There i« but one eity in this state.
t l' Remaindtr to-morrow.}
TRANSLATED
1 far th; Gazetti of the United States.
r
, Paris,july 7th, 1797.
a "At the fitting of the council of five
yr hundjed yesterday, a message was read from
0 the direftory, which gives an account of the
r obtained by Gen. Desfourneau
y at St. Pomingo. But news, which inter
s efts us more dire£lly, is what the telegraphe
:- ofLifle has at last announced to government,
e the arrival of the English' plenipotentiary
o in that city the 4th July, at 6 o'clock in
e the evening. There is no sensible man and
e a friend to the human race, who does not
; languish to fee at length the end of this for
e rowful and painful uncertainty, in \fhich
a France is found with so many nations of
■- Europe between peace and war—we almost
1- dare to fay, between life and death. In faft
:e a great part of Europe whjph the confe
y quences of the French revolution have fuc
t, ceffively drawn into the whirlwind of do
1, medic troubles or foreign hodilities, can
>f scarcely resist much longer this tedious mo
)- ral fever, which disorders and consumes it
f. even to its vital part 3. Italy is now in the
te highed of convulsions ; and theeffeft there
; of is felt in the different opinions among us.
r- While the papers devoted to anarchy tri
lt umph on this fubje£t, and the Moniteur,
e. more refetved but not less decided in there
:e volutionary principles, is made the depoGto
e- ry of all the articles, which cry up the de
i- mocratifing of Italy ; —whilft. it announces
of to the kingdom of Naples, that her turn is
0- likewise to coriie ; others censure these e
f- vciits with energy, and a letter infertud in
r) the VHijinrien of to-day, docs it as follows.
" When we reflect on the conduct of the
a agents of the diredtcry with respect to the
United States of America; when we view 5
pKilofophicaliy the deftru&ion of two an- (
cient governments, which were united to us
by treaties, it h alked, if we have a law of ,*
nations and a constitution, which regulate
and determine the mode of our foreign re
lations.
" It) vain that wife constitution shall then
have "offered to our allies a guarantee of the
faith, and liability of their treaties with us,
in the flow and deliberative forms which it
consecrates concerning war and peace ; the -j
direftery, under pretexts of a dark policy
will elude their formal dispositions. A vic
torious general may, nt the impulse of his
paffionp, abtife the power which conquest
gives, violate the sacred Jaws of nations, car
ry fire and sword into allied countries, ereft
himfe'f ict9ja ; fovcVeign arbiter of our rela
tions with them, change the form of their
government, affutr.e the legislator, regulate
every thing by the point of the sword, and
know no other law than that of feree ! . . . .
And the French senate, vested with the na- ,
tional authority, remain in an invincible ig
norance of these extraordinary events
" The government of Venice exiftt n®
mortf; that of Genoa is changed into a pure
democracy. Let us suppose, that Venice has
provoked by perfidy, with which we re
proach her, cruel reprifjls ; if it has violat
ed the neutrality, which it had faithfully
kept till now, a thing little probable, with
out doubt, it should fuffer the punilhment
of it ; but ought this' alledged right of re
prisals to extend to the violent deftrudtion
of its government ? '»>
" In thefirft place, war was not declared,
because the legislative b#3y had not pro
nounced it. But if it had, is a declaration
of war, an arret of death against a nation ?
I know this was the feroeious law of the
barbarous nations formerly conduced by
Brennus and Attila. But I know likewise,
that l'n our polifbed societies offenfive force
if regulated by another law of nations, which
is " the political law of nations, considered
lit the relations which one nation has with
another ; that conquest is only an acquifi
tfon ; and that the spirit of acquisition car
ries with it the spirit of preservation and
ufefulnefs," but not that of dcfiruSion.
" In vain it will be said that tKe people
of these dates, and particularly that of Ge
noa, desired a revolution, that they wifhedto
throw off the yoke of aristocracy, and that
the French geperal did nothing but protest
or favourthisTuddea leap towards liberty . ..
Men, who in their enthusiasm, real or fifti
tioiu, wiflied to fee every thing democrai'tfed,
might perhaps deceive themselves with these
chimerical suggestions, and applaud the re
sult ; but reasonable men, especially those
who have some knowledge of the fadls,
know on what to depend.
" It appears - certain, by ulterior docu
ments, that the mass of the Genoese people
resisted with all their power the innovators,
or the fa&ious, excited by the minister Fay-*
poult, astl-Aicrcd up by all apothecary nam
ed Morando. It appears that the terror of
the French armies and the menaces of a
vi&orious general have alene determinsi the
senate and the majority of the people to
fubferibe to conditions which force impos
ed on them ; and what conditions ! what
strange treaty ! The citpofit of the sovereign
ty it confided, it is said, to the universality of
the citizens of the territory of Genoa .... And
nevertheless, in feigning to pay homage to
this Sovereignty, the exercise of which the
people do not reclaim, we tfiake the firft use
of it! we usurp its rights ! or qtbitrarily
, infiitvte the authorities ! we metamorphose
: the doge into a municipal officer! and the
, pretended sovereign has not even the facul- 1
; ty, the liberty of naming the members of
i the new government which they have eftab
: lifhed ! and from whom then do the innova
- tors hold their commission ? what is their
: law ? the sword of a victorious general.
" In these circumstances, the true frienjls
: of the country, those who interest therji
, selves for its real glory, ought to unite and
■ raise their voices in concert. These ani
, mated voices ought to announce to the di- J
r reftory, to the legislative body, to all polish
: ed Actions, that the opinion of the found
part of the French disavows and reje£b this 1
riy'ation of the laws of nations, this politico
revolutionary system, which for some time
part, seems to have acquired strength, and
tends to render us odious to all the people
of Europe. The true philosophers, the al
armed philatithropifts ought to cry with
Phocion : " The order which the Author
of Nature has eftabliflied in human affairs,
will never fuffer that injufiice and violence,
' which are surrounded only with enemies or
: viftims, should become a solid foundation to
1 the power and glory of any slate."
: e3* University of Pertnfylvania
Oftoler 27, 1797.
THE different Schools of the University will b m
* opened on Monday, the 6th of November ;of
I which, a'l -who are concerned, are requested to
I take notice.
By order of the Faculty.
j ROOF,RS. Secretary.
f ~~ POST OFFICE.
Philadelphia, oSober 26,
t THE Pol{-Office will be removed t*
- No. 34, South Front Street, on Saturday
- the 28th inft. at half pall 12 o'clock, p. m.
- and on Monday, the 30th, the letter carri-
II ers will begin to deliver as usual.
"NOTI C E. ~
THI 7 . she Department of War are f<jr
e the pr.fent r>--iovect rear to the FalU of the Scuyl
kill, on the Ridge Road.
1. September 4. " Htf
The Health-Office
TS removed to'the City-Hall, and is kept onen
night and day, where pcrfons having bufWfs may
apply. Wm. ALLEN, Health-Officer.
Sept. 4. dtf
s A Wet Nurse wanted.
11 A Healthy Woman, with a young frreaft of
'• i V milk, who can he w«ll recommended, piay
e hear of a place hy inquiring of the Printer.
e Oil. 13, iw
Continuation of Latest European News, *
received by the William Pcnu. ;
• '• It
FRANCE. ' I E
r
COUNCIL OF FIVE HUNDRED. \
Sitting of Augujl 21. f
The reli& of the late general Marceau (
solicited some pecuniary relief, and Jourdan ,
of the Upper Vienne, whose r'etfeat in
Franconia he covered, passed an eulogium j
on his military conduil, and supported the
petition.
Bentabolle moved, that to the defenders
of the country, be paid the ia.:o millions
. of livres which had been prornifed'them, ,
and observed, that if the state were nor
" able to perform this promise, it (liould be j
_ openly confeffed. Ordered a reparc to be (
j made on the fubje£t. |
Thibaudeau, in the name of. the com
mission appointed to examine into the mef- |
sage of the direftory, refpefting the late
march of the trpops into the interior, and
addresses of different divisions of the re- |
3 publican armies, mad* the following report,'
c prefaced by some introduftory remarks on '
s the prcfent state of France.
" You have ordered your committee to
present to you legislative plans upon the f
different topics contained in the message
which was transmitted to you on the 22d
'' Thermidor last. The committee in the firft
place eonfiderjt their duty to dirtdl your
" attention to our prefeut situation. The
I republic lately advanced towards peace ;
' public confidence was revived ; the consti
tution began to bf consolidated; every
; j thing presaged to us happy, and peaceful
destinies. What evil genius has re-animated
,e our passions, re-kindled our animosities, cre-
ated .divisions between the different branches
'' of governtntnt, and planted terror in. the
breasts of all good citir.eas ? It is time to
j vecal security, to give' confidence to good
citizens, to repress the bad, to restore pub
lic credit, and to support the legislative bo
dy in the rank in which the constitution has
placed it. To attain this objeft, you must
re-e(labli(h your communications with the
. people. Never let your voice be unknown
' to them. From this tribune,. Reason and
e " Justice ought always to be heard with thai
0 spirit of peace and impartiality in which
true dignity consists. Your committee has
proceeded to the examination of the message
of the direftory.
" An unexpefted change in the minis
' try, and the march the troops, had fix
e ed the attention of the legislative body, and
j!" merited its solicitude. In expressing our
e regret on account of the dismissal of the
5 ' miniders, and our alarms refpefting the
march of the troops, we did not contest
with the direftory the right of changing
,f their ministers and disposing of the aroied
s ' force; but the legislative body had un
doubtedly the right of demanding inforra
n" ation refpeArng the violation of the confti
-3 tutional limits. The directory i-cplied, that
a it was to be attributed to an error in the
ie marching orders. You referred this mef-'
sage to a committee, which occupfed itfelf,
as it was wifely said by the reporter (Piehe
-3t gru), less in .proving the crime, than in en
deavouring to prevent it from being com
°J mitted hereafter. This committee prefent-'
ed the plan of a resolution for afceitaining
t0 the constitutional limits,
he , t rau ft no { a t present enquire into
1 the caufc of the marching of the troops.
J Perhaps we shall one 4 iy.be made ac'quaipt
' ed with it ;we have as yet learned only that
e the constitutional limits have been, violated.
" General Richpaufe declares, that having
° been four ye»rs on the frontiers, he knew
i>ot of fiie dispositions of the constitution
relative to this objefl. An excuse of this
;ir nature would not be admitted in the courts
of justice ; bgt the testimonials we have
had of the moral character of the general,
induce us to think that there has been no
evil intention on his part.
j;_ " I procew? to a more important objedl,
si, the address the army of Itaiy. What
n< j would become of the if those who
t j g have received arms only forhei defence, were
Q _ to interpose in civil discussions You are ac-
Bc quainted with the volume of addresses which
have been drawn up by this army. They
jj e are marked by an ardent expression of love
for liberty; but they hold forth absurd
claims, extravagant opinions, and criminal
or proje&s. The firft sentiments belong to
rs our generous defenders, the others to some
' faftious men, who wish to fee the bosom of
Q ' r their country torn even by thpfe who are
to charged with its defence. No, it is not
our warriors, but some ferocious monsters
who have conceived the projeft of deliver
ing up to the enemy the conquests acquired
by the valour and the blood of our troops,
and to lead them back to their families un
der the standard of rebellion. Have you
to been able to read without indignation, one
of these addresses, which asserts that the
fyflem of royalifm is unceasingly pafhed in
the Legislature ? Doss the audacious rebel
who penned this impious phrefe yet exist ?
Does he exist, atid-areyou free ? Does the
t« government slumber, that it has not pro
lay ceeded with rigour againlt him ? These
M> addresses are at present directed agai 11 ft the
Legiflature—Diredlors'of the republic,they
will soon be direfted against you !—Wret
— ched ! wretched is the authority which is
supported by bayonets !■—They always con'
elude by annihilating the power which they
have eftabliflied.—The addresses have been
f certified by the chief of the etat-majors ol
the army. They have been officially tranf
tifitted to several adminiftratioiu : they were
" cn destined to other corps of troops ; and yet
lay this, ij is said, was not a deliberation.—
j Doubtless it was not; "for had these addref
— fes been deliberated upon, they would hav«
been published in a camp of citizen soldiers,
who would have caused the voice of th<
p s conllitution to be heard. If the soldiers have
not read them, they do not speak the sen
timents of the army. The constitution pro
v hibits addresses in the collective nime oi tr
I armed body, and will a general be permitted t
to violate it ? The more services yinir ge
nerals and soldiers have rendered tothe coun-
I try, the more you ought to guard against
I all attempts upon the constitution. In a
; rising republic, do not permit the troops to
aft as if they had conquered only forthem
felves, unless you would fee, as once was
the cafe in the Roman Empire, your sol
diers *>b»y only "their generals, and never
their country. It has been attempted to
persuade the conquerors of Italy that a fyf
terrT of proscription exists against them.—
Proscribe them! who would dare to attempt
it ? who ,would define it ? What French
man here daes not palpitate upon the revi
val of their heroic aftiom, which command
the gratitude of their' country, and cover
with a veil of glory the dreadful events which
have tarnished the revolution ? They were
citizeni before they were soldiers—they must
! cea-fe to be soldiers, to become again ci
tizens.
" The Direftory inform you, that they
have put a Hop to the circulation of fchefe
addrefles, and that tl>ey have written to the
j commander in chief, deploring the circum
' fiances which had led to this violation of the
, conllitational aft. Tour cpmmiltec consider
\ it their duty to declare openly to yvu, that
anftver of the Directory bar appeared to them
unworthy of it) power, and the rank in which
the Gonflitutiou has placed that Body. N
u Consider whiit progress has been made •
in confequenee of these dangerous examples.
The spirit of foftion has already.introduced
the language, of anarchy into the camps.—
It has insinuated itfelf even into the honor
aole retreat of our wounded for
the fabrication of addrefles. It beats the
' minds of men. It proclaims every where
difiblution a if a death—Yet the Government
deeps ! Awaken, Legifktors ! watch for
' yourselves and for the people. The confti
' tutional limits are traced. Directors, Ge
' nerala, and Soldiers, bow yourfelve* before
1 the will of the people. The jlegiilative bo- ,
dy will never balance with fts duty. It is
inaccessible to fear, and will never submit to
! menace.
" Your committee will not humble itfelf
in replying to the calumnies propagated by
' your enemies. A legifltive body which is
not accufeable, ought not to jultify itfelf.
! By its lifts it must be judged—We (hall
1 speak the truth to the Directory—We fiiall
5 speak the truth to the people.
: " The insolence of pritfts and emigrants
is denounced to you. As to thepriefts, is 'not
their proscription in a mass to be regretted?
" Liberty of conscience, liberty of worship,
andfubmifiion to the laws—such aretheprin
r maintained by all philosophers—such
e are the principles eonfeerafed by the confti-
tution and the laws in opposition to the
claims of a religion which wished to be ex- •
J clufively established. As to the emigrants,
d who favors them ? Do not the laws refpeft
■ ing the emigrants exist* Do they not place
1" in the hands of the Direftory the molt aft
'•»«> the moll powerful, and the mo ft arbi
-1 trary means' f Tin return of noted emigrant*
e , is anounced. The ho life in as.
femble is even mentioned j but What then is
■ the doty of the police! Why
ments the traffic of whiah is publickly repor
ted? It belongs to us to require from the
Direftory an account of these monstrous a
" buses.
S " The Direftory tell you that aflaffinati
ons are committed, and that partiality is dif
° played by the Tribunals. It is necefifary to
inform them, that they have overstepped
thc!r duty, ande do them service in rccal
'l ifng them to it. It is true that blood flows
'• iu fevcral departments; but there are laws
S against afTaiiination, and the Direftory ought
w to execute them. If there be partiality in
, n the Tribunals, there is a law to'punifh them,
13 and the Direftory ought to denounce the
t3 guilty. In all cases, erimes cannot make
' c us despair of juftiee, and we ought te de
'» mand of the Direftory an account of the
Q measures they have taken to repress the
crimes of which they complain. We do not
I, understand the proteftion they claim for the
it purchasers of National property. Their
10 persons and the : r property are under the
re fafeguard'of the Constitution, and you have
c- given a proof of your refpeft for. them by
h yoru resolution refpefting the Prefbyteres.
:y " The Direftory inform you, that there
fe are Journals which breathe only murder, and
d the return of .Royalty. It is certain that
al the excifesof a rnultitnde of Pamphlets and
:o Journals have no power of reposing his mind
ie amidst an ocean of extravagant and faftions
jf opinions: but you have manifefted your de
re fire for repressing this abuse; and there, is on
st ly required a law which shall prtvent it,
rs without injuring the rights of Citizens : all
r- the elements of this law are ready, and the
:d Committee you named for preparing it will
s, fooil make their Report,
n- " The deficiency in the public revenue, it
iu is added, deprives our armies of their pay
ie We will not deny, that negligence on she
'ie part of the receivers, and the want of order
in and ceconomy have thrown our finalises into
el disorder; but have the armies anvrta'onto
: ? reproaeh the Legislative Body? At what
ie period, at what epoch, have you refufed
o- their funds? Your resolutions on this lub
fe jest have always been voted with urgence.
he It is-then in vain that the unfortunate rtnti
ey cr divides with them bis dread? Have,
:t- then, the forced the afEgnats, the
is Mandats, the in the conquered
>n- countries the National Estates, Ween found
ey infufiicient? Let us rather fay, that our re
en sources, being diftribnted through such a
of variety of channels, have been exhausted:
if- but that if thsy had been more prudently
rre employed the li'oft important part of the
et public service would not be in such a deplc
— rable state.
ef- •" Let the finances, then, alone occupy
ve all your solicitude. I know that every day
is, your attention is taken tip with this fubjeft.
he But the time is arrived when you must
IV* regard the prejudices against direS contribu
:n- tions. Peace, peace ! This is theanenhs of
ro- extricating U9 from ourembarraffment. Hew
tn very criminal wOuld those be who would