Gazette of the United States, & Philadelphia daily advertiser. (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1796-1800, October 23, 1797, Image 2

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Pis 11. ADE L P HIA ,
.MONDAY vAtmXp, Octobfr 13.
—-——
A to the recommendation of the
.Ph.'aOelphia Saptift Association, the Bap
> : :i CKirch in thjs city observed Thursday
last a d-iy of humiliation and priyer, on
aLcauh't cf t};s,prevalence of vice and im
i -ni-.'-rty, arid .the late calamitous viiitation
this anjl other places in the United
v.' alts; on which folem'n occafidn a suitable
4 -Tjrfe'was delivered in the morning by
the Rev. Dr. Rogers, from Psalm xnvif.
* 4th vtriV; ; apfl in the evening by the Rev.
M". Fiecfon, from ift Peter, sth chapter,
6th ar.d 7th vyfes.
At a "meeting of the managers of the
T> V' ire and Schuylkiil canal company,
!..Id October 19th, 1797, present, Joseph
Bftll, Wi'liaro Young, Standiih Forde,
J>'.hn Steinmetr, William Montgomery,
J Tfirurth Parker, James M'Crea.
I'll' diflivffed situation of the labouring
po;:r of the city and liberties of Philadel
phia, having been pressed by several of the
to induce them to adopt foma
plan of yn'wjig'thofe aceuftomed to labour
;-n T>ediatr- employ, so as to enable them to
i .port their families j and the situation of
vhe canal admitting (provided monies can
1;e raffed for the payment) of employ with
out inconvenience, of from three to five
hundrtV. men t
ilefoivt!, that Joseph Ball, William
Young and William Montgomery, be a
committee to wait on. the commiffior.ers ap
pointed by the governor, for distributing
the money granted by the legislature in aid
cf cbc poor, the board of health, and the
overseers of the poor, to inform them that
ftaanagfr-, a£ ilis canal company are
ready to employ any number of men who
are accustomed or disposed to labour, at
liberal wages, in prosecuting the work of
the canal ; provided money can be railjd by
loan or otl.erwife for the payment of the
labourers. That, in the opinion of the
managers, the monies will be moil likely
to be raised, <by a strong recommendation
to the citizens of Philadelphia, from the
different boards employed in distributing
relief to the ditlreffed, accompanied by in
formation, that committees of the commis
sioners, thebosrd of health, and the over
seers of the poor, in conjunftion with the
managers of the canal, will be appointed to
fee that the monies raised be faithfully ap
plied to the payment of the poor, who may
■be fimr.h'ked with work, and also by the
apnbintment of a committee from each of
their boards to solicit fubferiptions to tbe
joan.
Refolvtd, that the fa'd Joseph Ball, Wil
liam Young and William Montgomery, as
soon as the fanftion and recommendation of
the boards named in the foregoing refolu
tiiiß is obtained, proceed with such persons
■as the boards may name for the purpose, to
solicit fubferiptions to a loan for the purpose
of employing the poor, either in money or
notes, payable any time within fix months ;
that they call on the different banks arfd
ether public and private inftittAions, and
on all persons who in their opinion will bet
most likfly to contribute to the said loan,
and tfyat the said Joseph Ball, William
Young and William Montgomery be autho
rized to grant receipts for the monies and
tlotes obtained, binding the president and
managers of the Delaware and Schuylkill
canal company to repay the fame out of the
firft pi%fit3 of jhc company, and to pay an
, interest thereon at the rate of fix per cent,
per annum at the canal office, on the firft
day of January in every year, until the
principal is repaid, at the fame time pledg
ing /all the funds and profits of the canal
company for the repayment of the money.
JOHN STEINMETZ,
President pro tem.
Health-office, 20th Oft. 1797.
A committee of the managers of the De
laware and Schtiylkill canal company, hav
ing presented to the infpe&ors of the health
office, a resolution of their board, proposing
to raise by loan a sum of money for the pur
pose of furnifhing subsistence to the labori
ous poor of the city add liberties, by em
ploying them in perfecting the Delaware
and Schuylkill canal.
The infpc£tors of the health-office, after
duly considering the said resolution, feel fatis
fied that although the fame may not proper
ly come under, their notice a» a board, still,
as men who have the interest of their fellow
citizens in view, they may with propriety
recommend a plan, that will in their opinien
be generally advantageous to the city ; un
der this impression, as one of the great eb
jefts that may be calculated on, when the pro
posed canal shall be perfe&ed, will be ta fur
nifh the city and liberties with a plentiful
supply of wholesome water, for the use of
the inhabitants, which, independent of other
advantages, will be conducive to their health.
The infpeftors strongly advise a fubfen'ption
to the proposed loan, and recommend John
Gardiner, junr, ; James Whitehead, and James
Oldden, as proper persons to aid the mana
gers of the Delaware and Schuylkill com
pany to carry their resolution into operation.
. By order-os the board,
MM. MONTGOMERY,
Chairman, pro tem.
from the (Baltimore) Federal Gazetts.
rROM A CORRESPONDENT.
Messrs. PxiNTtus,
fnfclofed is a talk from the Chickafaw
Chiefs, in January last, and the answer of
Baron de Carondelet, resetting the change
\rhich was expefted in the property of the
.country of the Natchez. As this has not
before appeared in print, it may npt be un
acceptable to your readers.
TH* TALK OFT.IB C-nCKAK-vW CWWS, ,
At the Bluffs, reprcj;ntedby Ugalayacabe.
brother, 1
1 WAS, in the time of the EngliVh, a
chief ps my nation, and leader amongst the
warriors, and since then confirmed by the
badge I now wear, given me by the Spani
ards, who, when they became our friends,
prorr,;f"d us, a (ler.dy fnpport and protection,
on every emargency. We accepted the pro
feri'd boon, and preferred the protection you
held out, so the delusive preferits, of the A
iwicflns, which unhappily blinds too many
of our color. Notwithstanding they en
deavored to dvflroy you in our opinion, the
exair.pfe of those nations protected by you,
was felt by. ill, and the fate of those that had
allowed themfrlves to be deluded by the pro
digality of the Americans, could not be
coi cealed from our übfervation : We could
perceive in them the entitling of the rattle
snake, who caresses the squirrel he intends
to destroy ; and in you, the friends of red
men and their iatereft. Brother, now that
we know your worth, now that our eyes are
opened, and that in the fullnafi of our coov
fidence, we have received you in our hearts,
and have given you, to build a fort, a tra£k
of land which we had received from our fa
thers, and }iad sworn to them to preserve in
the state in which the master of breath had
given it to them, and to preserve which, we
have (he'd our blood against the French,
which we often refufed to the English, whieh
we lied given to you, overperfuaded by your
promises of keeping it, not only for the ad
vantage accruing to yourselves, but as we
also thereby secured to ourselves the poffefii
on of the reft, and a supply of our wants,
Which our own iuduftry was incapable of
How comes it, my brother,
that you wish to leave us at such a critical
time, or that our great father has given our
lands to the Americans, who are defirousof
nothing but to drive u« thence, and perhaps
kill us like wild beads. Will he who is
the cause of this look on with indifference,
and fee our blood, of which he has been so
sparing himfelf, rtied by others ? If he in
tended to give away our lands, why did he
promise to preserve,, them ? Had we not
trusted him, we/hould have joined those na
tions who have loft theirs, and likt them
have fought for our countny. Nctwithftand
ing that, we (hall do all our endeavors to
oppose their entrance into our woods and
taking poffeflion of our lands : yet we know
wc must fall ; yet the attempt is worthy of
We have fcen the treaty; it has
been read to us in our nation, and we ob
serve that our father has not only abandoned
us like the smaller animals, to the jaws of the
tiger and bear, but he en.ourages them to
d»vour us, by faying, if we commit any
faults, that he will drive us back to our dens,
am] keep us there. We know that we are
not all good, there are good and bad amortg
U3 as amongst other men. If a red man
happens to commit a crime, you will com
plain to the Americans, without knowing
t[ie guilty, and the innocent will fuffer, p'er-'
haps the ignominious pnflifhment of the lash,
as you treat your (laves. Red men are na
turally vindictive, and she people so treated
will seek revenge; it is then our ruin is com
plete : Alas, perhaps the ruin that our fa
ther brings upon us by abandoning our land,
may bring upon himfelf the loss of his own.
In our hunting parties the Americans go
before us, and make us ashamed, by their
exertions, which exceed ours ; they pene
trate farther into the country than we do,
where the silver grows ; we meet them daily
returning from their hunts, and some remain
among the red men of these countries, in
ordfcr, no doubt, to rife and take their lands
when a proper opportunity occurs. Do
you think, my brother, that we do not fee
these things : we hare a heart to feel, eyes
to fee, and ears to hear. Where are all the
promises made us by Gayofo, in the name
of eur father ? Are they forgot, because
we granted all you expected ? My nation,
who only yielded to my representation, the
land on which you now are, have they not
room to believe me an accomplice of those
who abandon them, at such a critical mo
ment ? Do you believe, my brother, that
I an» fafe from their reproaches, or that I
have not already felt them ? Yes, my bro
ther, they fee the lands which we gave, aild
which you now abandon, cannot be defend
ed by us, as our forts are the woods,, and
you have converted them into an open field.
Governor Gayofo writes us, you are a
man of valor named by our father of Orleans,
to watch over and protest us. Why do
you not comply with your inftru&ions ?
Tell me without falfehood, what we are to
do, for we are informed the Americans are
now coming to mark' our trees, and take
poffeflion of our lands. If this is true, I
cannot answer for the consequences, for our
brothers the Chocktaws are no more dispo
sed to admit them than we are : for my part,
I am a leader of my nation, and I will lay
down my life to prove to them that my
intentions were good in soliciting them in
your favor.
Answer—Tell me if I may return to my
nation, to appease the tumults of thrir m:nd3.
Shall I tell them the talk of the Americans
is a falfehood. Shall I assure our warriors,
our children and our women, that your flag
will always wave over your lands, or tell
them to prepare to die ?
The following is the answer to the above
speech, sent by express from New Or
leans.
Brother,
I have read the talk which you have ad
dressed in the name of your nation to the
commandant of the fort at the Chickafaw
Bluffs, and I make haste to answer it, to
undeceive you, for my heart is afflidled at
feeing you and your peopla in sorrow. For
upwards of five years since the great king
sent me to this country, the red men have
always been near my heart : I have been
incessantly employed in rendering them hap
py. Ugalayacabe, remembers the efforts I
< .de to reunite/all tlie nations which" dwell
between the Ohio and the Great Water,
like the hen Which afTemtks her chicken!? j
and covers thtm with her wings when fke I
perceives the birds of prey j remember what ;
I have told yourfelf, to the chiefs of the '
Chocktaws, Creeks and Cherokees ; re- '
collect all that I do to maintain the whole
of these nations in t ace ; the councils I
4iave given them so their mutual fafety.
Your own nation, the 'hickafaws, although
the last to to me, have been attentive
to my voice and faithful to their promises.
How then can it be possible that I fliould
abandon them.
Brother, and your brave Chickafaws,
open your ears, lilten, and believe. .When
I received the treaty which you spoke of
to me, Ugalayacabe, I said to the great '
k ng, Powerful monarch, who are I
jullice itfelf; yoti whd have always cfierifh- I
ed and protedted the red men, who are as (
numerous in your dominions as the stars in j
the firmament, will you abandon those who |
dwell between the Ohio and the Great Wa
ter. No, replied the great monarch, I ;
will never abandon them ; I will never
withdraw the arm that protects them. The
Chickafaws, Chocktaws and Creeks, are
free nations ; the lands which they inhabit
are theirs, and I will never fufler them to
be deprived of them againlt their will. The
line of demarcation which is to fsparate my
states from those of the Americans, neither
regards nor encroaches on the property of
the red men, it is only the boundary be
tween the Spaniards and the Americans,
who can neither buy lands from the red
men nor build forts on them, beyond the
limits that shall be marked. In fine, we
have agreed in the treaty, that the Spani
ards and Americans shall trade and supply
the ret} men with whatever they may want, I
whenever they please, indifcpminately and. 1
without troubling themselves about the li- j
mits.
Brothers, you have here the yoitie of the i
great kipg, your protector, who speaks to
you in this paper, you may shew it, pub
lish it every wWe, for 11 is true. 'Tfs I
who repeat it to you. You well know that '*
my tongue has never been double.
will restore to you thelands which you have
given us—we will take away whatever
could be injurious to ypur fafety. You will
receive next spring presents as formerly.
Mr. Panton may if he pleases set up his
(tore on the opposite fide of the river, in
wh'ch cafe I will leave some of my warri
ors to protedt him. He will fell to you,
and will purchase your merchandize. The
Americans, our friends, will deal with you
likewise, consequently you will want no
thing. You will be at peace with all. You
will have the option of felling your lands
to the Americans, or of refufing them ; and
if ever an attempt is made to drive you from
the lands which the Griat Master of the
Sun has given to your ancestors, from the
land which covers the bodies of your fa
thers, be afiured the great monarch will
eppofe it.
Ugalayacabe, and you brave warriors that
accompany him, return all home to your
villages with this talk which your messen
ger Fazar, will immediately carry you.
Shew it to the warriors, to your children,
to your wives, at the fame time telling them,
your friends the Spaniards will not leave
them, the great king will not abandon us
—we are born free, our children will close
our eyes in the fame land that gave us birth,,
and in it we will reft in peace with our fa
thers.
Signed, The Baron de Carondclet.
New Qrleans, January 26, 1797.
From the Commercial Advertiser.
It has been said that every form of gov-,
ernment requires some powerful agent or
principle to bind together and keep in a
state of adhesion the different parts of which
it is composed. In despotic governments,
this is found in force of arms ; in limited
monarchies, in force of laws ; and in repub
lics, in virtue of public spirit. Hence a re
publican government is said with propriety
to be built on opinion. Upon this depend
its life and adtivity. This opinion uncon
taminated produces pure reprefentation—
wife administration—.and cordial acquies
cence in, and pronipt obedience to the laws.
This principle, however, is not confined to
the form of government, but must extend
to the men who are to administer it. It is
of the eflence of such a government that
men in power ftiould. pofTefs the confidence,
or in other words, the good opinion of the
people. Take-away this living principle,
and the government, though right in form,
is wrong in substance. Its afts, its laws,
its adminflration, mull fail of that cordial
acquiescence, that prompt obedience, with
out which the best form of government can
not effedi its best and only true end—the
happiness of the people. The best govern
ment will become a caput mortuum —a mass
of dead matter—a weight of mere incum
brance, and cannot promifc long duration.
It is therefore eflential to the prosperity of
such a government as ours, that the people
should give their confidence to the perfous
whom they eledt into power. But there is
one truth, and but one equally efTential with
this, which i 3, that the persons eledted fliould
deserve that confidence.
A confidence inifpkeed on the part of the
c'onftituent, orabufed on the partofthc rt
prefentatjve, are equally pernicious.
Hence it follows,that the fureftway to de
ftroya good government, is to undermine
the confidence of the people where it is de
served, and to seduce it to unworthy objefts.
Yet here lies their greatest danger ; in esti
mating cfrarafters the mass of the people are
ever liable to deception and imposition.
Designing men know how to avail themselves
of this liability. In America the artifices
are already reduced into system, the partial
success of which encourages its continuance.
The man who, in his affefted zeal to serve
the people, betrays to the observing the ev
idence of his having fomethiug more at
heart than their service, knows well how to
conceal his real views, by founding aloud his
pretended cues ; noisy patriotism, intempe.
rate zeal, affefted jealousy of power, gas- ' c
conade of principle's, profeffions of pofleffing (
salutary plan? for reforming pretended abtif- i
es, affetted surmises of plots again ft the ]
public, feafting, drinking toasts, flattering,
cajoling and proftfling " to adore the peo
ple"—thtfe are. amongst the a£ts of your i
smooth furfaced, deep, defigrting dema- i
gogues of faction and intrigue. I; is a ]
truth too strongly evidenced to admit of a <
doubt, and as yet too fuccefsfully disguised 1
to be universally believed, that under the
smoke and noise of all this artifice lies con
cealed, and is agitated without being dift
in&ly heard, a fettled plan to explode the
federal government, and break in pieces the
happy connexion that subsists amongst this
great people. With what address this p'an
is managed, ltt it be seen by a man Handing
high in office, afluming the politics of this
fa6tio», being their life and their spirit, thro'
whom, and by whom they moved ; and yet
for three years carrying himfelf foas to make
the people believe he was the enemy and
oppofer of that very party. Who that saw
the masterly refutation of Genet's do&rines
and prttenfion3 could have believed the
writer to have been a friend to both, and to
have given secret comfort and countenance
to that great apcftle of disorganization ?
But so it is ; the jacobin party in America'
has aflwmed all possible forms, and executed
with scrupulous exa&nefs their afiigned
parts ; some have afted openly, others co
vertly, some at home, some abroad, some in
the cabinet, some in the town meeting; The
Vice-Prefidetit mult have been " a confiden
tial patriot,"* to have con<;£rted his part,
and yet to have a&ed in the public folong;
he mud in the execution of it 'have found
great advantage in a charafter fcrcely im
paired by general fufpicic*., with the weight
of office to baok it, and with his secrets
kept by his agenti abroad, and his colleagues
at home. In the year 1795, this fa-tion,
with their proper apparatus of jacobin foci
cties, with their corresponding committees,
hired printers, with their panders and eflay
' ifts, the whole herd of internal agitators,
their well tuned chime of patriotism,
republicanifra,French magnanimity, and A
naerican gratitude, which they chaunted
forth to the people, had nearly accomplilh
ed their favorite views of exploding into at
oms the federal government. Had not the
immortal Washington, that venerable per
sonage whom they never to slander,
flood like a firm tower againfi them, the
United States might at this moment have
been filing over the bloody scenes of Robes
pierre's anarchy. The piece confided of a '
double plot ; at home, to sow and nurture
the feeds of discord between the pe ( ople and
their government ; and abroad, to persuade
the French that the people were already at
war with their government, and that the
government was hostile to tile French re
public. 1
In profeeution of the domestic part of
the plot, every artifipe was adopted to bring
the government into contempt with the peo
ple and to give currency to the peflilential
dogmas originally broached by Genet, and
followed up by the faftion. The vilest
falfehoods were coined, the gvoflcft misre
presentation circulated. In some of the ve
nal gazettes set apart to those purposes,
even the decent appearance of truth was laid
aside, and fabrications were boldly pub'iilh
ed, which hundreds of people in the course
of a few hoifrs, might hare been convened
to falfify. But these gazettes were circu
lated gratis, as they are now through the
interior of the union, where nq other papers
were read, and where the antidote ftldom
reached. This single fa£t proves that the
jacobin party is an organized body, afting
in concert with a common fund conflituted
by private contribution, and molt probably
by foreign aid. No private fortunes are
competent to defray the cxpenfes whieh it is
ascertained they mult daily incur. The
arch fiend of misrepresentation whose ga
zette is pnblifhed at the feat of government,
took such latitude of prevarication, that the
little remaining grace left in some of the
high order of the party, sometimes recoiled
from the task of open avowal. Hence the
Vice-Prelident, in this, as in other parts' he
had a£t?d in the grand scheme, adopted pri
vate correspondence inflead of open decla
ration. He hasbeen, it seems, lately detest
ed in writing to Maryland (and molt proba
bly has done so to many other parts of the
union) recommending Bache's gazette, as
the best and molt authentic, and well wor
thy the perusal of the citizens ! Gracious
heaven ! what have the United States not
escaped in this man's failure of obtaining the
prelidcntial chair ? Shocking to reflect that
he has been proposed for a Prefidcr.t—a fa
ther to his country —who for breatJ offers
them a serpent ! Who could throw all his
influence on the fide of a gazette, edited for
the express purpose of scattering the poison
of civil discord through his country, and
circulated gratis amongst the citizens, to
court a more general perusal, and to pro
duce a more extensive effedt. How com
-1 ple'tely mult faftion have taken possession of
a mind once irradiated with the beams of
philosophy, which pijofeffes to inquire after
truth only—when it can wed itfelf to the
repository of falfhood, the Vehicle of (lander,
and the dcemon of deception. It proves
that this party has i great objedt in view, to
the acdomplifhment of wfitch no facrifice of
. principle is deemed exorbitant.
Having planted the feeds of difaffedtion to
the government in every state of the union,
but principally in the southern, every expe
dient is employed to make them radicate and
flouriih. A well Uifciplined corps of auxi
liaries is in each eredted, fraternized and fed
by the parent fadtion : they are well tutor
ed in the art 3of.profelytifm ; copiously fur
nifhed with matter drawn from \he office of
deposit in Philadelphia, to (candalize the
government, to run down the eh radter of
every man who stands high for probity, and
whose influence is likely to check the pro
gress of popular delusion, and corredt with
the antidote of truth the peftiferous efiedts
* Cee of the taut phrifes of the paaty.
of their circulating poison. T-.l it is lilt 9
embarraffir.eat to this party t,'.ixt a folfehocM
is dete&ed and exposed ; they calculate \ H
pon the newspaper being thrown aside ar.,B
forgotten, and have no hefrtation to
up the ftme tale anew. They knowthM
i »e£ts of repeatingfrcquently the fame thin I
to impress it on the mind, and have the I
problem ready solved, how many repetition I
of a given falfehood are requisite to ove I
a detection but once publilhed I
Thus the forged letters of the late Pref I
dent were re-publi(hed after every public I
tion of the evidences of theirfalfity, and ha I
gone through two editions since his publ I
disavowal.
But this is not enough for their purpoß
fes ; that great personage is not to be lefl
quiet in the decline of his age. The fileifl
efficacy of his great charafter is too formH
dable to their views. Difappoi'nted a!H
confounded at his retiring from offic,e,
they had set him forth as a man of restless
ambition and lust «f powef—Monroe is put
forward to attack him in the public
and draw him, if possible, to the degrading
level of a newspaper contest. This expedi
ent no doubt was forged out at that choice
entertainment mentioned in mylaft, where
with the French flag hung over their heads
(as a token of the country they belonged to
and an approbation of the war it was waging
againii us) the Vice President and his cho
sen band gave the fraternal embrace to Mon
roe, their faithful minister in I ranee. Most
mife'rably diftrefled iriuft the ji<.rty be for
matter to work upon when thev are obliged
to resort to a pre'ext which doc? not require
even a second thought in an intelligent mind
not distorted by faciei to appear inconsist
ent with every prinfip'' onftitutional or
political. There is nof a Jingle act of the
late President's adm: . If ration, for which he
is not equally imeYia 1 : 1 every person,
who, iike Monro*,' si v enough to chal
lenge the archives of iVtc and crest him
felf into an inquifit- nd a judge. In vain
to this party has the constitution prescribed
the channel in whi i the refponfjbility of
the President itt&ll w, and the 'mode in
which its fe .ftjo'fi't fhr.il be enforced. On the
contrary, n? b.-ij -escribed in the consti
tution, is with :hi one of the best reasons
for difregardii- ' The constitution being •
the very are at war with-; it is
treated a- u -hment scroll fit only
to be cm the " worm au
thors," ( r lype on L. Island to
contempt n. These new lights
oft!>.» world >n "conclave under French
auipipes h;iSfe ed a new species of res
. ponfibility for t t President : after he had
served 1 ime year n office, he must spend
the reft of h's lift i a jiewfpaper war, with
every pert fcribh'.er, disappointed demagogue,
or difgraeed officer, who may think proper
to abuse the freedom of the press. This,
however, is but a part of their general sys
tem to agitate, disturb, confufe and mifre
prefont. While by the well organized corps
in Congress, everyembarrafsment is mingled
into the interior of the government ; this
well contrived system is carried on ,without,
so that the laws and proceedings that may
escape them in 'legiflatioaJ may be palfiedin
the execution. At the fame time, while
ingenuity is tortured', truth prostituted
to find inflammable matter to keep this pov
ernment iji hot water ; the foreign plots a 9
auxiliary to the great ends of disorganizati
on, are sedulously pursued. The French
are invited to press the government from
without, to embarrass its foreign relations,
while they are working upon its domefticad
miniuration. The resentment of the inflam
mable republic is excited against supposed in
juries. Every aft of the Federal Govern
ment, in reference to foreign relations, and
many of mere domeflic regulation, are warp
ed and coloured into a tokeri of hatred to
their cause, or represented. as a measure hos
tile to their interests. They are invited to
make war upon our commerce ; no matter
how many millions of American property is
facrificed, provided it impair the revenue,
and bring the government to a (land. " The
wheels of government must be stopped" be
fore the machine can be destroyed. The a
lieuation of the public mind is to be matured
for effe&ing the latter, by the time the form
er (hall be accomplished by the other parts
of the system.
While the plot is maturing, a thousand
trifling pretexts are employed, to keep the
end out of fight. The people are supposed
to be yet unripe for the disclosure. No doubt
the new fcherae for future arrangement is al
ready framed and engrossed, and laying by
in the bureau of the ler*ler; and his more
cohfidential accomplices ready t» rife from
the allies of the prcfent constitution,' at the
wave of the Jacobin wand.
It is fafeft for the people to penetrate be
times the views of this fa&ion—to avail
themselves of their opportunity of fruftra
ting those views while they may, so as not
to lament when it is too late their fatal con
fidence, or criminal fupinenefs. The peo
ple may aflure themselves that whatever may
be the ends in view, they «re to be no gain
ers./ The mass of the people never were
• gainers in a Revolution from a Republican
: form of government. That which rises on
i its, ruins, probably after rivers of blqod, it
i sure to pofTefs less of popular liberty. One
' revolution n»y terminate in liberty, a fe
r cond will not. The firft is made to hringthe
people to a state of liberty, the second takes
> them at that state aad carries them forward
i to something else. In the firft the mass of
• the people lead the revolution, in the second
I it is conduced by their leaders. And what
• have these leaders to propofc to themselves
I as a compenfatioafor all this reftleis toil and
painful intrigue! They pretend to be in»
• fluenced by disinterested principles—by true
patriotism—-so did Cromwell & his party; so
did Robespierre and his adlttrents; and so
have the leaders of every fa&ion that ever
I subverted regular government in ancient or
- modern times. But as to these boasting pa
i trials, let us ask how came their breaftc, and
i their's only, inflamed with "h'3 extraordina
ry love ft* the people? Have they feca,