%St 0a s'ettc-
PHIL 4 DEL PHI A,
/ifftffort OJtce, 6th Sept. 1797.
Sir,
tn .compliance with orders received by the
this day, you are hereby required to hold in
hradins 3 to trlarch at a mmnent's warning,
the fifth, fisth, seVenth and eighth classes df
the eoni'pntiies composing your regiment, in
order to form the body of 817 men from the
brigade of tbis city; and as soon as possible
inform me of your proceeding, that I may
filake my report to his excellency the com
tr.ander in chief. lam &c.
LEWIS NICOLAS, Infpeftor.
Inform me of the number of notices your
/ regiment will require, and theyfltjll be
hilhed without delay.
C<»l. Gur!jev, or Officers 1
Commanding the jtb regiment. j
The Commiflioners appointed by the
Governor, to carry into efte& the law fcr
alleviating the diftrefa of the Citizens of Phi
ladeiphia, and the niburbs thereof; inform
tlieir fellow-citizens, that they have attend
ed to their appointment, and now invite
them to recommend in writing, signed by
one or shore reputable inhabitant, such of
the indigent as may come to their know
ledge who will be assisted as they may Hand
in need, by applying at the State-House,
froo: 3 to £ o'clock, on the 6th infl. and
every second, fourth and sixth days of the
wok, called Monday, and
1 ridiy, at the fame hours, while necelTary ;
nad ;nofe who want employ, may likewise
apply as above, of to either of the commif
lioners at their dwellings.
Compu/jiontrs. for the city.
Robert Wharton, S. Third-street, No. 135.
George Krebc, N. Fifth-flreet, No. 17.
John James, ditto No. 18.
Israel Ifracl, comer of Chefnut Si Third St.
'Thomas Skviery, N. Fifth-ftreet, No. 20.
Edward Garrigues, Cherry-street, No. 39.
Comni//toners for the Northern Liberties.
Samuel Wjieeler, Vine-street, No. 99.
John Wagner, Noble-street.
George lnglis, New Market-street.
Comrmflioners for Southtvari.
Samuel Church, "corner South & Water St.
William Lennard, South Second-ftrecti
Jlobcrt M'Mullen, Swanfon-flreet.
Philadtlphia, September 5, 1797.
Prom it, COLUMBIAN CEX7INEL.
MR RtHSfLI.,
AS f'lmr f»ss averted by the secretary of slate,
fn his letter to Mr. Pinckney, of January 16th,
1797, are deni d in a publication in the Gnxrttt
Nation*!, or XTonilevr Uiiiverfat, a translation of
Which appeared in the Cctitinelof Aug. 13d, I Tend
you an extra-51. coried verbatim, from an English
impreflion of a work of the late M. Briffot. pub
lifbe.-J in Paris, in the year-1791 ; vvhicli confirms
the trul'j of what the writer in the French paper,
»bovs-meminn«d. is pleafej to call, " an accusation
as falfe as it is wicked.** Jours, Z A. Y. A.
1 " At the time," fay* he. " when the different
powers were establishing the basis of the peace of
1793, M. Vetgennes. a&uated bv private, vi ws,
wanted to persuade the ambafladors f rom the con
grels, 10 confine themfclves to tbeir fifisriu, and re
nouneethe w fiern territory ; that is, an cxtenfiva
and fertile country beyond the Alleghanics. This
tninifter particularly inlifted that the isuhpendem-e of
America Jhould not be one of the fundamental'principles of
the treaty, but merely contingent. To fuccted in this
project, it was ncteflary to gain over iMetlrs. Jay
and Adams. Mr. Jay declared that he would fa
erifice bis life sooner than sign such conditions;
that the Americans fought for their independence,
and that they would not lay down their arms until
it waseompletely obtained ; that the court of Franc*
had acknowledged it, and could not confidently
reeal the avows l . Mr. Jay did not find it diffi
cult to hold Mr. Adams in the fame opinion ; nor
*«euld M. Vergennes everfubdue hit inflexibility."
N.B Th« reader will reeolleS, that Mr. Pick
ering mentions in bis letter to Mr. Pinckney, that
'" for some time Dr. Franltlin and Mr. f<sy, v/ere alone
at Paris." The contcft had begun between Mr.
Jay and M-Vergenfle*, before Mr. Adams reached
Paris; but it ap cars tjiat he and his colleague Mr.
Jay, were ejuslly frm in supporting the interests of
the United States. Sept. I, 1797J
From tie NF.IV-YOSK GAZETTE, We.
The directory appear of kte t« have roused the
just indignation of the council of five hundr»d, ma
ny of the most virtuous members of which have o
penly charged it with the g-reateft dilapidations of
the public monies; with conniving at the glaring
injustice and rapacity of four of the miniflers ap
pointed by them ; with a fliamefnl and criminal
ne in not making provision for the mainten- I
ance and support of the poor, the sick, aad other
objefls of charity entruded to their care and fuper
intendance, who are daily dying for want of means
of fubfnlenee ; with mifa)>p!yiiig the appropria
tions of public money made for the most neccffary,
just and ufeful objeiSs, to improper and useless pur
poses. The dire&ery like all ufurp«rs in aneient
times, and like all the factions who have got upper
mot in France during their revolution, know the
necefli'y of keeping the army on their fide, which
is eaCly done while they hold the purse, but who
will forfake them as soon as a llronger party rises
up and forcibly wrcfts it froci them ; which it in
variably has done towards all the factions who have
at different times got the purse into their hands by
the Jeftruflion of those who had it in pofieffion.
It is an established fait, that before any of the nu
merous factions who have for eight years domina
ted in France, ventured to denounce the faflion it
wilhed to dfftroy.that they previously had the pru
dence arid wisdom to fend agents to the armies, to
secure by gifts and promises their support, which
when attainej, they dared to come boldly forward,
denounce,and condemn to death,thofe who were in
power. So in Rome, under the emperors, great
eare was always taken to secure th: affetSions of the
soldiery. Oae day Domna. the mother of Caracal
la, blamed the ejnperor her son for being so lavilh
towards thefoldiers, as toexliaufl all the money '*- j
mailed and l*ft in the public coffers by his father. |
•' Make yourftlfe afy, mother, (rejoined Caraealla) J
with their swords 1 will nevtr want." These are j
the dying worcs of Septimus Scverus to his son : [
« Take care of the army, never mind the other [
Members of the state."
Do not these few words include al! the revolution
■ try Ktrality ps princes and falfe republicans who
imitate them ? The I'yftcm which bore so long a
time, and fti'J bears on the French republic, owes
its honor t® the fcrvile imi'ators among them, cf
the ancient system of emperors and kings who were
above the laws. CaraeaUa profited by the laftcour
fel« of hi* dying fa 1 her : under his very long
vo part of hi=. Jiibjeits were r garded but his r,I
wiers ; h" reserved al! hi; severity for tho'e ciri\
zens whole enlightened minds he feared, or whofc
riches he coveted.
liad the men in who usurped and fuc»r- '.
etl to thcmftlves by frW • and blooit the ercrcife of
'the powers rf fo*rrnmer.t undrr ti c present con
ftittition, instead of takirj tv.'o thirds of the c>ld
butchering Convention to make the new rpprifeh
tatiun, left the citizens at large the freedom of an
entire new election, Enrupe would two years ego
have been at peace—'France woifl.j have had lef3.
internal wounds to heal, and would Hot have 6e«n
obliged to pay a forced loan of at least a (liird of
whnt each man pofieffed, forcibly demanded with
the bayonet at his breaft,their young men torn from
their friends to be butchered in extending a terri
tory ton large already; nor would thcUnitc' Slates
have fufiered the incalculable loiTes which a liflip!?
nnauthorifed dicree of riie piratical, lawless direc
tory has produced.
By the amazing extension rf the territories of
Fmrrcc at the cxpence of internal happiness and
profnerity, her diabolical ufsjrping rulers havefown
the feeds of civil discord, of despotic
(which is net imp'rdbabU) of a
difmembermentofthe foutbei n ahd nonhern parts
of the empire into'two difiiniS IndepibdJfit fove.
reignties : snd, as we know the ajtibi.ion of the
" Five Headed Monster, 1 ' it is rery probable that
each of them may have «onceived the design ih in
creasing the impofiibitity of governing France by a
republican fyflem, from an overgrown territory
and population,of conl'ofidating the other four heads
into ONE—HIS OWN.
From th: Virginia Gazette, &c.
No. VII.
A DfivELdPEMENT OF THE CAUSES OT THE
DISTURBANCES BETWEEN THE AMERI
CAN AND TRENCH REPUBLICS.
ylddrefjed to the Ciltieu* of America.
MY FELLOW-CITIZENS,
IN the fncc?eding pafTages of the fame
letter, from Mr. Jefferfon to M. Mazzei,
we fee the fame opinion and misrepresentation
of the difference of sentiment between the
people and the government of America re
j peated, in still stronger terras ; and the fame
hint for the French to profit by that djver
fity of sentiment, held out in rsuah higher
colours, of the fame figurative kind for
which its author is so remarkable, than in
the parts just touched .upon.
" I fhonld give you a fever," eonvinues
thi» celebrated letter-writer, " If I flu»uld
name the apostates who have embraced these
hcrffies ; men who were Solomons in council '
and Sampsons in combat, but whose hair
has been cut o/fhy the whore of England."
Here is not only the fame declaration of
the division of our country, but a positive
averment that even those who had formerly
been diftin#uifhedfortheir wisdom andprow
efs in the defence of it, were now rendered
too weak and fufpefted by their attachment
to Great-Britain, to be feared by those who
choose to attack us. Who these Solomons
in council and Sampsons in combat were, is
too obvious to need an explanation. " They I
would wrest from u»," however, it seems, 1
notwithstanding this Sampfonic diminution
of their ftrcngth, " that liberty which we
have obtained by so much labour and peril;
but we shall preserve it. Our mafi of weight
and r/ches is so powerful, that we have no
thing to fear from any attenpt again ft us
by force. It is fyfficient that we guard our
selves, and that we break the lilliputian ties
by which they have bound us, in the firft
slumbers which succeeded our labours.'''
Can it be imagined that these sentiments
ever flowed from the pen of an Ameriean ?
And yet, that they did, I have not the
smallest question now rayfelf ; and doubt not
but that I shall prove it to the fulleft fatie
fadlion of ?very one who will be at the trou
ble of reading these papers before I have
finilhed. It begins already to be admitted;
and the excuse prepared to be offered for
this ftrangS and unaccountable attachment
to France, at the expense of our own coun
try, is, the old'ftyry of the nevetvo-be fa
tisficd deht of gratitude to that nation. In
deed the lad sentence in the letter itfelf pro
nounces its own apology. " It fuffices,"
fays th; letter, " that we arrest the progrefj
of that system of ingratitude and injuflice to
wards France, from which,they would alien
ate us, to bring us under British influence."
It becomes necessary, in order to find
out how far this is a fufacieat apology for
such conduft, to make some short enquiry
into this fubjeft ; which is rendered the more
easy and contra£t«d by what has been alrea
dy said by others, whose arguments I fitall
endeavor to avoid as far as pofiible.
It has been rendered manifeft by public
documents from the French themselves* that
they never thought of rendering us any as
sistance at all, until they had supposed our
| independence was well established by
ourselves ; and in the conclusion of the war
it has been proved by the fame authority,
that the independence of America was not
theirobjeft when they rendered us that aflift
ance ; but that they endeavored, all in their
power, to thwart U9 in that desirable objeft.
And in the secret papers of Louis the XVI,
published by order of the convention after
his death, it appears from the of
that prince's two f counsellors, Turgot &
de Vergennes, that it was the policy of
that court, by rendering us afiiftance, there
by to prolong the war between Great-Britain
and this country, as far as it could, in or- j
der to exhaust and weaken both, with a view '
of reducing the resources of her antient and '
dreadful enemy, Great-Britain, both at home 1
and abroad, as low a3 possible. To this )
history of their motives in assisting us, I will I
add one other piece of testimony, which!
appears to have been overlooked, and which"
will not, it is presumed, be called in ques
tion by any American ; it is the testimony
of Dr. Franklin, one of our ministers cm
ployed in the whole of our negociations at
Paris, on the fnbje£ts of the revolution, our
independence, &c. That well remembered
lerican, in a letter to governor Pownall,J
a member of the British parliament, friendly
to America, declares, that one of the con
ditions required by France, as a confedera
tion for her entering into a treaty of alliance
with America, was, that we fhcnld become
tributary to them ; and, therefore, that all
* See Mr. Pickering's letter to Mr. Piuci
ney in Paris.
•(■ See Mr. Harper's ad<we/s to his conjli.'u
ents, -which I wsuld recommend to the perusal
of all /merit ans.
J See Powriali'sfptech in Brit. Par!. 1777,
in which Fretnilin's letter is cited•
protpecls of negociating -'were at an end ;
and, that. then was the time, it ever, for
Great-Britain.again to' (Vcure the colonies
to herfelf," upon 'terms favorable and honora
ble to both countries!
ThiVwas still the fame fyjtem of Turcot
and "Vergennes,'of reducing and
refourcej of Great-Britain, improved, by an
attempt to draw a cpufiderable part of those
/powers and resources into their own hssds.
But I will not reft the discharge
debt of gratitude entirely oil tho motives which
induced France to enter inte an alliance with
us ; but will admit, that, let the motives
have been what they would, we are indebt
ed for all the real benefits which their aHi fi
ance afforded us ; and that, although France
might have conceived herfelf at the time of
entering into that alliance, that oyr inde
pendence was in a great measure fecuredby
our own exertions ; yet, it is a fait to be
acknowledged,that we were, long that,
reduced to a very critical and almost despe
rate point with refpedt to the real establish.
ment of that independence ; and, finally,
that her affiuanc?>at York-Town in Virgin
ia, aided very much in the completion-os our
revolution. Yet, I cannot agree, that a to
tal surrender of that independence, even if
they have bestoWed it on us, ought to be
made the return for those services. If we
are so much indebted ingratitude, that noth
ing but a surrender of the thing for which
we are thus indebted, can fatisfythe demand,
then is the obligation destroyed by the very
nature of the demand itfelf; there being no
confederation left on the part of America ;
; and it being a principle in all fair dealing,
that there is no real obligation where there
is no consideration. The vast ainount of
the debt being an acknowledgment of the
great value of the thing for which we are
thus indebted, is a fuffitient confeffion of it
elf, of the Vatl injury also, which wpuld be
done us by the payment which is demand
ed ; for, that a total surrender of our inde
, pendence, is the only return that would
fatisfy ow generous allies for the services they
have rendered, the wretched state of slavery
and beggery to which they have reduoed
the Dutch awl Belgians for similar services,
too loudly proclaims. These deluded peo
ple, particularly the Dutch, confiding in
their profefiions of friendfhip and good-will
for their welfare, fuffered, nay, invited them
to take poflefiion of their country, overturn
their government, pull down their dykes,
convert their fhijis to their own warlike
purposes, and destroy the independence of
their trade ; by which one of the most fru
gal and money-making people in Europe (
were reduced to nought ; and all for what ?
To give them an independent government in
return, of French chaofing, under which, they
had to fnbmit to the opprefllons of their ar
mies, and furnifh them with supplies of pro
vision* and actual money, by way of requi-
Jit 'wn, to the amount of at least fifty-five
millons of dollars : While the Belgians were
aftually put under military government, and
plundered of two hundred and fifty millions
of dollars ( under pretence of destroying the
clergy) and made to furnifh their armies
with provisions at the point of the bayonet;
and this too, all under the express -profef
fions of felting them free, and making them
independent and happy. What have we to
expedl from an entire ful»miffion to their de
mands on the score of difchnrging our great
debt of gratitude, who, from their own ac
knowledgments through Turgot and Ver
gennes, were only aflilled with a view of
prolonging the war, to deflroy us and Great-
Britain together : Ana what are we indebt
ed, when the demand for that assistance actu
ally turns out to be that very deffruSio*
which they thus contemplated and dtlired
when the service was afforded.
Where there is an intention of doinggood,
there is no obligation due, even if that in
tention fails in its defrred end 5 but if we
are to be indebted for a favor done, where
there was no intention of doing any, then
certainly should we be released, when that,
which we considered a favor at ftrft, is at
tempted to be turned into an injury in the
end. Thug, although the motives for ren
dering a service have little or nothing to do
with the obligation due for that service, yet
the end to which that service goes, has
something to do with the obligation.'itfelf.
If, for instance, an individual renders me a
service, and just as that service is about to
have it j itiofl valuable effedt, that individual
steps in and claims all its benefits tohimfelf
to my utter ruin—where is the benefit to
me, where the great obligation I am wnder
to him ? To turn this familiar and plain
ftatc of the cafe, from private life, into the
great and important national dispute be
tween France and America, 1 will just make
a short statement of fime of the naoft im
portant points on which this great debt of
gratitude rests ; which I will illustrate with
a few examples as familiar and plain is the
political way.
France, it will be acknowledged, render
ed us eminent service at the siege of York ;
for which, whatever might have been her
motives or opinions refpefting the progress
we had made in the revolution towards our
independence when fhc entered into the al
liance, we are much indebted : but then,
it must be acknowledged too, that there was
another point of our revolution,prior to both
the siege of York and the alliance too, to
which great consideration Should be had, as
produftive, or at lcaft highly efTeutial, in
producing both these great events. Every
body remembers to what a low ebb we were
reduced in December 1776, and January
1777, long before the treaty ofalliance was
formed. The times of our soldiers expir-
every comfort, every neceflary
and every inducement wanting to intice
them to re-inlifl, America had to face at
least twenty thousand prime British troops,
with about two thousand five hundred uu
difciplined, worn out, naked and heartless
men, when that celebrated and never-to-be
forgotten turn was given to the war, t>y the
affairs of Trenton and Princeton,-which arc
to be considered as the two neighboring
Tlxrmopylas of America. Allowing tke
French every possible erf slit fortheir assistance
at York, without regard to their motives for
entering into the alliance, as I have already
done, what let me ask, would those services
have availed us in 1781, had we been-con
quered, at this critical period of the war,
in 1776 ?
' Prior to 'tfee battle of Trenton, which
mayjuftly be ftiled the pivot on which the
fate of the American revolution turned, the
French had fliewn no great decilion in our
favor , and never, till after the capture of
Burgoyne (which, however lowVe might
have been reduced after, until the decisive
blow at York, helped to lay the foundation
of that final success) was her friendfhip at
all aftive : In the firft ot these Memorable
events, which is justly to be considered a
kind of supernatural intervention in our fa
vor, at that awful and alarming crisis, we
can be at no loss id pointing out the great
and principal agent. In the latter, we have'
to form a melancholy chasm in the holy book
of gratitude, when we reflect that an Arnold
was a most important instrument ; for who
has ever thought of gratitude to him for
those services, which he afterwards attempt
ed to turn to such a wretched conclusion ?
And who can think with patience of grati
tude to France, when /he demands all, and
more no than we ever gained by her afjijlance
for the favor ? The moment (he assumed a
claimlikc this,(he abandoned the true ground
on which our gratitude was founded, and left
us more indebted to her, than (he herfelf is
to Dumourier for his passed services. It is
the end, not the beginning of aftions, which
eftablilhes their cbaradter ; and France her
felf, since she has become a republic, has
carried into aftual praS'ue this principle,
much farther than any other nation in'ths
universe.
-The Marquis de la Fayette, it is well
known, was amongst the firft in that coun
try who .put a hand to tire real work of re
volution. He was the firft to propose the
annihilation of titles—the firft aftual step
towards Republican ism and Equality —iu
which he made a<i eminent perfonaLfacrificc
l)imfelf ; for which Tic Tus been rewarded,
not indeed in this unbounded measure of
gratitude by France,-which she would have
America shew her, but with the
the chains (not indeed of the goddess of
Fcnch liberty for being her enemy) but in
those of neighbouring tvrants for being
theirs. And how ! by the accident of War
which takes from one party a servant, whose
detention and final deftruftion is of conse
quence to the success of the other ? No !
But by the hatred which those have for him,
who, considering and knowing him to be
the real foe to tyranny, have seized upon
the opportunity of his being abandoned by
those who pretended to be the Friends to li
berty (even when from that circumstance he
conld be of n«»' service or injury to either) to
tormentJiim with impunity ?—Americans !
here let the lips in silence be forever closed,
and the eye of gratitude Vrhich travels into
Europe in search ofbbje&S, be forever shut,
left it should return bathed in tears from the
loathforne priior,where this great and distin
guished friend ofAmerican liberty lies breath
ing his lalt for want of a single breath, or
heavenly respiration of real liberty, with re
proaches to the heart !
Whatever*caufe the French may have to
abandon him, America has hone, until he
attempts to turn those services which he has
undoubtedly rendered u ?,*o >ur injury; then,
and then only shall he be relieved from our
obligations to him ; <<nd then too ought we
to he released from our obligations to any
individual, or even nation of individuals.—
The I rnch- the mfelves, it is a fidt, have
carrried the praftice of this principle much
further than any bther nation ; for they
have not only withdrawn their gratitude
from those, who, after rendering them ser
vice, have endeavoured to turn that service
against them ; but it is well known, that
they have executed fcveral of their generals
who had rendered them splendid services,
for the want of a continued success even in
their battles. And by what other principle
have those advoccates for this unbounded
gratitude to France themfilves been govern
ed, who have been endeavouring so long to
alienate our affeftions from a certain merito
rious American, if it is not that that they
have conceited that he was about to turn the
influence of those eminent ferviees 'lie has
rendered against his country ? It is that in
fluence which individuals or nations either
obtain by their services that renders them
dangerous to those they have benefitted :
And upon that principle I will admit, that
if general Washington had at the end of the
late war, have written to a fubjeft of a pet
ty Duledom, bordering on, and subservient
to Great Britain, " that our political situa
tion was prodigiously changed ; thatinftead
of that noble love for liberty and republican
ism, an Anglo-monarchico-ari/locratic party
had arisen in short, that the " principal
body of our citizens', all our proprietors of
lands, and the mass of men of talents, were
opposed to our government," and that those
* At the commencement of the revolution in
1789, the heads of the three parties in France
(via. that ljl. friends to the ancient monarchy,
2d friends to a limited monarchy, 3d for a re
publican government J had a meeting at the
house of Mr. fefferfon, then the JJmcrican am
baffador —at which, after ar. able difcufjton of
several hours, the medium, viz. a limited mo
narchy, was decided on, as the degree to which
the revolution was to go, and whith degree all
parties pledged tbemfelves to each other to sup
port. 1 The Marquis was considered the head
of that party ; and who, having accepted the
command of the army, and taken an oath to sup
port the confiitution of a limited monarchy, thus ;
agreed upon at the aforefaid meeting, in which i
he bad aßcd a eonfpicuous part and to which j
the King himfelf had confentcd, was only, afling
iii conformity with those sacred obligations and
agreements, when he was driven off. This '
was the taufe of their complainti—this the true '
hi/lory of their j -11 ice towardi him—a hi/lory
which will not be denied by Mr. J'JJerfon
himftlf. * j
who were in its favour, I. -.<! -:r\i weak,
and ttot to be dreaded ; ah J . t'nt letter tfras
written,- -had been -feat jV.iv.r -'iately by the
person to whom it .was adj;-. arid pub
tiftied in London, far the purpsfq.pf spirit
ing tip the people of that country to make
a frefh attack upon us, I fiuaid consider
that Wafhiflgtofi infinitely more execrable
than the deteftabU- Arnold : for the treason
of that general only went to cbe surrender
of a fmallpart of our army, but the defefti
on contained in such a letter, be cal
culated to'invite to the conquest of all A
merica. AMERICANUS.
FOREIGN INTTE L I-fb E NOE ]
MANHEIM, June 26. '
A council of war was. held at Schweti
injen upon the Austrian genehtls in the af
fair of the fvieuwed. Gen. Kray defended
| himfelf better than Werneck. The result
1 has been sent into Vienna, and the mean
time the archduke Charles has suspended
both these generals, from their funftions.
Gen. Spork takes command of the Austri
an army on the Lower Inline.
ON THE MAINE, July 3.
' The" emperor's edift relative to Nurem
berg has been publi/hed, in which the king
of Prussia, as margrave of Anibach and
' Baireu'th, is ordered without delay to with-
I draw the Prussian troops from Nuremberg,
j and is forbidden to interfere in its govern
| ment. Two months are allowed to com
ply with their injunftions,
J»'y $.•
Day before yesterday the firfl vessel was
here from Strafhurg, and displayed its three
coloured flag upon the Maine.
KONINGSBERG, June 23.
By the treatj of commerce between
England and Russia, it is agreed, that if
the two powers (hould declare war, there
shall be no detention of perform, velfeh or
property ; but at fleall a year fliall be graut
sd-ta-difpofe effe<?U, or remove them.
This treaty is for eight y«ars, and was con
cluded'on the 2111. Feb. and ratified on
the 7th May following.
WESEL, July 6.
The French army of the Sambre and
; Meufe is flill in great force, and its lines
I are from Du field or f on the right bank of
| the Rhine, as far as Nidda. It is in four
i divisions, and includes 50,000 infantry,
and 10, coo cavalry, exclufirely of the ar
tillery.
MENTZ, July 8.
This day, Lemoine with his division of
' French troops, left Wetzlar, and marched
for Siegberg.
It is reported that archduke Charles it
to set out for Vienna.
It is said that the French have broken
up 289 religious houses in Belgium, which
received from 5 to 6000 perfims.
DARMSTAT, July 8.
Ihe Prussian minister Hardenburg has .
gone to Anfpaeh.
It is believed, that the disturbance at
Nuremberg by the Prussians, will not have
any serious confequencet, since the Prussian
major a£led without military inftru&ions.
The imperial officer of the new levies con
tinues at Nuremberg.
VfENNATjuIy 12.
The French gen. Gentili, whojias an
rived at the Venetian island 0* Corfu, has
iflued a proclamation in which he encou
rages the inhabitants to attempt a revolu
tion, and to establish a republic. He urges
them to remember the excellent republics
of Greece, which so many heroes and great
men have applauded. This proclamation
has bad great effeft, and it it thought, that
the whole Turkish government will fink,
and the spirit of revolution will pervad«
the Morea, Macedonia, and the who}*
Archipelago.
July 5. ,
Gen. Mack has returned from the army.
The court has since been deeply engaged
by his communications. The Marquis d»
Gallo, who was lately with Buonaparte at
IJdine, has conftaat communications with
the miijifter of state, Baron Thugut, by
his secretary, who is passing at all hours.
From fried, 5000 Austrian troops have
gone by wattfr into Venetian Dalmatia, for
supplies, with which that country abounds.
6000 French tro6ps also went from Venice.
The whole force of the house of Auttria,
in its own states, exchifive of the Hunga
rian cavalry, which is not in their 'pay, is
reckoned at 438,000 men.
j *,
HAMBURGH, buly 15.
At- Rome, in the printing-office of the
Propaganian Society, a rich variety of let
ters and chara&ers have been found, espe
cially of Greek and Oriental chara&ers.
These are all demanded for the use of the
French republic, and will render its collec- •
tion of types the most numerous and beau
tiful, as w*ll as most rich in its variety, of
any in all Europe.
London, June 17.
Some of the last letters received froat
Lisbon Hate, that all hopes of accommo
dation with the French have vanished for
the present—in confequenee of which the
mofl formidable military preparations ar<
every where making. Since the late arrival
oi the Engliili troops, from Porto Ferrajo
in i ufcany, the whole force is estimated at
40,000 men. The line ot Portuguese
troops accordingly extends from the Tagus,
to the river Guadiana, their right being
fnpported by the fortrefs of Elvas, their
left by that of Montalvao, and their centre
by the redoubts of Portallegra and Caftello.
On >he other hand, the Spanifhfcines ex
tend fiotn the Guadiana to the Tagus,
having Bagdajoy to their right, and Al
cantaro on their left, wfiere tberc- is a p.if.
sage over the by ,a bridge : ihtir