PHILADELPHIA,
\ . .
Saturday ZPimm, September 2.
CITY HALL, September 1, 1797.
THE Infpe&ors of the Health-Office,
tsn the recommendation of the College of
Physicians, and other gentlemen of the fa
culty, and ?fter-iconCultation with lgveral of
thfii* fc-llow citizens, on mature deliberation
adopted sundry refolutiofls founded on the
laws for regulating the Health-Office, which
in their opinion would be molt likely to pre
vent the spreading of infe&ios-; those reso
lutions were fubmitt;cd to th~ Governor, and
at the enrneft solicitations of the Infpe&ors,
were fan&ioned by his Proclamation of 23d
August, 1797. The Infye&ors flatter
themselves, that as far as those resolutions
have been aftedon, the mod salutary effefts
have folkiwed ; and had they been carried
into earlier.operatioo, greater benefits would
have resulted.
To impress this belief on their fellow-ci
tizens, and as far as poffihle to draw forth
their co-operation, the infpe&ors deem it
only necessary to state the manner in vnich
thofe'refolutions have been afted on.
No sick person has been removed unless
the attending physician declared to the
health officer that their particular situation
made it necessary-—no force has been used
or ever was contemplated.
When persons with infeclinus fevers have
been situated in confined places, every per
son belonging to the house, as well as those
adjoining, except the necessary attendants,
have been prelfingly advised to remove—
yellow flags have been placed at the doors
to present unnecessary intercourse—and in
the neighbourhood of Penn street, were the
infeftion appeared most malignant, a fence
has been eretled to stop the communication
with that part of the city. The city hos
pital with several out buildings have bee»
kept in complete ordf r for the reception of
the sick, and a number of tents pitched for
.the accommodation of families, whose con
nexion with the sick made it necessary for
them to remove.
Dost. Cox—Notth Second street.
Dost. Pleafants—No. 133, South Se
cond street,
Dofl. Church—No. 1, Little South W
ater street.
DoA. Dobel—No. 180, S. Second ftr.
Dost. Leib— Northern Li
berties, were appointed to seek out and ad-
Jninifter relief to such persons as required
ailiftance.
After this view of the fubjeA the infpeft
ors trust that all sick or indisposed persons,
»s,well as those employed inthe.care of them,
will fee the propriety of an early applica
tion to their family physicians, do&or Duf
field, confuling physician for 'the pert of
Philadelphia, or to the before mention
ed physicians appafnted by the board,
that the necessary relief may be admin
istered—and the infpe&ors again request,
that the physicians generally will re
port such cases as may come within their
knowledge, that the statements of the pro
gress of the disorder may be publiihed ttf
their fellow citizens.
Approved by the board,
JOHN MILLER, Jun. Chairman.
While the foregoing address was under
eonfideration, being explanatory of the for
mer resolutions of the board, the fallowing
new members requefled and had leave to
withdraw.
STEPHEN GIRARD,
JOHN CONNELLT.
CALEB LOWNES,
JAMES SIVAINE.
For HAMBURGH,
mq ' I 'HE Copper Bottomed Ship
■*" FA TO RITE, John
\\ Thompson, Mister, now at
Bright's wharf, and will be rea
to take in on Monday next,
*" part of her cargobeing engaged
and reidy to go ojj board. The ship is lo well
known, that it is needless to describe her. She
is now in eompleat order. For Freight or Pas
sage, please to apply at Mr Jeremiah Warder's
Compting Houfr, No. -42, North Third street,
ortothe Master on bord.
August jo.
For SALE,
On board the said Ship, Swedilh Iron, aflorted
Hollow and Window Glass, Oeinvjohns, Wrap
ping Paper for Sugar Refiners, Rugs gjf 1 & 2
Quality. Please to apply as above.
wf&m4w
Excellent Bourdeaux Brandy
Ditto ditto Claret in cases
Just received, and for Sale by
„ Rundle & Leech.
Aug. 21. 2awtf
City CommiJJioners Office,
August 29, 1797.
IN pursuance of an Ordinance of the Select and
Common Councils, passed the 22d day of May laiV
Proposals in writing will be received hy the City
Commifßoners for one month from the ift of Sep
tember next, for letting to rent on leases for one
year to commence the firft da; of January (leit, the
following public property of the city—
Th£ wharf and landing on Vine Street,
Also on Saffafras,
Mulberry,
And High Streets,
Chefnut and Walnut Streets, Draw Bridge, with
the Scale and Filh Houses, Spruce, Pine and Cedar
Streets.
The cellar under the City-Hall.
The Tavern at the middle ferry on Schuylkill,
with the lots contiguous thereto, (except so much
thereof as lhall be occupied by any buildings erect
ed for the use ofthe Colleger of the Tolls, or be
necessary for the toll-gates.)
Ang. 3 3tawim.
TO BE SOLD,
And immediate pnffejfton given,
AConvenitnt well finifhed Brick Tenement,
with a cook house and other out houses, situ
ated in a pleasant part of the borough of Wilming
ton, in the Stste of Delaware—The lot of ground
>i! forty feet front on West-street. and extends
the square to Pafturc-ftreet, on which is
ereAed a (fable and carriage honfe.
- ALLEN M'LANE.'
ArJy-jg.
PHILADELPHIA,.
SATURDAY EVENING, September 7.
Lijl of all the Burials in the felteral Grave-
Tards of the City and Liberties of Phila
delphia, as taken from the books kept by
Clergymen, Sextons, &c.
From Thursday noon till Friday noon.
I
Norte of Burial Croutid. cj
Christ Church o o
St. Peter's o o
St Paul's * o o
First Prelbyterian o o
Second Prelbyterian o o
Third Prcfbyterian i o
Scotch Prelbyterian o ©
Associate Chureh c o
St. Mary's Chapel I I
Trinity Church c o
Friends o o
Free Quakers o I
Swedes o I
German Lutheran , x o
German Calvinifts o o
Moravians o o
Baptists © 0
Methodists I e
' Univerfalifti „ • .0 o
Jews ; o o
Potter's Field o 1
City Hospital 3 I
Kensington 3 1
Coates's * e 0
Total for the last 24 hours, 10 6
EntraEl tf a latter from an American gentleman in Pa
rity to bis friend in city, dated May 25.
" rhe departure of M——e is not less a fubjecfl
fubjefi of rejoicing to the very few Americans
here who are still attached to the genuine princi
pies of their government, than itjis a striking exam
ple of the discernment of our illuflrious PreGtJent.
Candor obliges us to avow the unequivocal unifor
mity of Kir. M 's political conduft since his
arrival in this country—ip no inftaoce has he devi
ated from the path, that the jacobinicaj fa&ion must
have pointed out, not ceased tovilify whenever a
popular occasion offered, not only our constitution,
as being formed on unequal principles, but the im
mortal Walhington and Adams, as meriting the
fate 'of Cqcfar and Louis. It i» however a source
of real consolation, that if his diplomatical abili
ties have b en found incompetent to support the
refpedability of his couutry in this republic ; they
have not been crowned with that compleat success
he has unccaCngly aimed at. There is fca-cely a
man in the councils of 250 or 500, whose, talents
and patr ; »tifm have avoided the Orleans'knd jaco
bin fadion.but depUres the unhappy difftfntions of
the two republics, and will assuredly (land forward
at the firft convenient opportunity, to unite our
countries by the mod indiffoluMe ties of amity.
It is.lprefunie.unneeefTaryto enlarge on Mr. M—'s
political life here, as his recal fulficiently evinces
that he is held in America in' that point of view
he ha« so jullly and uniformly merited. While I
am fpeuking of public men, the duty I owe to my
country renders It impoflib'e for me to pass over ill
silence the conduit of Mr. S h, the United j
States Consul in (his city ; his avowed principles
are perfectly cong\ nial with those of Mr. M e ;
he has been the faithful organ and interpreter of
the fentimenti of his protestor, illuft rated by all
the virulence' cf expreflions, which his lmallktiow
ledge of the French language enabled him to effeit.
The force of his mind is unequal to the taflc of sup
porting a good eaufc, or of aiding a bad one ; and
wearether'fore more indebted to his inability than
his intentions ; the former is so flagrant, that e
ren his warmed advocates are compelled into the
confefliom To supply in some meafurc this insep
arable defeft, he has a secretary, or as is termed
here, a chancellor, a Frenchman by birth, not less
unequivocal in his opinions, or less vigilant in dif
um that has neceflanly palled every part of our
governmental operations; it it in this way that our
leaders have been cenfurcd here, and even vilified
—our citizens represented on the eve of a revolu
tion. and ready to embrace the disciple of a Robes
pierre, or any pnuffary of dtfpotifra,"
One Darius Moffett, has lately set up a Rights
of-lfoan paper at Paris,Bourben County, Kentucky.
His motto, (Libirtaiit Natali Solum) he thus
renders :— Liberty and our free-ism Rights! The
sublime principle of patriitifm is a thing who'ly a
bove the narrow comprehensions of so ignorant a
herd as the Btsbes of this country.
To the Printers of Newspapers in Pennsyl
vania.
Gentlemen,
The fubjeft of the following observations
being of general importance, I request yon
will publish them in your several papers,
and oblige
A NATIVE AMERICAN.
THERE are few political duties more
important, but ljk other important duties
there are few to, than the du
ty of ele&iou. If representation be in
tended to express the will of the citizens,
surely none but eifizens ought to be fuffered
to meddle with eleiSions. For if others
than citizens interfere in eleflions, eledlions
are no longer pure, representation is 110
longer an expreflion of the will of the peo
ple, but a corrupt and heterogeneous source
of adulterated opinions.
The inhabitants of this (late may be dis
tributed into several claffcs. First, Natives
qualified to vote at ele&ions. Second, Na
tives not qualified to vote; and, Third,
Emigrants into this state. This lad class
may be subdivided into other classes : ill,
emigrants citizens of some other of the
United States, and therefore of this state,
and resident here long enough to be quali
fied to vote. 2d, Emigrants citizens of
other states, and therefore of this state, but
not resident here long enough to be qualifi
ed to vote. 3d, Emigrants from foreign
countries, who have become citizens of
this state, and qualified to vote. 4th, E
migrants from foreign countries, who hare
not become citizens of this state, and are
not qualified to vote.
With refpett to emigrants from other
dates, there is such a general analogy be
tween the governments of the several states,
that there is less danger to be apprehended
from their opinions on our representation.
But when we refleft on the vast number of
emigrants from foreign countries, spread
every where through the United States,
and the prodigious discordancy between
the of their governments and
ours, *e mult view with Tome apprchenfion
the effect of' their interference in our elec
tions, till they have been lo.ng enough a
mong us, in some measure to forget their
own prejudices, and adopt ours. In all
governments, but especially in a democratic
government, opinion is the support of the
goVernment, and unless the opinion of the
eleftori harmonize with the principles of
our government, the voice of our represen
tation will be at war with the principles of
our constitution, and our government will
gradually or suddenly be subverted—A fear
ful refle&ion ! wherywe survey the motley
variety of our inhabitants, and the careless
conduA of our ele&ion officers. We have
among lis French, Germans, English,
Scotch, Irish, See. some who fled from op
pression, some from poverty, and some from
the gallows ; some who have been bred up
in ignorance, some in villainy, some in the
bigotry of fuperflition, some in the delusi
ons of infidelity, some in the chains of des
potism, and some in the confufions of anar
chy. Of the French, some admire the old
tyranny, some the licentiousness, anarchy,
and irifurreftion of the revolution. Of the
English, some are for a seven years parlia
ment, some for a parliament of. one year,
some for a republic, some for a limited mo
narchy, and fqtne for the divine right of
kings. Two rebellions within 30 years in
Scotland, mark the Strong passions and preju
dices .in the minds of the Scotch. Of the
Irish it tnuft be ovfrned, that the permanent
examples of riot and mifchief, which they
fee before them at home, render them too
often dangerous inhabitants of other coun
tries ; and in many instances they carry
that hatred, which they bear to their own
government, into every other government
under which they live. With what an in
undation of corruption mull such a mass
of discordant opinions, principles, manners
and habits threaten to iverwhelm America,
if they are fuffered a!« at once, and before
they can' be gradually correfted by ours,
to interfere in our eleftions, affeft our re
presentation, ai}d operate in ojir laws ? How
carefully ought our constitution and our
laws to guard against a sudden or great in
trodu&ion of such foreign and heterogene
ous materials into the adminiflration of our
government. And how carefully ought
our eleftion officers (especially in the pre
sent convulsed state of Europe, when the
minds of all emigrants from that country
must be greatly inflamed) to watch over
the execution of the election laws, with all
the tenderness of conscience and fan&ity of
an oath. For this vigilance and diligence
they are answerable both to God and to
the state. To the state from the obligati
ons of a public duty, every deviation from
which ij an indiftable offence : To God,
because they have solemnly called on his
name, to witness the manner in which they
execute this office. If judges of courts of
justice, even in small mattss», adhere with
conscience and exa&nefs to established rules;
much more ought the judges of the great
court of the citizens, at elections, adhere
to the fundamental rules of our government
in the mofl important part of Its adminiflra
tion ; in that part of it the 'administration
of which affesi the whole. For the fatis
fa6hbn of such as may not have enquired
into the rules which our constitution and
laws have laid down for ascertaining, who
are entitled to vote at eur elettions, I shall,
in another paper, give a short, but I hope
a just, view of the existing laws' on this
fubjett ; adhering to the distribution of the
inhabitants, which I have already stated,
into natives of this state, and emigrants
into it.
A NATIVE AMERICAN.
From the Virginia Gazette, &c.
No. V.
A DEVILOPEMENT OF THE CAUSES OF THE
DISTURBANCES BETWEEN THE. AMERI
CAN AND FRENCH REPUBLICS.
Addrejfed to the Citizens of America.
MY FELLOW-CITIZENS,
I SHALL make no apology tiow for
conlideriug Mr. Jefferfon the head of what
is called the French party in America 1 Nor
will it be deemed a reflection by himfelf, I
presume, to be thought the head of a party
which he himfelf, it would appear, esteems
the most honorable in all "its body. Yet,
however honorable>it may be, to be consider
ed the head of a republican party, as in
truth it is, I cannot agree with that distin
guished charadfcer, enlightened as he may be,
in some of the things he would attach, as
necessary, to those principles.
That his excellency, the vice-prcfident,
is a sincere and devoted friend to republican
ism, I never doubted. But that he ever
was some things, which the letter now to be
examined into fliews him to be, I never could
have fufpe&ed. With refpeft to our ideas
of republicanism, which is of itfelf but an
indefinite thing, we indeed differ, and
yet both be honest. But the impropriety of
being the head of a French party in Ameri
ca, when that nation are doing all the in
jury in their power to us, having never struck
ft) enlightened and virtuous a patriot) is to
me indeed astonishing. Well might Mr.
Jefferfon fay then, that " our political situa
tion is prodigiously changed, &c."—from
" that noble love of liberty and republican
form of government, which carried us tri
umphantly through the dangers of the war,
&c." That noble love of liberty which
carried us triumphantly through the dan
gers of the war, was attended with an
attachment to our own country in preference
to all others ; and not a disposition to invite
our enemies, by declaring to them our di
visions and feelings in their favor, to make
aggressions, and perhaps' invasions on us :
Nor would there have been a man in Ameri
ca, I am persuaded, less apt in the late re
volution, to have held out a doftrine like this
to Great-Britain, than Mr. Jefferfon himfelf.
How it can be patriotism in the one cafe,
and uot in the ether, even admitting that
an attachment to Great-Britain in preference
to our conntry had taken jplace, I cannot
conceive. But let lis examine the change,
from our fermer dispositions towards Greats-
Britain, which is fvppofed to have taken
place on the principles laid down in the letter
itfelf, without regard to the leaning which
has aSually taken place towards France.
" Instead of that noble love of liberty,
and that republican government, which car
ried us triumphantly throngh the dangers of
the war," fays Mr. Jefferfon, " an anglo
uonarchico-ariftocratic party has arisen.
Their avowed objedl is on us the
substance, as they have already given us the
forln of the British government.
How far we have deviated from that no
ble love of liberty by the standard here laid
down, viz. a departure from a republican
form of government, (if not wholly depcnd r
ant on the different ideas which different
persons entertain of that indefinite term)
would require an elaborate difculfion, upon
the abftraft principles of government, which
neither the bounds of the present enquiry
permit, nor the nature of the accusation
renders necessary. The other part of the
charge, which is rather more definite and
reducible to some ihore certain rule, includes
every thing necessary to be enquired into on
this head. If an anglo-monarchico-arifto
cratic party has in reality arisen, then indeed
have we deviated from that noble love of li
berty, and that republican government,
which carried us triumphantly through the
dangers of the war. But the existence of
monarchy and aristocracy in the hopes and
wishes of one party, or »he imaginations of
another, is no proof of the adtual existence
of either among us. It is easy to afefcrtain
the real existence of these, if any such exist
ence there is.
The government of America is a system
now well understood. It is in that, and not
in the hopes and wishes of one party, or the
fears or imaginations oftmother, that we are
to look for she real existence of these quali
ties, either in form or fubflance. If by the
form, are mean; those ads which, it is said,
assimilate us to the British model, and the
fubjlance, an endeavor to reduce tliat form to
a hereditary right of afting, then i$ it easily
demonstrated, that no such form or sub
stance either, has yet existed, or been at
tempted, as it relates to monarchy. The
afts of pur government, which have general
ly been been said to assimilate that govern
ment to the British model, such, for instance,
as the banking system, excise laws, &c.
were the adls of the representatives of the
people, who have escaped the censure past
in that letter, of being in the design to in
troduce monarchy and aristocracy among us.
One of the highest (powers of the president,
is, his negative oifthe a£ts of the representa
tives of the people. Consequently, if the
form of the British government has been
given us in those afts, it has arisen, as 'I fuf
pe£t it ever will, from the democratic and
not the monarchic exertions'of our fellow
citizens. And with refpeft to the fubftari
tiating that form, whatever may have b<>n
the wish, nothing of the fort has yet been
attempted certainly.
The eligibility of the fame person to the
office of president, successively for life, is
the only pofijble channel in our government,
as it now ftanas, through which an approach
to hereditary monarchy can ever be made.
The late president, who has been accused
of being at the head of all fhis design, it ;s
to be remembered, came into office -with
more circumstances in his favor, than ever
can be expedied to accompany any other
man. Considered as the very fatherof those
liberties which ou,r present government was
meant to protest, he was twice eledltd by
the unanimous voice of the people of Ameri
ca ; EHid at the approach of the third elec
tion, the hedy of the people, who never stir
but upon proper occasions, and when stirred,
move in an irresistible torrent whichever way
they incline, gave such powerful proofs of
their inclinations to re-elect him, with the
fame unanimous consent, that not a candi
date would have ventuied forward as an
eledtor against him, who valued his reputa
tion with the people.. Yet, this president,
who has been accused of all this monarchical
design, in spite of all those strong appear
ances in his favor, to the great astonishment
and confufion of his accusers, retired to lead
a private life under that tyranny which he
had thus Uid the foundation of in his public
capacity.
No other man, it is almost certain, will
ever be elected, with the fame unanimous
consent ; or ever twice eletted, perhaps, in
his whole life. How then the fubjlance of
the British government, in its monarchical,
feature, is to be brought upon us, as long
as the present temper and government of A
merica prevail, is difficult to b« seen : and
with refpeft to its aristocratic likeness, I fee
no way in which that is to be fubflantiated,
except by a change of government, which is
alone the wish, of those who have pointed
those evils out.
An aristocracy, as I have always under
stood it, consists in a diftindt order of citi
zens elevated above the common mass, by
separate and exclusive privileges, honors or
titles. For the most part, these extraordi
nary privileges and diftinftions h*ve arisen
from, and been granted in consequence of
some noble atchievement ; and have become
hereditary from the vvillingnefs that man
kind have to perpetuate the memory of
great deeds, by continuing the credit and
admiration of them down through a train of
fuoceffors, without being able to continue
the qualities from whence those noble deeds
arose : Whence members of those fami
lies have acquired the appellation of nobility,
with a continuance of all those privileges
and advantages granted to their ancestors,
with a variety of titles, emblematical of
those great adtions. In America no sepa
rate and exclusive benefits or privileges
have yet been granted or attempted to be
granted ; and the present constitution of
the United States expressly provides £ Art.
I. Sec. IX. J that " no title of nobility shall
jbe granted by the United States." All cf
j sices and places of authority under that con
! ftitution, are expressly by elefticn, and on
ly during pond beW>ur, to.K-. j:- ' • ,{ of
in mod cases, by those who bestow t;; ti:.
Hereditary ftfccefiion to any place of hon
or, profit) or trust, is totally unknown to
the present government of America. Where
then the form of the British government, in
its arijlocraiic feature, has been' introduced
into this country, or how a design to im
pose upon us its fubjlance can ever be execut
ed, except by that deftruftion of our present
government which its enemies alone desire,
I am unable to find out. Whenever the
form or fubjlapce thher, of that government
is given to us, it mud be by the introdu&ion
of another constitution ; it will not be the
conditution that now exists, if it has in it
those qualities.
The introduction of the banking fydem
and excise laws, which are a part of the ad 7
minidration of our government, can have no
immediate relation with, or tendency to
monarchy and arillocracy, which would be
a material part of its principles, that I can
perceive. As well might we conclude, if a
tyrannical monarchy (hould pass one or two
laws in favor of the people, that it was one
of the mod democratic republics upon the
earth. Great Britain, it mud be remember
ed, as well as its banking fydem and its ex- 1
cife laws, has its magna charta its trial by ju
ry and its habeas corpus aft. Why not fay
then, that because that government has those
things, we (hould expunge from our Ameri
can fydem, all conjlitutional boundaries and a
greements between the people and their ru
lers, the trial by jury, and the writ of habtat
corpus ; otherwise, that these things too,
afjimilate U3 to the British model, and there
by render us monarchical and 'arijlocraiic ?
Either that, or an acknowledgment that the
British government is a perfeft democracy
and republic, mud be the conclusion from
this mode of arguing which has been adopted
againd the American government.
Admitting then, as I do, that it was the
adminidration of our government, and not
our conditution, that Mr. Jefferfon meant
by that form which this Anglo-Monarchico-
Ariflociatic party had given us, and were en
deavoring tofubjlantiate, yet I mud contend,
that he has fairly and positively said in the
preceding part of the fame sentence, that
our government is not a republican one ;
and therefore, does itadonifh me exceeding
ly, that Mr. Jefferfon (hould twice now
have entered so highly into the adminidra
tion of that government, of which he tho't
so badly., . Without making any comments
however on this circumdance, which would
but too naturally produce a disagreeable
retort for the many unpleasant things that
are said in that letter of the friends to the
government, I (hall conclude this paper,
with jud contrading the part of the sentence
alluded to, with a part of the fame gentle
man's inauguration speech as Vice-President
to the Senate, and leave every reader ta
comment for himfelf.
i he words in the sentence alluded to are
these—" lnjlead of that noble love of liber
ty, and that republican government, &c"—
Those of the speech are as follow : " I
might here proceed, and with the greated
truth, to declare, my zealous attachment to
the conjlitution of the United States, that I
consider the union of these dates as-the firft
of bleflings, and as the firjl of duties, the
preservation of that conditution which se
cures it."
This lad certainly (hews, at lead, that
", our political situation," had not so "pro
digioujly changed" from " that republican go
vernment which carried us triumphantly
through the dangers of the war," even on
the 6th of March, 1797» which was long af
ter his excellency's friend had left us, and
a considerable time after the writing of the
letter even, we may presume ; or, that Mr.
Jefferfon had then become an admirer of a
monarchical and arijlocratic government ! !
AMERICANUS.
Riehmond, Augud 20, 1797.
ERRATA FOR AMERICiNUS.
No. I. sth parag. instead of "in capturingthe
property of neutral nations"—r»ad, in taking the
property of their enemy in ihe (hi s of neatr;!
nations —and in the fame parag. instead ef " il
legality of captors," resel illegality of captures ;
and immediately after, instead of " the law of
nationsto which," read thelaw of nations which,
&c —No- 11. sth narag. instead of '• were recbrr
mended as read, were as
("eats. 9th pi ag. instead of, " and with so much
propriety," read, and with as much propriety—
and in fix lines after, between the words fram
and scene, add, of.
FREDERIC-TOWN, Augud 23.
Died, on the i2thirid. on his plantati
on in York county, Pennsylvania, AN
DREW SHRIVER, an old, refpedtabU
and independent farmer—be was near 85
years of age—left a widow of 87 —lived in
a, date of matrimony 66 vears—6s of which
passed on the farm on which he expired-
He lived to fee his offspring multiplied to a
freat number— 9 children, £2 grand chil
ren, aud 55 great grand children .in all
one hundred u*idfixteert persons.
A few days ago, a person by the name
of Robinson, living near the Sulphur Spring,
Berkely county, Virginia, put an end to
his exidence, by hanging himfelf. Thi«,
it is said, complcats the half doxen who have
taken their own lives in thi3 dadardly man
ner, in Berkely country within 12 monthi.
ELIZABETH-TOWN, Augud 30.
Melancholy Accident.
On Thursday lad, Mr. Stephen Le Fe
vj;e, refidiug betweaen this place and Rail
way, having by miftike eaten at dinner a
Toad Stool (agarius clypcatus of botanids),
with some common Mujhrooms fagarius
campcjlris) was fcized in the evening with
indisposition, and died tht next morning.
Having heard more than once of acf
dents of this nature, we think the follow
ing receipt to try the quality ofMufhroops
will not be unacceptable—Take an Onion,
Srip off the outer (kin, and boil it with your
Muihrooms : If the onion becomes black
of blue, there are certainly dangerous onfi
amongst them ; if it remains white, th<r
arc goods