Xijt tewttt.
PHILADELPHIA,
T U ESD AT EVENING, JUNE 6-
BY A CORRESPONDENT.
ON TBI IMTVDENt C ALUM MRS AGAINST
Messrs. HA RP E R and SMITH,
111 theenemy's Newfpjpers
THAT Via toe's eaui'e hath lure succeeded well,
And her friend/ effort! plac'd her foes in Hell;
Needs little penetration quick to tell, .
By their load howl, and dire Cerbcrcan yell.
For the Gazette oflhe UNITED STATES.
PARMER GILES declared! fcwdiya since,
" that Genet had no party in America to sup
" port his measures, and that he was univer
" Tally reprobated, except by a few disorderly
" fie'/bni-" A queflion arises who were the
disorderly persons alluded to, and I think we
may fairly conclude they were the members
who composed the firft "Jacobin Clubs in this
country, of which Mr. Genet w as the founder
ond patron, 'faking for granted that Mr. G's
meaning was as fiippofed, ft would be but fair
to fay who were the members of the societies
in queflion ; but as their meetings were always
held inpri-ente and the names of their patriots
in general concealed frfim the public, we can
only have reference to what is contained in an
e*tra£l from the minutes of the firjl or mother
society, dited 3d July 1793 and publilbed by
their friend Bache.
" Officers of the Democratic Society for the
" city arid county of Philadelphia."
D. KITTENHOUSE, President.
Wm. COATS, ) ... „ , . ,
C. BIDDLE, J Viee-Pref.dentJ.
ALEX. JAMES DALLAS,") **
MICHAEL LEIB, / Committee
DAVID JACKSON, >- of
J. HUTCHINSON, \ Corefpondence.
J. D. SERGEANT. J
ISRAEL ISRAEL, Treasurer.
P. St DUPONCEAU, 1 „ , .
J NO. PORTER, } Secretaries.
It has been said that the worthy representa
tive from the city was admitted to the honors
of the fitting, and that his colleague from the
county succeeded to the presidential chair, feut
resigned it in a pet to citizen Bache, because a
leading member, who, either from the want of
nerve, or from having been disappointed in a
flour contrail, didnotchoofe to go all lengths
on forii'e queftionj which were agitated refpeil
ing the -wefterTl injurredion.
' A CITIZEN.
Philadelphia, June j, 1797.
A letter from the Attorney-General of Ireland,
to George Hardir.ge, Solicitor-General to the
Quctn.
Dublin, Jan. \fstb, 1797.
MY DEAR FHIEND,
Yaur letter, desiring the portraits of those
ytu call the great men of Ireland, was duly
attended to previous to the arrival of the
French fleet, on board which there are sup
posed to have been many experienced arri'ts,
who, without the aid of the sculptor, would
have taken off the headof any great man moil
expediiioufly—however, as we were aware of
their [harp praftices, we had prepared some
capital performers, called yeomen—so 33 to
have insured the engraving of their whole
army in cafe of landing. It is to he lament
ed that not a tingle head wasflruck off- —par-
ticuiarly as the JirJl imprefftons would have
been ineflimable. It would require a matter's
hand to give an adequatepidureof Ireland on
the late memorable occalion. The fubjeft
is wortbyof themoft lively colours ; and I trull
that Irish colours will never fly. We are all
anxious for the Bridport squadron.
Yonr's truly.
Exlra3 of a letter from Gibbon to Lord Shef
field, p. 605, dated 1 Ith September, 'B3.
" The other day the French ambassador
mentioned that the eenprefs of Ruflia (a pre
cious—) had potiponed to ratify the principles
of the armed neutrality by a definitive treaty,
but that the French, obliging creatures ! had
declared that they would neither propose nor
accept an article so d'fagreeable to England?'
Gibben was fecvetary of embassy at Paris.
The above anecdote is a curious faft, and
proves what dupes the Americans would have
been to have gone to war with England, at
the French faSion have long wished, merely
ti compel England to ratify the principles of
the armed neutrality, to pleaft the French.
Communication from Benjamin Shreve and
fame* Laurafon, merchants, Alexandria.
On Dr. PERKINS'S METALLIC INSTRU
MENTS.
I have been a witness to an operation of
.Dr. Perkins's Metallic Points on my son, for
the relief of epileptic «t*. He has been fub
jeft to these fits for about eighteen
On the 23d day of the 4th month, he
was seized with one, with entire loss ef
reason—his hands so clenched together by
spasms, that the efforts of Mr. James Laura
fon, whose afliftance I called in, and my own,
could not open them. In this fttuation we
-applied Dr. Peiltins's metallic instruments,
one on each arm, from the elbow down to
his band, and, to our great surprise, hit hands
fooo became perfeftly lax, and opened with
ease, and by continuing the operation on hi*
head for a few minutes; he came to his rea
son and went to deep, since which he has bad
no more sign* of them.
On all former attacks they have continued
half the night, and from twelve to twenty in
number. Bleeding and other experiments
haie been used, but he was never before re
lieved of them so immediately. lam confi
dent the Points effefted the cure.
Conceiving it the duty of every friend to
human happiness to encourage new and life
ful difcovenes, 1 have Hated the above
BENJAMIN SHREVE.
The subscriber was a witness to the above
operation, and can tcftify to the faft* as. dated.
JAMES LAURA'SON.
Alexandria, 5/i Month, 1
lCti day, 1797. J
AUTHENTIC ai'D INTERESTING.
Extra?, of a letter fro<h HullanJ, February
33. 1797.
General Pinckney and hi* family have ar
rived here—on the other hand, Mr. Monroe
Ins arrived ia Paris, upon his return from his
tour through this couutry. What was the
cause of Mr. Pinckney's being ordered lo
leave fiance is vet u .known. But the con
dust of the French gownunent and iis de
pendents, at the fame time towards Mr. Mon
roe, and bil conduft towards them, give fe
tinus iweafinefs. The views and designs which
these circnmltances seem to indite, are of a
nature so important (o the conttitution, and
even union of our country, that I cann«t but
feel anxinus to discover how far they really
extend ; aad cannot but observe, with con
cern, the apparent of an internal
American party wii'* the prefenr government
of France, to overthrow that of the United
States.
You will doubtlef*, before this reaches you,
be informed of official communications made
to the American miniller, from this govern
ment, in the course of the lad Autumn,
wherein they formally, without disguise or
hesitation, call upon '.he United States, to
viola.e their tieaty with Great-Britain, go to
war with her, and make a common cause with
the French and Batavian republics. Such,
probably is (till the intention of the French
Direftory. But, as at present they totally
despair of affefting their purpose by negoci
ating with our executive government, they
will probably turn all their efforts towards
the House of Reprtfeniatives. The aft of
June 5, 1794, againlt which Adet complains
so indecently, expires with the present fcf
fion of Congress. This is the law of which
Fauchet, in his difpatcb, No. 3, fays, that
Randolph told him, " a bill fiad palled the
House 0/ Representatives, which wounded
liberty." An ind'.fputable proof of it is, the
next cUufeof the dispatch, which represent*
Randolph as adding, (< They have at least
taken away the article, which prevents the
sale of the French prizes in our pons."—
Fauchet, in his plartering certificate, pre
tends, that this passage of his No. 3, refers
to a conversation which he had with Ran
dolph, in Apiil 1794, anrl that it related to
the political diviftans in different parts of the
United States, and a bill which gave the
executive powers, that might be abused and
wound liberty. The impudence with which
this flory is told, when the clasfe about tak
ing away the article relative to the sale of
piizes comes so immediately after, in the
dispatch, is not one of the lead curious par
ticularsin the ftrangepublication of Randolph,
rhi clause about the sale of prizes was (truck
out on the 2d of June, 1794, and Fauchet
certifies that the conversation was the April
before. In faft, from the internal evidence
of Fauchet's dispatch, compared with Adet's
la!l note, it is clearly the 7th feftion of the
aft of June j, 1794, which was so extreme
ly obnoxious to Mr. Randolph, and at the
fame titre is so to the French government.
Under these circumltances, the attempt to
pafj an imposition upon the putlic as to the
objeft of the conversation, is itfelf defcrving
of attention Why was there any desire of
disguise in this particular ? Why but be
cause Mr. Randolph's conference"! with Mr.
Fauchet, uponfubjefts to which the fame7th
fed ion naturally leads the contemplation,
were such as it was judged unfit to disclose.
This 7th feftion i* indeed an important thing,
and I am not a little curious to fee how it
will be treated in the House of Representa
tives when the law is to be continued ; that
is, in the courft of the present session.
What expedition or enterprise there may
be views of carrying on irom the territories
of the United States against the dominions
of another Tovereign, I am not qualified to
fay. France is at this time not only at peace,
but in close aliiaace with Spain. But Beithsr
peace nor alliance are complete or efTeftual
guards against projefts of invafiou or revolu
tion. There is uo doubt but that the Preach,
in their negociation for peace with Spaia, en
deavored long to obtain a ceflion of -Louisiana,
and have since the peace been equally folicit
ou* to receive it in exchange for the part of
St. Domingo, which was ceded to them.—
You will observe both in one of the Paiis pa
per* whic!i I have lately sent, and in the Ley.
den Gazette, an article of news, publifhcd at
Paris, as coming from Madrid, that an in
evitable revolution is upon the point of taking
place in Mexico ; and that the people there
will soon (hake off the yoke of Spain. The
pretence that this dilpofitio\i is fomented by
the English may be true or falfe, the material
objeft of observation is the paragraph itfelf,
and the quarter from whence it comes. You
best will know, whether 1 am merely fanciful
in combining it with Genet's arrival at Ohar
lefton, and his intended expedition at that
period; together with the various other symp
toms that have appeared down to a certain
lettei to colonel Thomas Fulham,* a North
Carolinian, which I find in the American
newspapers of the lafl summer, and to the
return of the fame colonel Fulham to Frarfce,
immediately after the ratification of the trea
ty with Great-Britain. The part of the
President's address to the people, applying
particularly to the inhabitant* of our western
Hates and territory, indicates the evidence of
a plan advanced to a configurable maturity.
An obfeure outline of a vait plan, calculated
exsftly for the French-meridian, suitable at
once to their ambition and thtir jealoufv, dif
eovcrs itfelf in these various incidents. If
th-'f plan really exilts in the extent, which
may be rationally fufpefted, the 7th fe£iion
df the aft of June 5, 1794, is a very import
ant obstacle to.vjew* for conducing expedi
tions against the territories of a foreign pow.
er, with which we are.at peace.
But however, that may be, it is certain
there i» another plan, with the success of
which the other part of this feftion is total
ly incompatible ; and that is, the plan for
suspending totally the commerce between the
United' State* and Great-Britain. This de
sign, which ever since the middle of lafl sum
mer,. there has been fttong and increafmg
reason for fufpeQiug, is now in a manner
• The writer miOshej theaame—it is Fulton.
opinly . notwSiHflauding all il>e am
bigtitjr wf.ich perv. • <» all thjji official pa
[f-13 on the fut-jeft, and which indicates no
thing more than the view of retreating from
the system, in cafe they (hould finjl it im
praflicable, with a prctof.ce that they never
adopted it. .
To carry it into eff.-dt, they have two dif
ferent ratxlfl of proceeding : the one, bv
producing a war bet wee.i us and Great Bri
tain; the other by making a fort of war up
on in themselves, and forcib'y intercepting
all our navigation to and from Briiifli ports ;
at lead as far they can. But this yt!•
fedtion is an impediment equally to both thfcii
proeeffee. It prevents them from carrying
on a privateering trade hy mcar.3 of our own
citizens, whicli would be aliogether incon
filtem with neutrality ; and which, if not
fuppijeflcd, would at once harrafs the com
merce and pro'.tike a Date of hoUilltiea : and
at the fame time, it takei fronrthem the
means of intercepting forcibly the naviga
tion to and from Britilh ports, by dcpiivi.i£
them of the means of keeping a line of ptiva
teets along the whole extent of our own
coad, which (hould be ready to meet every
vefi'el which they (hould choose to (lop, up
on iis entering into or nTuLng from the seve
ral ports. To them this i* an essential ob
ject ; for our navigation with British ports
could not be forcibly interrupted, to a very
material degree, but by arreting the vessels
at the moment of departure or of arrival
This they cannot do in the European seas,
Lccaufe the British naval Superiority keeps
them generally clear, and a privateer or fri
gate seldom has a chance of picking up mere
than a (ingle vessel or two, before it is itfelf
taken. Neither can they do it upon the
American coad, while they are prevented
fiom fitting out their privateers in our own
ports, and while our citizens find their pro
perty protected by the juiildiftion of our own
tribunals. The consequences, therefore, of
an unrenewed expiration of this law, are, in
every point of view, so momentous, that 1
co. fider it as one of the principal purpofe3 for
which they are now undertaking to negoci
arc with the Houfeof Representatives againlt
the Executive of the United States.
At prefertt 1 am told here, that it is not
dofired that we (hould go to war with Eng
land ; that it would not even be for the fil
tered of France that we (hould. [ have con
versed, repeatedly, with the petfons upon
whom the principal executive funftions for
foreign affairs reft, and have urged so them
the obvious and inevitable conlequences to
this conntry, of a war between the United
States arid either France or Great-Britain.
Some of them, I have reason to believe, are
alarmed. The merchants, the renters, have
already perceived the eifefts of the mere p/of
pe£t, which is threatened ; and I know that
they are alarmed. The disposition therefore
here is right. I am even told that the French
Direftory wiil not pursue their fyllem to an
absolute rupture, and a hint has been given
me, that Adet's powers will be renewed to
difcufa the differences which have arisen, or
rather that the suspension of his fun£tions wiil
be removed. But all this may be intended
merely as a cloak to conceal (f-'figns of bof
tility, and prevent a state of preparation to
quarrel against them.
The measure of ordering Mr. Pinckney a
way, is so violent in its nature, that it is abso
lutely necessary to consider the Dire<story as de
termined upon proceeding to every extremity
forthe purpose of carrying their point 3 in A
merica. As it is unquedionable, "that the ruin
of our .commerce and a war with Britain are
invplved in these points, I cannot fuppoie that
the government of the United States will sub
mit ; and I mud therefore recur to an idea
which I have heretofore fuggeftet!—that is, the
importance of a cool, moderate and candid
datcment to the world of the real situation of
our differences with France. The notes of A
det, and mod efpecialiy the speech of Barras to
Mr. Monroe, when he delivered his letters of
recal, flart pretenlions of superiority on the part
of France, and of dependence on that of the
United States, which mud be refitted and refu
ted. Inltead of which, it is painful to fay it,
Mr. Moproe himfelf in his speech gives them
countenance and encouragement, by talking of
generous afiiftarice, which never was given, and
which their own official documents have long
since disproved.
The papers publilhed by the British govern
ment concerning the negociation of Lord
Malmelbury, ferv* in a great measure to (hew
the immediate system of France The d Ablu
tion of the German Empire'is avowed as one of
the objeils. This plan which was checked by
the disasters of their armies on the Rhine, the
lalf autumn, appears by the capture of Mantua,
to be refuraed witn new vigor. Italy feeras to
be secured to them beyond the reach of acci
dent; the fate of the neutral dates in that quar
ter, is asmiferatle as that of those which are
parties in the war. Florence, Venice,and Ge
noa, by turns ate required to supply money and
provisions, no less than if they were in a date of
complete hodility; and no fort
orfubmiffion can remove thedanger that is con
tinually threatened, of revolutionizing the go
vernments, and turning them into new, one
and indivisible republics, allied and tributary
to France.
A very larg« detachment from the Austrian
army on the Rhine has marched into Italy, as
likewise have conficterable parts of the French
armies j another ltruggle U to take place in that
quarter which in all probability will terminate
hke the former. The Austrian forces like those
of all the allied powers thro'this war, are ap
parently a formidable body ; but a body rotten
at the heart. Treachery pervades all their
camps, or a languid indifference palsies every
exertion. Yet it does not appear probable that
the Emperor will yet make peace; because up
on every success the French troops obtain, their
government swells its political system and by
the time when.Audria will be ready to facri
fice the Netherlands, he will be required tu
consent also to the efiablilhment o[ a republic
formed upon his Italian dominions.
The troops which had been embarked for the
expeditioh against Ireland, are coming to join
the armies upon the Rhine, where it is now
fiid the French are to taki again their offenfive
poiition. I hear no more at preftnt of the in
tention to fefid them again to sea. The Direc
tory some days ago rtqueded the Legifiative As
sembly to place tliiriv three millions cf livres at
thedi r pofal of the minider of marine, I fee
they did allow him only twelve millions and an
half; a sum large enough, to squander or throw
away, but not competent'fur much else.
My letters from France intimate great ex
pectations of in »h» Legifla
. live Affrm'oly, and a y.irc tarorai,fe profpra
for peace after new elections, which are to •
becompleated ato-l the icth of next month. I
! have not fur ray nwn'part, tl.e Jcat! i<le;r, that
! tliiy will pto Ine? a")' minrtjl aFerJtion.
They' sue Tt>!l debating the cOfilliiution here.
Tt will probably take them a month or lix Weeks
longer. A r]ut. oif in Frieflantl
has been fuppredfd, by killing and wounding
about a dozen of the riotfrs,
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
THURSDAY, MAY 24. _
Gall atin'r Speech coyTiNum)
But a question has been: indtreftly made
by gentlemen, whether it is proper to offer
to place France on the fame footing wit,h
other nations j this question had indeed been
already so well answered, that there was lit
tle left forhiti) to add ; and it might-be re-,
solved into the queftien, what is the l i of
nations ? Because if there is a precise law
of nations, that belongs to all, and must be
mutual ; this has been difcufled in the rfie
rits of the armed neutrality, which whether
it contained truly or not the fixed law of
nations was accepted as that permanent law
by America in the midst of her Revolution,
when it was above all other seasons the least
her interell so to recognize it, and which,
if there was a doubt, (he would have b.en
juftified in a£ting upon to her own salvation
and benefit ; in like manner the Trapty of
1778 was concluded ; but the gentleman
from S. Carolina (W. Smith) had infilled
and the Secretary of State in his letter to
Mr. Pinckney had endeavoured to argue,—
that it was not meant to b; permanent; —
their arguments had been already so point
edly refuted by a gentleman from N. York
(Mr. Livingfton) that he had to add only
one conclusive faft ; the gentleman had as
serted that the armed neutrality had ceased
to operate upon the termination of the war;
now if it (hould be found that one power
had entered into that coalition and recogni
zed the principles thereof as a permanent
law, the gentleman's conclusions fell at once
to the ground ; the gentleman had argued
that the convention of armed neutrality was
not to be permanent, and the Secretary of
State had supported or rather broached the
fame opinion—what does that document it
felf declare—" These stipulations (hall be
further considered as permanent, and (hall de*
cide in all matters of commerce and naviga
tion ; and in (hort, in every cafe where the
rights of neutral nations are to be deter
mined"—To this article he would only add
this plain faft, which he fonnd recorded in
the history of the armed heutrality, which
had been quoted by gentlemen, that in the
year after the conclusion of the war, Portu
| gal. had formally acceded to that conven
' tion ; its provisions concern (hipping, and
jwe fee a maritime power acceding to it in
j the tranquil moments of peace, and 'agree
; ing to it as the permanent law of nations ;
and it is upon our accefiion to the principle
while we were ourselves at war, and when its
acceptance was in opposition to our interest
but conformable to our love of justice, and
upon our subsequent recognition of it as
well in the cafe of our Treaty with France
a3 with others, that we are now bound to
put France upon an equal footing with those
to whom we have since relinquiihed the
principle. He did not know any treaties of
other nations in which the fame principle
had not been recognized, unless it was in an
iiiftance mentioned of Rufiia having com
bined with England to do it away for the
temporary end of starving France into a sur
render—or as was the fafhionable exprefiion,
of blotting her out of she map of Europe ;
Denmark and Sweden indeed had in some
measure given way to the nectffuv of the
times by declaring that they would abide
by none but generally received laws, arid io
this they no doubt adted with a prudence
that could not be blamed ; and it was right
under a preflure as urgent that the United
States had pursued a corresponding conduit;
and if right in these powers it could not be
laid to be wrong only in the cafe of France,
who being willing to maintain it, cannot
find the other powers ready or able to ren
der the support mutual and general; but it
had been said that America was not bound
by her Treaty with France, not to make
this relinqui(hment to Britain ; as a foreign
nation unquestionably (he had a right to
treat as (he pleased, and no other nation had
a right-to interfere in the afts of her sove
reignty ; but was it right to acknowledge it
in opposition to the law of nations, and to
grant it without an equivalent from the on
ly nation that had before denied that law ;
it (hould have been the fine qua non in our
ncgociation with Britain, not of war, but a
sim qua non of negociation ; it would have
been our interest & our duty not to abandon
the principle, even tho' our strength did not
allow us to support the execution, and we
(hould hav£ 4cft past depredations to have
been amicably compensated, but asserted
ftrefiuoully bur fectirity for the future : —this
is a real effeftiial, and not such a fiftitious
security as we have now obtained ; the mis»
cbiefs of an abandonment of the principle,
is to us of immense magnitude. - •
On the contraband article, the gentleman
from S. Carolina had found Vattcl, who was
every thing in all Other cases, completely
void of authority, although Great Britain (
agrees with Vattel ; but how is France to
be contemned for her maintenance of the
do£tnne against Britain ; the only way to
obviate the difficulty is by placing her on
the fame footing as France In this refpeA,
and specially stipulating that the principle
is not abandoned, but' granted for a period
co-ex iftcnt to each of the powers ; this will
be a leflcr evil, but there is little to be deri
ved from either party, and when two pow
ers are at war, when we are not able to en
ter into e.itenfive hostility, we had better
incur a disadvantage where theie is no dis
honour, than infill upon objects of subordi
nate value, which may be in more auspicious
times retrieved.
It had been kid 1 , we should not ojtr
1 France an ultimatum ; he had not heard one
reitfon to shew the bad consequences of such
a step ; he was for giving an ultimatum,
and for this very phi a reason, because every
thing that could be known on this fubjedt
by either party was already perfectly under
stood, but more particularly because Mr.
Piacknev informs us, the people of France
entertain an opinion that we are divided ;
which though true in some cases, would put
us on ftich ground a3 to shew thlt on the
true national points we Were united to a
man. Those wlw eppofe it on the ground
of conceflion, would do well firit to shew
that what we -ougjit and are certainly wil
ling to allow, can.be.so confidcred.
If this amendment should be rejett»d, cr
•at least tire spirit of itAould not be adopted,
can it be expend thnt'gentlemen who for
merly opposed and disapproved of the mea
sures of adminiftratian, will f&crifice their
:.opinion3, as has been insinuated they should;
can it be expetted that r.fter the clamour
which has been raised with the obvious in
tention to overawe us ; after the Executive
has been put up as a kind of (Held to stand
between us and the truth, and to protest
their arguments and irritating from
animadverfionj that we should not rather be
the more alarmed for ourselves, and more
fixed to such measures as we are convinced
arejuft ; he had always spoken freely, and
he would continue so to do, always preser
ving due refpeft for others.
£To be continued.J
June 5t
The Journals of the Proceedings of Sa
turday having been read.
Mr. Nicholas supposed there was an o
mission, as nd mention was made of the re
solutions whichhadbeenbro't forward by the
gentleman from South Carolina, after the
doors had been clofcd, and which ithadbeen
determined were net of a, nature to require
secrecy.
Mr. W. Smith said the vote which hid
been taken only related to a part of what lie
had brought forward.
Mr. Nicholas said. he understood that
the letter which he had produced was a pri
vate letter, and -therefore it was not neces
sary to notice it.
Mr. Gallatin observed that no diftiti&i
on had been made. If the letter could be
considered as part of the communication, it
was also included in the vote, as it was lim
ply that the communication did not require
secrecy.
Mr. Macon thoughf the refutations ilood
upon the fame, ground as that upon which
a motion is offered to the Houfe,upon which
no decision was made, which was never re
corded until it was takeu up.
Mr. Thatcher- concurred in opinion.
Mr. Nicholas was still of opinion an en
ti'jf ought tp have been made in the Journals
and moved to amend them.
The question was put, and there appear
ed 41 votes in favour of it, and 41 against
it, the Speaker decided it in in the nega
tive.
The Houfethen refolveditfelf into a com
mittee of the the state of the Uni
on, Mr. Dent in the Chair, and the speech
of the President At. the opening of the session
having been read, „
Mr. W. 5j.1,1 T.fi said he wished to layu
pon the table a number of resolutions, which
it appeared, if.it should not be found ad
visable to carry the whole of them into ef
feft, were at least worthy of discussion. He
did not, however,-at present pledge himfelf
to support the whole : they were as follow :
See yejlerday's Gazette.
refolutions having been read from the
chair,
Mr. W. Smith moved the fir ft of tbem,
Mr. Macon wished thcgentleman from
South Carolina to inform the committee whe
ther he meant to repair all the fortifications,
which had heretofore been contemplated.—
Perhaps some might be necessary, but he
thought, considering the present state of our
finances, fsw of them ought to be attended
to. Much of the money already expended
on this fubjett had been thrown away. He
particularly mentioned New-York.
Mr. W. Smitjl thought the gentleman
hanbeenlong enougha member of thathoufe
to know, that when they were about to fet
tle the principle of a thing, that it was not
usual to go into details. If the rcfoluticn
was agreed to, a committee would be ap
pointed, who would report such fortificati
ons as it appeared to them necrfiary to be
attended to, with an estimate of the expenee,
upon which the house would determine ;
or a sum of money might be voted, and
leave it to the President to employ it as ap
peared to him beftbut this was not the
question, but merely whether a farther sum
of money should be voted f» this objett.
Mr. T hatcher thought they were not
ripe for .this Cabjeci, as they did not know
what was the state of the different fortificati
ons. He thought as there were a number
of propofitiots, in some degree con netted,
tjbat it was ilefirable" that they should be
printed > Ijejhg-efore moved that the com
mittee might rife to give time for this to be
Mh GfLEs wiflied the gentldnan would
reverfe'his projbfitions, and let the one' for
.railing money ceWs'e firft. He did not kn6w
whether thfiy were prepared to meet this
expenee. He "did pet mean to oppefe th;
prefcnt motion r he supposed it wo aid pass.
But he thought they were aboit to be too
precipitate* in their measures. At a time
when all Europe seemed to be tired of the
war, and about to make peace, we feeued
to be disposed to rush into it. He id r.ot
believe thatniuch good would be done by
this system. cf fortification. He did not
think the United States were more secure
now, than before they had a fmgle work of
the kind. We have, said he an extenlive sea
coast, and it was not to be expetted that an
eneniy would chufe to come to precisely the
place where a fortification stands. It was
his opinion that the interests of the country
would be fiirved, by letting thi3 matter lie
ov;r till th? next feflion.