I ers, who had entrusted him with a dif
retionary powjr on this expedition, the
necessity of bringing (pme persons from
rlandert, who were acquainted with the
management of artillery; and as he hop
ped to have formed an immediate junction
with the Royalitls, he had appointed
two French officers, of great merit, his
aids-cl u camp, and another as hiss fecietary;
because he conceived, the junction once
made," Ins little army was not to be grafted
into that of the Royalifis, but was to
form a part of that which he had the
honor to command. In these circumstan
ces, he thought himfelf juftilicd in making
the appointments on which such animad
versions had been made.
He concluded by faying, that he took
the whole responsibility upon himfelf, be
cause his Majeily's Ministers had fully
approved of the appointment he had re
commended to them.
Lord Lauderdale rose to juftify the
notice that had been taken in the House of
Commons of these Had
minilters been as candid and explicit as
the Noble Lord, it would have been deemed
fatiffadtory ; but they had observed a fulien
silence, and had not even deigned to give
the least explanation on the fubjeft.
Lord Greenville wished all responsibility
for the measures adopted by Earl Moir'a
to attach an adminiiti ation, who, he con
tended, had acted legally and conlHtution
ally.
NATIONAL CONVENTION.
Tuesd/y,February 4.
The white colonist, admitted yesterday to
represent St. Domingo, drew the plflure of
the aftnai li ua ion of t lat iflar.d. After
•Numerating those par ticulars which are al
ready own, he pi ucei den to llate the btlrn
. * Cape Francci', ,md the expuifion of Gal
oot, trie of Dtimourier, who in con
junction with the rich inhabitants,
to deliver up the iflmd to the' Engiifli and
Spaniards He stated, that the black, with
the patriots, had lought agamft thole traitor*•
and that the civil crnnnnffiouers, to reward
rne blacks, had proclaimed tne liberty <.f the
(laves thr .ughout the island >. that the blacks
had ftvorn perpetual allegiance to France'
and the mod vigorous refinance to rhe
1. >'' t!lev ">ouW dare lope etrate into tho
interior parts of the island.
_ The .rator concluded Iris repor tbv prov !
lng, that the rich planters, the ex-noble
emigrarts and nth merchant of St. Dominim'
*ad projeftcd to give up that island to tile
Engl (h— Applanfe.
The National Convention then naffed the
following important decree -
Tt.f National convention decrees. thatfla
very is abolilbed i„ all the French colonies'
It decrees nr cunfequer.ce, tliat a]) the ; M
habitant, ot tire French colonics, of whatever
colour, are French citizens, and from this
day forward enjoy all those nghts which are
secured to then, by tic- declaration of rights
and by the Conftrtution.
Aneg ets who heard this decree, fainted
away, and did not recover but by the noise of
acclamations, and the (houts of / a Refab
hquc. — Her lenfibijty was ordered to be re
corded in trie minutes of the etav.
Danton, after having declared that this de
crce would kill Pi n, moved that the mode
of Its execution be referred to the committee
of publrc welfare —Adopted.
Amo'ion for the annulment of the dtcree
of a-, reft against PoKerel andSanthonax who
aie authors of the proclamation of Aueu'ft 2Q
grantmgliberty to alj the blacks ofSt- Dom.n
go, was referred to thsfame committee.
W iDNEiDAY February
The committee of public welfare presented
the digest of the decree for abolrlhirg fl av erv
in the colonies.
Burrere, in the name of the committee of
public welfare, having announced that the
army Of the North had put itfclf into motion
and made v.story the order of the dav, pro-
P° Gc,;eral P'chegru to replace jourdain.
„ Decreed.
Friday, February 7.
A Black deputy ascended the tribune, lo
denounce several fefcret assemblies of colonist,
wholedefign it was toreftore and cement slaves!
Saturdoy February 8. A
Baudot, ir-r the name of the
war and hnanceprefented a long dcr* e WT
fpea.ng the allowances of meat to beTra'nted
to rhe ann\. 0
The Convention decreed it as a principle,
that everymthtary man, whatever his rank
II f all . owed 'he fame ration that
is allowed to all others.
Sunday February o.
One of the Secretaries read a letter, dated
Ttulon, January 26, of which the following
is an extract : 6
"Lalt riight the bird weathe- drove into
cur koad a two matted Englifli ihi P , laden
wrth ceftee and sugar- A republ eau sloop
got „p wrth her and brought her rnto port
Till, is another payment upon account.-'
(?'S r «) " DEBENET. "
This day was signalized by an aflion truly
republican: As Toon as the Spanish cannons
were heard in the French camp, the soldiers
.who were prtfoner, at Saint J w de Luz,
for m.l.tary offences, demanded to march a
gamft the enemy: their request ,vas granted,
and they were accordmgly armed. After 1
their party had gamed the victory, these re-
i- publican folditrs retired quietly, and of th:ir
is own- accord, I > their prison. r
n '-^ e - onventioa.i - ' reived this accpunt with
ie ! l a^^ rt ' aiU * '•""'■V-rf'Kely decreed the re
; leafeTJt tiieidu,
nfontrrs. s
The pqjtlar foCtely 6f & Quintin wrote
to tfcf convention congratulating jt on the
deer® which made the negroes free, in the
is following termv:
•; " Legislators,
:e " On heiring of the' fraternal manner in
d which yog received the two deputies of color
from St- Domingo, the frat<#ial embraces i
guventhemby the Piefident, the fainting ol
IC The negroe woman foi joy, we too wept with
i- tenderness and gratitt.de. We had a negro
g mafl in this .town, whom we instantly invit
|. Ed to our aflemblv, and ma<V him a member
of our popular focifty, the fraternal kiss wag
< gjven hnn by our Prcfident, as a proof how
_ na|tjji we .ire infpirei by the emancipation
o~joo,coc of our brethren.
F " Keprefentatives of the people, a membeT
- very justly observed in the convention, that
this day should prove a death blow to'Pitt :
e —Continue as you have always done, to de
£ lerve well of your country.
i " Health and fraternity.
(Signed)
] " TALBOT, President."
Mr. DEXTER's OhJervaticiiS concluded.
r I refpeft the manly republicanism of
America too much, tj believe that the
' popular water-gruel, the milk for suck
lings, with which some men llrive to gain :
his favor, can either pleale his appetite or
invigorate his fyttem. There are discon
tented men in all countries; perhaps our
own has fewer than any other. They
hollow loud and often, and we are there- '
fore led to think they are numerous. A '
tumultuous minority thus imposes i
measures on a peaceful majority, against
the firft principle of Republicanism. 0 The
voice of the people is not for war, un
less necessary for our fafcty ar.d -honor.
Many in this City may wi(h for it ; but
the majority through the Union are desi
rous of peace. I ho* they wiil encoun
ter war bravely, if it (hall overtake them,
they aie against running to meet it.
I will not detain the committee with
flati.ng the inconveniences we fubjeft our
selves to, the difficulty of obtainihg lup
plies trorri other countries during the coh
vulfions of Europe, the loss of our arti
cles of export, periling on our hands
from a retaliatory prohibition by Britain,
the impossibility of executing such a law,
or the encouraging_cif frauds to tic rain
of tfij merchant of honor. Theie have
already been the fubje&s of observation.
The llrong objection which arises from
our constitution, 1 cunnot omit. In the
diltribution of power to the several de
partments of government, the right of
| making treaties is given to the Execu
tive. Of course the preparatory negocia
tion mud belong to them as ail incident
of the authority. But we are now com
mencing a negocintion ourl'eh es, and pre
ferring terms of a treaty. It is urged
that this cannot bind the Executive
They may make a different treaty, but
our prohibition will still be in force. Do
we intend to fay then, that we will forbid
our Citizens from Commerce with Bri
tain even after the Executive, the only
iconftitutiona! power, (hall have fettled ail
•matters of difference, unless they will f u f.
I fer us to dictate the mode in which they
fliall ezercife their authority ? This looks
to me very much like usurpation, by
whatever name we may chufe to call it.
It has been said, by a zealous friend of
the measure, that a treaty would be the
supreme law of the land, by virtue of the
conilitution, and therefore would repeal
this law. Perhaps it may in future be
thought convenient to retradt that doc
| trine. If it be true, it is idle to make
■ the But fir, I doubt the truth of
P it. It appears strange to fay that an ad
in its nature such we are
told this is, can be abrogated by an &e
---eutive att. I know of nothing but the
legislature which can repeal a law. It
belongs either to legislative or execwive
power. If the former, the legislative on
ly, can abrogate it ; if the latter, we
ought not to meddle with it. We may
as well carry thro' the negociation, as be
gin it, and prescribe the terms of it. If the
constitution had given us this power, wc
could not exercise it, from our numbers
and mode of doing bnfinefs. It will not
be denied, that the Executive have a right
to appoint and iullruft a negociator, as to
the terms of settlement. Have we the
lame right—or even can we inftruft him
when they {hall appoint? Suppose hnii
thus doubly inftrocted by the Executive
having conftitutior.al authority, and by
us who cannot tell from whence we de-
■ rive the power, and the inftruftions con
each.othor; whom i$ the Negociar
tor to obey ? None will fay thst the°pow
er of the Executive is not paramount all
others as to treaties, and all foreign ne
gotiations. Are we to make a law then
which may be violated with impunity ;
nay more with propriety ? I wish fir, that
, gentlemen who so often tremble for the
• lan&uary of Republicanism and depiecate
usurpation of power, would apply these
t excellent feci mgr. to this fubjetf. We
1 have been often told that something mult
> be done, and that if we object to this
measure we ought to (how a better as a
fubilitute. I have never thought this a
difficult task; I will now state the outlines
i w hat ought to be dpne. By a peculiari
ty in our constitution negociation with fo
reign nations is altogether anExecutive du
ty ; but to declare war, is with the Legis
lature. In governments where the pow
ers of negociation and of war are in the
fame hands, the fame officer can demand
a recompence for an injury, propose hit i
Ultimatum, and declare war if it be re- i
jv.Cted ; but our Executive may be em
barrafied in pursuing a demand of cum- '
penfatiop to the last extremity, left he
ihould pledge the honor of the nation to
war against the will of the legislature, who
ajone can make war. We ought there
fore to pais a resolution requesting the !
Pt etident to pursue with energy a demand |
for recompence according to the cuiiom j
o. nations, and pledging ourselves to sup- j
port ilira if the event ihould prove unfuc- !
cess. ul; and in the mean time we ought to
prepare for war. I c an f ee nothing fur.
tner whicn is legislative in its nature, or
committed to our care by the constitution;
uptii it (hall appear that the negociation
Has failed of success. Then fir, it will
be time enough to prohibit commercial
intercourse, or declare war, or take any
other measures to avenge our wrongs and
vindicate the honor of our country. If
we are to engage in war fir, 1 presume wc
mult have forr.e money to carry it on, un
lets in this instance also we are an excep
tion from general rules. The measure
now contemplated mull almost annihilate
our imports and we have not looked round
for a iubftifute. We have heard of a
innd tax," but there are many objections
to it. On the eve of war public credit
is doubly important. Having loft our
former refuurccs, wp must provide new
funds for the par,dual payment of the in
terest of the public d .t, the expenses
° B over Dmeni, and the innumerable ex
penses of war. Wt must not only fuffer hea- ,
vy taxes and burthens, but also an enor
mous increase of our debt. As lam not
guJiy of being a creditor of the union,
pei haps I may be heard patiently on this
iubject. It has been often said here, that
tiie public debt has enllaved our country,
_ yet row we a e urged to enereale it b'c
-1 ■ y° nd a " calculation, without taking the
u.ual mealures for pacific accommodation,
t I l.ougii I have labored in vain to un
) derlland how the public debt is an engine
of fluvery, and have fmcerely thought our
- country a perfect model of civil freedom,
yet I hope this argument will have some
weight with those, who fee that we are
£aves and that the public debt has riveted
our fetters. Here give me leave to answer
an argument, which has been repeatedlv
prefTed, and with apparent success. It is
not denied that the firllj regular step is to
.demand a recompence for art injury; but
it is laid that Britain regards no laws of
nations in her conduct to ns, and there
fore we are not bound to observe them to
wards her. I presume by this is not meant
that we ought to do wrong, because Bri
tain has done wrong ; butthat it becomes
rig.it for us to disregard those laws.which
(he violates; let us examine this. The
b.wsand usages have prescribed
redress of a I
nation ror an injury ; these of necessity can
only be applicable to an injured nation,
for no other can n<?ed redress. Can it then
fci. true that the moment a nation is injur
ed, and thereby is placed in the situation
tor which, and for which alone the rule
was made, the rule ceases to be obligatory ?
A Ration cannot be injured, p.nlefs the
law 3 of nations with refpeft to her have
neen violated. According to this argu
ment a veiy solemn rule of condud has
been ellablifhed which is never to be com
plied with ; not by a nation which has
received an injury, because there is
nothing to redress; and not by a nation
which has been injured, because with res."
pest to her the laws of nations have been
h Y the aggressing nation, and
tins dispenses with the rule. Thisannve •
1 I
>- to an argument ft» muoii relied on is to
i- my mind perfectly fatisfaftory. 1 call tn
the gentlemen to {hew it to be a fallacy.'-
!l Our situation fir is not new, though .our
conduct may be so. We have seen "fiol
i land when neutral in former wars, fuifer
; ing similar injuries ; they did not purine
t fuel; measures as we contemplate, though
: better prepared for war: Neither their
: interest or their honor luffercd by their
moderation. The present neutral powers
of Europe are fellow-fufterers with us ; yes
- we do not hear of liaiilar impetuosity of
> resentment. In all wars neutral nations
i arc abused, in proportion as the powers at
i war are llrong, and the neutrality weak.-
■ A stronger combination than the present
perhaps never cxitted in Europe ; and a
neutrality can seldom be weaker. The
principles of the present war arc also pe
culiar ; it is a desperate llruggle for exig
ence. The unusual circumstances of it
have compelled the French with whom we
j are in friendfhip, not only to difregardour
| rights as a neutral nation, but to violate
; their treaty with us, though we have pro
, ceeded so far in friendfhip to them as to
hazard our peace. Our meichants iuSer
! severely from that nation ; yet we are told
j that imperious necefiity from peculiar eir
■ cumftances is an excuic. I fay not thtie
| things to criminate that nation ; they have
! been civil enough to apologize and pie
mile recompence; but we have not receiv
ed even gocd manners.from their enemies.
The public mind appears to have fufiercd
little irritation fiom.this cause, and it is far
from my wish to excite any. My motive
is only to (hew that this acquiescence in"
their apology proves our opinion, that tks
present war is peculiar in its nature. Hi.}'
we owe nothing but indignation to Bri
tain, yet we oweprudencc to our country
and refpeft to ourselves. The prefect
moment is infinitely valuable, and outfit
not to be trifled with. The present til .1 •
tion and difpofitiou of Britain aiifcoft en
sure us honorable peace, unless we ; ro
voke war. We have ftroiig evidence that
war with this country is against both their
interest and their wishes. Though tf>e
meaftire under consideration is not in ttftif
hoflility, and violates no law of" nations,
were we to flop here ;yeta little reflexi
on mult convince us that it tends to war.
It is placing our negotiation for reecra.
| pence from Brit-iin oti fonew, and A
them so humiliating a footing, that the r
pride mull revolt ; thus national heftur
must forbid a compliance. They will fey
to our negotiator, no nation ever address
ed another in this way—Suppoie we have
injured you; it is not pofiible for us to
treat with you refpeding retribution on
, these terms : It is not an offct of peaceful
accommodation, but an affront, a chal
lenge. This refufal to treat, which the
mode of making the demand renders tei
tam, will then be urged as a refufal ira
make us a recompence ; and uar beccm.-s
inevitable.
Why fir ftoiM we be thus inpeniiras to
avoid peace and ntih haitfly into the tragedy
of Ei ropeT At such a moment we {night j
psufe and enquire what we can gain hv wa
tt e now possess ev ry bleilmg for which
other nations contend ; we may fofe, But can
not gain by contusion. The price of our prc
ient political happiness was not i'mall; m s
are now eating the fruit of that tree, wWti
was watered with tlie blood of our fathers •
yet we fuffer the canker worn of jea'ouiV
to feed cn its foliage, the whirlwind of oi.!-
cord threatens to root it up for ever. What
attra.lions do we find in the defolaticn, th»
mi.ery, the crimes of Europe? Their ve'-V
virtues are ihaded with horror; their rulers
are the scourges of mankind ; their bufiiit ,s
IS oppression; their sport is violation, tfcev
trade m blood; the Wefts of Moloch 6< r
daily Hecatomb* of innpa nt victims • ti.cw
ta t ten on humanfacrinces; o>.r former friend
are iqfrfle; or rather their patriotic. her
ders on phrenzy; Europe is a' war with atf
tue feelings oi nature ; t% UaUiem. Ur
rights; they !angh ( ft her agojiit s. Car it
' necefl » ! 7 !:r > to describe the fcarninefi t ,f
our own country to shew the tout® > W
are so familiar with public Medina tfet we
have almcft forgotten their value.' The vc : -c
of oppression is not heard. Our h&hitVn,-
are the dwellings of virtue and domefta: W,
pSiefs. Ihe lawi of morality and of -
country are rove, ed. We prophane net IC
akar, ot religion. We Have* res! fe> d /, "
golden age Of tabl*. We have nrafltf-d'r's,
publican viffons. J n fl,i s hvimVit 0 f daoeer
our miKds should ~-dl , r t | le
I <"-calion. We ought to iirjve every <«an.
gerto defena th-fe in S flimal.le 4dvar.tr -cs •
but if we want pruduice, we fhal! z T , ? r3 to
want e-ery virtne.-! have
the q„ r -ft,on. Tn<- sppears t o «• -
Tf ,V C 'V Cn , to '4- r„ U
Jr this fcrl be rt 3 i;zed, tt w ' J feali Cail $
JkepmrtW canity, a Vnf4 niy
,dua will net upbrad n.e. We
back fir acrofe a delude of mifei y which u^y