Gazette of the United States & evening advertiser. (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1793-1794, May 01, 1794, Image 2

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page. It is also available as plain text as well as XML.

    *
For the Gazette of the United $tjtss-
Mr. Fenno,
As the reasoning in the House of Repre
sentatives against. Mr. Clark's motion
for prohibiting British commerce has
not appeared in the public papers, you
_ are requested to give a place in your
paper to the following, which con
( tains the fubflance of Mr. Dexter's
arguments against it:
Mr. Dexter introduced his observations
by remarking that he had never risen with
' so great reluctance on any former occasi
on. At so late an hour when patience
seemed exhausted, when reasoning had
given place to inventive, when to oppose
• the relolution was but soliciting reproach
es, when the friends of it, confident of a
majority, were from all fides of the House
impatiently calling for the question, when
the mover of it heard arguments against it
only that he might treat them with con-
tempt, and their authors with insult, he
said it was in vain to a(k for an attentive
hearing. He should not have risen but
for a remark jufl fallen from a gentleman
from New-Jersey (Mr. Dayton) which had
forbidden him to be silent. That gentle
man, said Mr. Dexter, has told us that
the present measure is a flepping-ftone to
fequeflration of British debts. Viewing
it therefore as the beginning of a fyflem
of holtility, which is to be so conducted
as to facrifice not only our interefl and
peace, but our national honor, the duty
to refill it becomes indispensable. Whate
ver may be thought of making laws to an
nihilate the ties of honor and personal con
fidence, and to diflolve the moral obliga
tion of contrasts Whatever may be
thought of the modern usage of nations,
which probably fromgeneralconfenthasbe
come a law, which cannot now be violat
ed without perfidy—whatever may be
thought of the odium it irfight bring on
our national character, and the complete
definition to our credit at a moment
when we shall probably need the utmost
extent of it; we have not taken those pre
vious fleps for pacific
which the cuflom of nations and all wri
ters of authority hold to be firfl in order
and indispensable. We have not made
that demand for a recompence, which
onght to precede eveiy species of reprisal.
—After the observations fir, which I made
in the beginning of the debate, it will not
-be thought strange that I fuffer on the
present occasion an unusual conflict of rea-
foning and of feeling. 1 then stated with
the franknefs which 1 felt, and with the
zeal which the hazardous crilis of our
country infpircd, the reasons and pafiions
which kept my mind in a state of vibra
tion. Struggling with indignation at the
injustice and folly of Britain, I said we
have fuffered until confidence is folly—un
til patience is a crime. Believing that
■ the resolution invoked a principle, which
might be ufeful both for obtaining jullice
and preserving peace; but that the pre
sent shape rendered it not only useless but
injurious ; believing too that it is impro
per for this branch of our government to
begin a negociation with a foreign nation
and preremptorily di&ate the terms of it, 1
, proposed an amendment, which left the
principle in all its force, and avoided some
of the obje&ions. We have heretofore
heard much of a spirit of accommodation;
but the friends of this resolution have not
discovered it. After wearying themselves
in hunting for a reason againlt the amend
mant, it was negatived without any. They
will agree with ua, but it must be precise
ly on their own terms. This is the lan
guage of accommodation—hear and be
lieve whatever we teach—(loop down and
bear whatever we impose. Vi&ory is in
our own power—a triumph is better than
pease. If fir, it be connected with dif
' cord and public calamity, the laurel is too
withered to excitc my envy.—lf amid the
fire which rages, we have not forgotten
the cause which produced it, we must re
member that the condemnations of our
veflels in the Weft-Indies in consequence
of the orders of the Britiih government of
the sixth of November, are the great and
immediate cause of complaint. Have we
fir demanded a recompence for this injury,
and, waited a reasonable time for an an
swer? So far is this from fa&, that we
have not taken one Hep towards this, nor
have we even heard from Britain since it
was known there that any condemnations
Fiave taken place. ' ->6 ? u r
Our last dispatches si om our miniftcr at
London tell-to,' tWt de
cided that he presumed no condemnations
would take jf>!ace ig consequence of those
orders—The words themielves certainly
do not juftify any.
Have we any right to fay that a de
mand of recompcnce would be fruitlefs,
when the injuries we complain of, are thiis
exprefly dilavowed by the minister ? Did
we know that a demand would be fruitlefs,
Hill we ought to make it in conformity
to the usage of nations, from a decent re
fpeft to their-opinion, and to convince
them in cafe of a war that our enemies
are altogether the aggressors, and that we
have been just and circumipeft. We ,are
judging in our own cauie, and we ought
not to trust ourselves to deviate frotji es
tablished principles, left prejudice should
mislead us. Bnt it is said, that we have
negociated in vain, refpetting the breach
es of the treaty of peace, and that the
delays here, are fufficient to juftify imme
diate war. Do we not know fir, that
there are two fides to that negociation ?
Have not they made demands on us for
breaches of the fame treaty ? The nego
ciation is (till pending in the ordinary
train. We have never given them our
ultimatum on the fubjedts of it. It is
now under the diredlion o'f the Execu
tive, which is the constitutional authori
ty. It is not proper for us to assume to
put an end to it by an ast of legislation.
Who, fir, that calls himfelf an Ameri
can, would dare to pursue a measure
which may tarnilh our national honor ?
If any one would take even a doubtful
step, " Shame ought to burn his cheek
"to cinder." To prevent, being misun
derstood or mifreprefeiited, perhaps I
ought to fay here, that I by no means
deny our right to regulate or prohibit A
merican commerce. I only mean that if
the present controversy should end in wai",
we cannot juftify engaging in it without
firft demanding justice, and if we make
this demand with circumltances which
forbid success, we do not comply with
the spirit of this role, but evade it. Ta
king the measure now proposed, would
forbid Britain to treat with us on the fub
jedt. We know that We should refufe in
similar circumstances. Are we more
proud than Britain ? Did any nation ever
begin negociation with threats ? The ex
ternal forms of regard on such occasions
are so excessive, that nothing but custom
prevents this appearing ridiculous. Hu
manity as well as usage requires .that every
peaceful method should be tried, and that
too in the form best calculated tobe fuc
cefsful. Faithfulnefs to our conftitu&nts,
requires this. Their interest and their
wishes are against courting war. But fir,
we are told that negociation is pusillani
mous. Passion is called American feel
ing. We hear much about energy, and
some seem to think that the occasion calls
for infuit. Sir, noise and declamation,
are very diftindt from fortitude and pa
triotism. 1 The bravest men do not bluster
and threaten. Why should it be thought
too tame a measure to state the injury, and
with manly firmnefs demand a teco/n
---pence ? The pride, the petulance of
Kings, has ways submitted to this, bjit
L ■ ; ' 'of a Republic forbids it.
More proud than Kings—more insolent
yrants -we despise this law of hu
-1 a " ct ipadt of mankind
here it the i ipot, the ermincd mon
ft r, who dare, to spread desolation and
, havoc, without d- landing firft his right ?
And where fir, is the difference between
not demanding at all, and demanding
such a way as to insure a refufal K - !
How much inllice there- is in the charge
of pul imity, .trhich )as been so often
and liberally us. ; I will not undertake
to determine lieri,:-ips he who purfties
with decent firmne ~ the ii p S) which pro,'
pnety, humanity atidgem lconfeiuhave
provided, and whil.'.he feels the strongest
indignation, is too psotid to throw dirt or
threaten, but places? himfelf in the best
posture of defence, left war fliould fol
low unfuccefsful negtic ion, is as truly
magnanimous, as he v*h;> ta ii„ i oud)y
revenge 1 , avows p. Was his principle, 1
calls hard names to pro.iuet corfciliation
and gives blows to keep p«ace, who at the
fame time does ever tin','. • to p.ovoke
war, arid opposes eve su re to Dre
pareTor it. Left tW difficulties of tbo
present crisis, and the attach on the pt 11c
of Britain, by prefacing our c-'irmand witH
a threat, should not be fufficient to pre!
vent a I'ecompence & provoke tc war o!<:
causes of conttoverfy arc addul. The
breaches of the treaty of peace* by de
taining the posts and negroes, art bid fub
jedts of complaint.' *
Why they are bronght for war... now,
made an indifpenfitle preliminajy ol
aty, when Britain is aided by a pow
ful confederacy, and the world is like
rider, is difficult to conceive, unlcfs we
vifh to kindle here the flame of war.—
Further fir, this throws luch an unequal
burthen on our Merchants* as amounts to
sppreffion. They have already fuffered
extremely from British and other depreda
tions. They beai the principal burthens
in raifmg our Revenue. Is it right to
add to all this, and forbid many of them
to exercise that business, by which they
get their bread, until Britain (hall not on
ly make compensation for their recent in
i uries ; but also fettle all the old matters
of difference precisely on our own terms ?
We are connecting matters which our in
terest requires (hould be separate. Bri
tain, following our own example here,
will fay that by the treaty, all Britifti
debts were to be paid ; but the State laws
and the Courts of Virginia have prevent
ed this. They will offej- to set off these
again ft the injuries fuffered by our mer
chants, and perhaps the ballance will be
against us. Will this be prote&ion to the
ludefers p Yet if we conned these claims
together we cannot obje& to their doing
the fame. It is throwing on the mer
chants all the political evils and burthens
of America. Yet we who oppose this
measure, have been charged with wanting
feeling for their fuffering. Provoking an
unnecessary war will facrifice all their pro
perty now abroad, and deprive them of
all hope of reeompence, for that which
has been already condemned. Going to
war is surely no way to induce Britain to
make compensation ; and it is as certain,
that this Country will be under no obliga
tion to do so, if war (hall be the issue.
This Country is bound to indemnify them
only when we refufe to obtain fntisfaction
from Britain, or to avenge their wrongs.
What inconvenience Pnould we experience
from the delay occalioned by the usual
forms of seeking redress ? Can Britain
run away, like a private malefactor, so
that we cannot catch her to punifli her ?
We (hould at least, be better prepared for
war. If the reasons for it are strong,
they will not fuffer by our taking time to
examine them. Are we afraid that pafii
on will cool, which we hear avowed as the
principle which governs, and ought to
govern our counsels ? Or are we appre
hensive that passion on this occasion is po
pular ? I fufpeft this last idea, has no
small influence. We ought to judge that
nothing will be popular which ,is not right.
I have more refpecl for my constituents
than to believe thaj they will run mad, and
then become so myfelf to please them.
That 1 (hould continue in this feat, is of
very small importance to me, and of none
to the public ; But it is of infinite mo
ment to preserve our peace and national
honor. The path of redfitude is the way
to honor. The man who walks in it with
out deviating, will generally meet the
public approbation. But if h* (hould
fail in this, his own fellings will reward
, him.
(To be Continue J.):
Foreign Intelligence.
ST. PETERSBUUGH, Feb. r.
Our ambaflador at the Porte, has not yet
received any preciie answer to the several ve
ry interesting points presented to th« Divan.
Ihe 1 urks exprei's. great uneasiness respect
ing the preparations making on the frontiers
of Ruflia, where we on our fide are eftabhfh
ing immerife magazines. In the ports of Se
baftopol, Oczakow, and Cherfon, there are
ie\eral Jhips of the line and frigates ready
to fail. It is thought tilt Empress meditates
another expedition on the Dniefler, to de
prive Poland 1 of" all communication with
Turkey. It is probable that the Divan itfelf
has given birth to'this object by the ambi
guity with v»fcich it answered our demands
on ,the last partition of Poland'. Probably
our court also itfelf perceived that the Porte
would endeavour to establish a league with
feme other powers, which might easily be
come prejudicial to the repose of the North;
NANTES, - February 15.
\ telaris has been (hot at Noirmontiers,
the guillotine jominues to be occupied, and
the Commifiion ad hof dispatches by 400
ajid 500 at a time ihe -wretched banditti
which they firing us from all parts ; they
moot or drown them, and bury- them 40 anil
50 111 a grave, which occaCons such a fler.ch
t'iat we fear some contagious dilorder break*
ing out ; froth graves are digging, and the
otters covering with earth ; this will purify
ie air, but the vitftims are still very fttime-
P articulai "!y Towards the quarters of
" . RASU2, February 5.
The coutriEutious aad provisions which
the Trench have coileited in the Palatinate
areluppcfed to "fee more than neceiTar)- for
the support of the army of the Rhine for .>n e
yeai. 13ut profiting from pall experience,
tbey have lent them all into the interior of
France, to def.-at the purpcfe, as 'Ley fay, of
any futuri treasons.'
The Piedmontefe, a/tor a Jitftldi cam
paign, haw retired from the Col de Tende,
and have dispersed their troops in the neigh
bouring quarters. The king of .Sardinia has
begun and ended his campaign at Saorgio !
PARIS, February 27.
THE'enquiry after Atb/illence is inva
riably the order of the day, and the c.niie
of our diilrefs begins to'be very clenily
seen through by those who are capable of
reflection. Formerly weconfumed 400,000
weight of llock fifli; an imtnenfe quanti
ty of rice was brought us from the Levant,
and our herring Hfhery went a coniideva
ble way towards our nourishment. At
this time we are absolutely deprived of all
these articles, which mtift be replaced by
productions of our own growth ; and the
quantity of these alio has been lefTencd in
a degree on which it is impoflible to cal
culate. The game and tame fowls, \Vhich
heretofore formed an important part of
onr support, are almost entirely annihila
ted- Last ycar.it was found neceflaiy to
thresh the corn in the month of Sep
tember inttead of December, infomucli
that there has been an anticipation of no
less than tjiree months in the corn destined
for the present year's nouiiftiment.
1 here can, therefore, be no longer any
surprise refpeiling the difficulties of pro
curing subsistence.
On the other hand, those who deal in
the moll neees*ry articles of consumpti
on, refufe to conform to the law against
monopolists, notwithflanding the punish
ment of death annexed to it. The law
of the maximum is very generally infring
ed ; and in the Fauxbourg, St. Autoine,
the populace lately ttopped a waggon la
den with butter, cheese, and eggs,
brought'from the Jiftance of 18 leagues.
Tis true the Constituted Authorities had
these ai tides valued and distributed among
the crowd, but this was done amidlt the
repeated exclamations of the women—
" a la lanternc."
Heretofore all thedepartments of France
have been Sacrificed to Paris, and their
piovifions withdrawn from them to feed
that focus of the Rebellion. But now
thai every resource and every supply is ex
hausted, Paris begins to feel, in common
with the reft of the nation, all the hor
rors of a Scarcity. The want of butchers
meat, at this time, occasions the greatc'l
dillrefs. C'haumette andHebert vainly
endeavored to lay to the account of the
arilloctats, and the criminal plans of Mr.
Pitt, the famine which now prevails in Pa
ris. The people saw through these idle
declamations, and it became neceflary to
search the evil in its source.
We learn from Colmer, that forty of the
richest Jews resident in that city have been
all of them guillotined.
Gen. Pichegru writes, that he waits with
impatience for mulkets for the troops of the
firft requisition, who are without arras.
NATIONAL CONVENTION'
February 8.
The people of colour resident at Paris,
appared at the bar to congratulate the con
vention on the abolition of flaverr in the
French Weft-India I (lands.
" This decree," exclaimed the Orator of
the deputation, " has restored to liberty, and
consequently to happiness, one million of the
human race, who have hitherto groaned un
der the chains cf flavcry. You have made
us forget the wrongs cf two centuries! We
mean not to return you thanks—Republicans
acknowledge no rfrremonies of tb;jt kicd.We
flia'l only declare that you have defervcd
well of your country, and of the whole
world."
The people of colour were received fiTfh
the loudest ipplaufe. In a fecorid petition,
they declared that they.meaitf to devote them
selves to the care of the wounded soldiers.
Jean-Baptifte-Belle, a black, Deputy from
St. Domingo, entered into a long detail of
the cruelties which the people of colour hid
fuffered #t St. Domingo, and reqirefted the
arrest of the chiefs of the Colonial Afiembly,
which was the only method, he said, of Cav
ing the Colonies.—Referred to the Commit
tees of Public and General Safety.
DEPARTMENT OF PARIS.
30th Pluviofe.—Feb. 18.
We are in the utmofl astonishment at the
news which we frequently find in the Eng
lish newspapers, in the pay of government.
Simon who iiad been employed in the cjr<- of
y°TLTi.r Capet, amused the municipality the
other day, by reading an account to tlit'm of
Lis arrival in London, though in fa£t be has