Resolved, That this tefolution pass.
Ordered, That the Secretary desire the
of the House of R'eprefenta
ivcs in this icluluiioii.
A meiiagfe from the House of Repre
sentatives by Mr. Lambert in the absence
of Mr. Beckley their clerk detained by
(icknefs.
" Mr. Prelident—The House of Re
prefentttivee do not concur in the resolu
tion sent from the Senate, to carry into
tnore complete effect the resolution direel
ing an embargo.
" They have pasTed " A resolution to
carry in'.o more complete effect the reso
lution dire&ing; an embargo ; in which
they desire the concurrence of the Senate."
And he withdrew.
The Senate proceeded to the consider
ation of the last mentioned resolution,
sent from the House of Representatives
for concurrence.
Resolved, That the Senate concur there-
in. .
Ordered, That the Secretary acquaint
the House of Representatives with the
concurrence of the Senate in this resolu
tion.
The bill to make provision for the wi
dow and orphan children of Robert For
fyth, who was killed in the service of the
United States, was read the third time.
On motion.
It was agreed to amend the bill by in
ferring " two thousand" in lieu of " one
thousand dollars."
On the question, (hall this bill pass ?
Itpafledin the affirmative—Yeas 13 —
Nays 8.
The yeas and nays being required by
One-fifth of the Senators present.
Those who voted in the affirmative, are
Messrs. Bradford, Bun, Butler, Cabot,
Gunn, Hawkins, Jackson, Izard, King,
Martin, Monroe, Morris and Taylor.
Those who voted in the negative, are,
Messrs. Bradley, Brown, Ellfworth, Fre
linghuyfen, Langdon, Livermore, Ro
binson and Strong.
So it was
Resolved, That this bill pass, that it be
engrossed, and that the title thereof be,
" An a£t to make provision for the wi
dow and orphan children of Robert For
fyth who was killed in the service of the
United States."
Ordered, That the Secretary desire the
concurrence of the House of Representa
tives in this bill.
The Senate adjourned to 11 o'clock to
morrow morning*
Congress of the United States.
lioufe of ReprefentativN
Thnrfday, April 14.
Mr.Swift's obfervationsupon tlierefolution
introduced by Mr. Clark, to prohibit
the importation of the manufactures
of Great Britain and Ireland, till fatis
fadtion should be made for the fpolia-.
tions on our commerce—for the ne
groes carried away contrary to the trea"
ty of peace—and till the western posts
be given up.
[concluded.]
Mr. SWIFT observed, that while he
considered negociation to be attended to
by all nations—he had particular reasons
to wish that it might be adopted by the U
nited States—He wished that this Repub
lic might establish and ast upon a princi
ple which was calculated to bring national
disputes to an amicable accommodation
and prevent the calamities of war.
Mr. S. then remrrked upon some parti
cular objections to the resolutions—He
said that the surrender of the western posts
and payment for negroes carried away
contrary to the treaty of peace was a sub
jeCt of controversy that had no connec
tion with and ought not to be connect
ed with the spoliations committed on our
commerce ; and was calculated not only
to prevent the obtaining of that compensa
tion to which our merchants were entiqcd
but to cut off forever all commeicial in
tercourse with Great Britain. It is a
well known faCt, that Great Britain has
charged the United States with being guil
ty of the firft infra£tion of the treaty and
that the United States have retorted the
charge. While they seriously believed,
that we were the firft violators of the
treaty —what would they fay to an ast of
the legislature which renounced all con
neCtion with them, unless they would ful
fil the terms of a treaty which they con
sidered themselves to be discharged from,
by our firft violation ? Could it be expect
ed, that they would comply with terms so
haughty and insolent ? Could any person
fuppofs that the proud nation of Great
Britain, would humble themselves before
us in this manner ? Would they not con
sider their national honor to be affe&ed,
and abandon all connexion with us before
they would fubrriit to terms so humilia
ting and degrading ?
Mr. S. remarked, that he did not mean
to fay, that the United States firft in
fringed the treaty—for the purpose of his
argument, it was fufficient to f fay,—
that Great Britain thought so, and such
being her impreilion the fame consequen
ces would follow as if such was the fact
—Arid the dispute refpefting the weltern
polls, wliiih Could be of but little impor
tance to this country, might forever inter
rupt a commerce which was of the great
est importance. He did not think that
the vveftern polls were worth so great a
facrifice.
If this resolution be adopted, we can
not recede in honor unless there be a com
pliance with every article. It may then
happen that a dispute refpefting some tri
fling fubjefts may prevent a restoration
of that commerce which will be of great
and important value : But if we do not in
the firft instance give them our ultimatum
we may discover the terms on which they
will negociate, and then it will be in our
power without any tmbarraffment from an
antecedent law to conlider what is bell to
be done, and make any concession that
our interest requires and which is compa
tible with honor.
If Great Britain should be disposed to
negotiate and comply with the conditions
we offer, such is the nature, variety and
extent of our disputes, that the difculfion
and adjustment of them would require so
great a length of time, that the loss ari
ling from the interruption of our com
merce during that period, would be of
greater confequenee than the objects of
dispute—For if this measure be adopted
we mult expect a total interruption of all
commerce with all parts of the British
dominions, as relative to exports as well
as imports, for tho' the resolution only
contemplated the prohibition of manufac
tures from Great Britain and Ireland—
yet, we might be fatisfied, that Great
Britain would not give us a trade that was
profitable only to ourselves.
Mr. S. observed that we ought to con
sider that if this proportion should be a
dopted what great alterations would take
place in the value of property ; foreign
articles would rife, and domeftic—fall.
An immense profit would accrue to the
owners on the spring goods which might
arrive before it was intended that the ast
should commence its operation. There
could be no doubt but that in a short
time a variation in the value of property
contrary to the interest of this country
would take place to a far greater amount
than all the spoliations which had been
committed on our commerce. Merchants
who had large quantities of goods on
hand, would profit by the measure, and
the agricultural part of the community
would be obliged to sustain the loss.
It had been suggested that the people
were anxious for the measure. It was
probable, 'that some, who had a particular
interest to serve, by the interruption of
trade, were in favor of it; but the moll
considerate part of the community, were
by no means of that sentiment. But let
the popular opinion be what it would, too
much had been said about it. We are
not to be influenced by such considera
tions, but are only to regard the public
welfare. That we ought to guard against
all popular influence as being of the most
dangerous tendency That there was
no danger to be apprehended from the
government—that it had not the power,
and had never shewn any disposition to
encroach upon or oppress the people
that the only danger that exists is from
the encroachmjft't.of the people on the
government, and if the government ever i
does fall, it wfll be owing to the too great
prevalence of a local popular influence,
which does not speak the general sense of
all the community.
But if this resolution should be reject.
Ed and a negociation pursued, it will be
accompanied with an implied declaration
that if it fails, the United States will
take proper steps to obtain redress which
will havr all the influence to enforce and
facilitate a negociation that can be deri
ved from this measure, unembarrafied with
any of the inconveniencies. If the ne
gociation (hould,fail we can have recourse
to this measure with the fame efficacy
then, as now, and it will produce the ef
fects—for our commerce must be as im
portant to Great Britain at the end of fix
I months as now.
It had been faggefted that the oppo
fers of the resolution were under British
influence and interest. Mr. Swift did not
intimate that any gentleman of the com
mittee had thrown out that idea, but he
said it was a popular opinion, and very pre
valent. He remarked that the charge
was itnjuft, cruel and unfounded—that
for himfelf, he felt no influence—he flood
on American ground, and was influenced
only by American feelings. He did not
advocate any commercial connection with
Great Britain from any regard to that
nation, but merely from a regard to his
own country, whose interest he conceived
to be promoted by that connexion. He
remarked, that fom'e, who were considered
as British agents, had boasted of their in
fluence in the legislature. He declared
that no such influence existed—and that
he molt heartily despised those persons,
who had the effrontery to pretend that it
did exist.
Mr. Swift remarked, that a popular o
piriion in some parts of the Union had
been prevailing, that many of the Repre
sentatives in Congress were under such an
influence arising from the funding system,
that they dared not adopt measures neces
sary for the public defence for fear the in
terest of the national debt Ihould remain
unpaid. He said that a molt unreasona
ble and unfounded jealousy refpefting the
funding system existed among ihe people ;
that he was fatisfied, during the time he
had held his present office, that no mea
sure had been influenced by an exclusive
regard to the public debt; that he had
never owned a farthing in the public funds
—but he considered that let vfhatever e
vents take place, the national debt mull
be paid ; that if it were neceflary he would
vote for a land tax for that purpose, for he
considered the faith of the government
pledged for the payment of that debt, and
he would never violate the national faith ;
such being the security of the debt, none of
the holders had any reason to apprehend a
failure of payment, and therefore none of
the committee could be influenced by an
apprehension of the failure of payment.
Mr. Swift said that we ought to consi
der the tendency of this meafuie to a war.
Many of the friends of it had denied this,
and declated that they considered it to be
a peaceful measure—but will all fay this ?
A gentleman from New-Jersey (Mr.
Dayton) has said that he is in favor of it
—because he considers it to be a Itepping
stone to the threlhold of sequestration. Mr.
Swift said that he refpefted the virtues
and the talents of that gentleman ; he be
lieved his integrity to be unimpeachable,
and that he acted from the purest motives
—that he did not wish to wound his feel
ings, but that he was bound in duty to
express his sentiments refpedting any pro
position he Ihould make ; he considered
the proposition of sequestration as conned
ed with' this measure by what the gentle
man himfelf had said, and from thence he
derived an argument against it: He had
said that this resolution was the stepping
stone of sequestration ; if that be true,
Mr. Swift said lie Ihould step on this stone
with horror and indignation ; he Ihould
consider it to be the step stone to the tem
ple of infamy, wretchedness and ruin ; he
considered that it woulcj not only involve
his country in disgrace, but in all the ca
lamities of a war.
He said that gentlemen ought to unfold
the whole system of their measures with
their object and design, and not deceive
people into measures which they would
reprobate if they knew the consequen
ces ; that he believed while there were
gentlemen who had nothing but peace
in view, that there were many who
intended to defeat a negociation, to dis
solve our commercial connexion with
Great Britain forever, and who were wil
ling to plunge us into a war wjth that na
tion. If gentlemen had not that design,
let them come forword and declare it; but
while there was reason to fufpeft such a
defigp, the gentlemen who, were in favor
of the resolution under confederation, but
intended nothing more, ought to be cauti
ous how they adopted a measure that would
lead to the molt mischievous consequen
ces.
On a full consideration of the fnbjeft,
Mr. Swift said that he was convinced that
this measure would lead to a war; but if
a fair negociat ion (hould be attempted, he
had 110 doubt but that all controversies
might be fettled, ample fatisfaftion ob
tained, commerce restored, and that our
country would contiuue t« flourifh and
prosper.
April 17.
A resolution proposed some days since
for the continuation of the embargo, was
taken up in committee of the whole, Mr.
Sherburne in the chair.
Mr. Lee made a motion for excepting
foreign bottoms from the operation of the
embargo.
I his motion was supported chieflv upon
the grounds; that the agricultural interest
fuffers by a general embargo ; that the
chief intention of the embargo is to keep
American navigation from the grasp of ra
pacity, and this end will be as fully answer
ed under the operation of the amendment.
Againlt it, it wes urged, that the dif
tinftion will excite a jealousy in the bread
of our citizens—will tend to deprive us of
our seamen, who will engage, for the want
of domestic employment, on board of for
eign veflels, and also strip us of some por
tion of our veflels, by rendering foreign
bottoms much more valuable than Amer
ican. It was also said, that one object of
the embargo will be frullrated by the a
mendment—the fading of the British If
. lands. Such a discrimination, will render
an embargo instead of an ast calculated to
repel an agggrefiion and prevent future in
ury, an erfcouragement to insult, by encou
raging foreign trade in preference to Ame
rican. The amendment was loft.
Another amendment was proposed to
enable merchants, under certain restric
tions, to fend dispatch boats to the Welt In
dies, in order to comply with the forms re
quisite to lodge, within the limited time,
appeals from the Admiralty courts of the
British islands. Several attempts were
made to guard the provision so that it
ftiould not be a means of evading the-em
bargo. This appeared, finally, not to
have been done to the fatiffaftion of a ma
jority, and upon its being fuggeftcd that
the renewal of the general embargo resolu
tion was a measure that did not admit of
delay, and that the provision proposed
might be considered at another time lepar
ately—The queftipu was taken and the a
mendmcnt loft.
The original resolution was agreed to
by a very large majority, and reported to
the house, where it was immediately taken
up.
It was fcggefted, thpt Sweden by trea
ty is positively exempted fom the opera
tion of embargoes, and that if this be the
cafe, France, Holland, &c. who have by
treaty theprivileges of the mod favored na
tions, are also exempt, and they should be
, positively exempted in the resolution.
It was answered, that treaties are the
supreme law of the land ; and cannot clash
with a resolution of Congress. However,
it was conceived, that the provision in the
Swedish treaty is not altogether clear, and
at any rate can only entitle them to carry
away their veflels, but not to export our
produce again ft our will—for in that cafe
our every attempt to lay an embargo
might be baffled by those foreign nations
A proviso, however, was adopted, ex
pressly excepting from the operation of
the embargo nations exempted by treaty.
Another proviso was then adopted, to
enable merchants to fend difpatch-boatsto
any of the Weft-India islands, for the pur
pose stated above. The resolution was
then carried—the 25th May being the
term limited for the operation of the em
bargo. t:
The committee of ways and means re
ported, and after some further bulinefs
the house adjourn-ed.
April 18.
The report of the committee of tlie who'e
on Mr. Clark's resolution for a non-impor
tation of British goods was called up.
After much debate the question on taking
the report up was put, and the yeas and -nays
being called for were as follows:
AYES.
Meflrs. Armstrong, Bailey, Bale'win, Bat
ty, Blount, Carnes, Christie, CUibcurnc,
Clark, Coles, Dayton, Dearborn, Dent,
Findley, Giles, Gillel'pie, Greenup, Gregg,
Griffin, Grove, Hancock, Harrifon, Heath,
Hunter, Irwin, Locke, Lyman, Macon, Ma
dison, M'Dowell, Mebane, Montgomery,
Moore, P. Muhlenberg, Nevi), New, Ni
cholas, Orr, Page, Parker, Pickens, Preston,
Rutherford, Scott, Sherbourne, V.Cortland,
Ven*ble, Walker, Williams, Winn, Win
ftok, Smilie, J. Smith, I. Smith, S. Smith,
Sprigg, Tread well, —57.
NOES.
MefTrs. Ames, Boudinot, S. Bourne, B.
Bourne, Cadwallader, Cobb, Coffin, Coit,
Dexter, Fitzfimons, * orreft, Foftcr, Gilbert,
Gilman, Gler., Goodhue, Gordon, Hartley,
Heifter, Hiilhoufe, Hindman, Holten, Kit
tera, Learned, Lee, Malbone, Murray, Njles,
Sedgwick, W. Smith, Swift, Talbot,Thatch
er, Traey, Trumbull, Van AHen, Van Gaaf