Gazette of the United States & evening advertiser. (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1793-1794, April 17, 1794, Image 2
fcid legiflatwrc, Kcnley Johns was appoint «d by the governor oi laid state, tp fill th« vacancy occasioned by the rdignation aforefaid. "Whereupon the committee submit the following resolution. " Refvlved, That Kenfey Johns, ap pointed by the governor of the (late of Delaware, as a Senator of the United States, for said state, is not entitled to a feat in the Senate of the United States ; a feflion of the legislature of the said state having intervened, between the resigna tion ot the said George Read and the ap pointment of the said Kenfey Johns." On the question to agree to this report It paifedin the affirmative—Yeas 20 — Nays 7. The yeas and nays being required by one-fifth of the Senators present— Tliofe who voted in the affirmative, are, Mcrflrs. Bradford, Bradley, Brown, Bun', Butler, Cabot, Edwards, EUfwo,rth, Fre linghuyfen, Gunn, Hawkins, Jaekfon, King, Langdon, Livermoie, Martin, Mit chell, Monroe, Robinfcn and Taylor. Those who voted in the negative, are, MefTrS. Foster, Izard, Morris, Potts, Ru therfurd, Strong and Vining. Resolved, That an attested copy of the resolution of the Senate on the appoint ment of Kenfey Johns, 'Esq. to be a Sena tor of the United States, be transmitted, by the President of the Senate, to the executive of the state of Delaware. A meflage in writing, was received from the President of the United States by Mr. Dandt/dge his Secretary. United States, 28th March, 1794. Gentlemen of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives, In the execution of the resolution of Congress, bearing date the 26th of March J 794, and imposing an embargo, I have requested the governors of the several states to call forth the force of their militia, if it Ihould be neceflary, for the detention of veflels. This power is conceived to be incidental to an embargo. It also deftrves the attention of Con gress, how far the clearances from one diftrift to another, under the law as it now stands, may give rife to evafioiis of the embargo. As one security, the Col lectors have been inftru&ed to refufe to receive the surrender of coasting licerifes for the purpose of taking out regilters, and to require bond from regiflered ves sels, bound from one diftrift to another, for the delivery of the cargo within the United States. It is not understood, that the resolu tion applies to fifiiing vessels ; although their occupations lie generally in parts be yond the United States. But without further reflridlions there is an opportunity of their privileges being used as'means of eluding the embargo. A.ll armed vessels, poffeffmg public com ir.uTious from any foreign power (letters of marque excepted) are conlidered as not liable to the embargo. T htfe circum/lances are tranfihitted to Congress for their coniideration. G. WASHINGTON. On motion, Ordered, That the message from the President of the United States of this day, be referred to Mr. Burr, Mr. Morris and Mr. Langdon, to confidcr and report thereon to the Senate. The Senate proceeded to the considera tion of the amendments reported by the committee, to whom was referred the bill, entitled, "an act to provide for placing buoys on certain rocks off the harbor of New-London, and in Providence river," and having adopted the fame, and agreed that the bill be amended accordingly. Ordered, That this bill pass to the third reading. The bill, sent from the House of Re prefer.tatives for concurrence, entitled "an ad transferring, for a limited time' the junfdiftion of suits and offences, from the dillrift to the circuit court of New- Hampshire, and assigning certain duties, in refpeft to invalid pensions, to the at torney of the said diftrjet," was read the second time. Ordered, That this bill pafsto the third reading. l,^ r "i7 inin l S n0 , t:fied the Scnate > that he jhould on Monday next, move for leave to bnng in a bill, to alter the times of holding the circuit courts of the United , States, in the diftrift of Delaware Mr. EHfworth from tl le committee to whom was referred the bill, to make pro- J' d u W f nd " r P han children of Robert Forfyth, who was killed in the service of the United States, reported an amendment, vVliiili was adopted, and it was agreed that t'ye Lill thould be amend ed accordingly. Ordered, That thie bUi-pafs to the third reading. A meiTage from the House of Repre fen tat Ives by Mr. Lambert, in the ab sence of Mr. Beckley their clerk, detain ed by ficknefa. " Mr. Prefulent—Tile Speaker of the House of Reprefeutatives having signed two enrolled biils, I am dire&ed to bring them to the Senate for the signature of the Vice-Prendent"— And he withdrew. The Vice-President ligned tbe enrolled bill, entitled, " an adl to authorize the President of the United States in certain cases to alter the place for holding a fefli on of Congress also the enrolled bill, entitled, " an ast for the relief of Stephen Paranque," and they were delivered to the committee to be laid before the Presi dent of the United States for bis approba tion. Agreeable to the order of the day the Senate resumed the motion m»de the 25th inft. to take into consideration the state of the nation, and after debate Oi€ered, That the confide ration there of be postponed. A message from the House of Repre-> fentatives by Mr. Lambert-*-, " Mr. President—The House of Re presentatives recede from their disagree ment to the amendment infilled on by the Senate, to the bill, entitled, "an ad to provide for the ere&ing and repairing of arsenals and magazines, and for other pur poses." And he withdrew. The Senate adjourned until 11 o'clock on Monday morning. Congress of the United States. House of Representatives Thursday, April 14. Mr.Swift's obfervationjupon therefolution introduced by Mr. Clark, to prohibit the importation of the manufactures of Great Britain and Ireland, till fatis faChon should be made for the fpolia* tions on our commerce—for the ne groes carried away contrary to the trea ty of peace—and till the wefteru polls be given up. Mr. SWIFT commenced bis observa tions by remarking that it was extremely painful to consume ths time of the com mittee in difcufling a measure, when it was apparent that there was a decided majority against the opinion which he en tertained. But the resolution on the ta ble deeply affe&ed the interest of his country, and would probably be produc tive of the greatest injury—he therefore deemed it proper for him to offer his sen timents on the fubjeft. He said if we turned our attention to a period not very remote, we should find our country flouriftiing in the highest prof penty and felicity—but the profpeft had lately been changed. We have been at tacked on all fides, and our commerce nearly destroyed. In the Weft Indies we have not only fuffered spoliations on our trade, but our citizens have been expofecj to the mod aggravated insults and 'aLufe —all wished to obtain redress for these injuries—the difference of opinion respect ed mode : It was therefore extremely un* fair to charge the gentlemen who oppose j this measure with tamenefs under the in sults and injuries offered to their country, because they deemed this mode to be in efficient, when they declared their readi ness to pursue those measures which they conceived were most efTeftual to obtain ,a«ion for the injuries we had sustain ed. i The gentlemen who advocate the reso lution on the table, contend, that It is calculated to prevent a war—to preserve P Tu~" bf ' m fat ' Bfa<ftion for our injuries and bring Great Britain to her senses. If inch would be the effect of the mfcafure, wou,d o ppose it. But what reaion have we to believe that such will be the effect it will produce ? The only prin ciple by which the measure can so . lm Portant and interesting to .. eat Bntain, is our commercial connefe tion—thal rather than facnf.ce it, they wll comply w ,th our terms. Bat car. it tant to'th T T Commerce is f " impor will n ' ?t tQ de P rlve tl 'cm of it nece fianfy produce this effect. The contrary W a s dcmoiiftrated in the late war w tc tei-minated in our revolution. The nation were able to exiit not only without our commerce, but at the. fame tjine, to carry on a war againit us, and a gainst France, Holland* and Spain, in which theyobtaincd victories over the fleets <».f those nations; All this they were a bled to do wjhout our commeiuc—and they cannot now he said to be lo depend ent on lis that they cannot live without us. It cannot therefore be said that this measure mult necessarily produce the ef fects which are contemplated. Mn S. observed, that there were con cltifive reasons to believe that the resolu tion would not produce such effects. It mult certainly be considered as containing a menace—a threat—and as dilating terms to Great Britain. All acknowledg ed that nation to be haughty, insolent, and imperious, in the highest degree. Will not their pride and importance be wound ed at an attempt to impose upon them the conditions by which our commercial connection is to be continued ? Will they not consider the national dignity to be in sulted ? Will it not excite a resentment and indignation that will preclude all pos sibility of accommodation ? The senti ments of the Britilh nation in these re. fpedts are by no means to be juftified— but if we intend a negociation, we ought to pursue it in such a manner as will pro bably produce success, and not address a proud nation in that menacing tone, which will defeat the object we wish to obtain. It happens that some gentlemen have made Angular calculations upon the suc cess of this measure. They suppose that if Congress paf3 an ast prescribing the terms of accommodation and transmit it to our Minifterrefident at London, that Great Britain will be alarmed and fright ened at the profpeft of the loss of our commerce—that they will immediately comply with our terms and make us the reparation we demand. An ast of Con gress is to govern one of {he most proud, infolei)t> and powerful nations on the globe. If we are not proud and insolent, we at least have a claim to a liberal (hare of vanity anil felf-confidence. This would be an excellent instrument to govern the British nation—but we have reason to think, that they will laugh at the ide% iniiead of being frightened. * Mr. S. then remarked,- that we ought to pursue a different mode—that by the laws of nations, unaccompa nied by any menacing measures was the proper step, and there was the faireft prof pe(S of success. He considered the con- troverfy and difputc subsisting between Great Britain, and the Unjttci States to be in a situation peculiarly proper for, ne gociation, and that there was the faireft bafi» for explanation and acccommoda tion. He said that no complaint had been made on oui part to the court of Great Britain, dating our injuries and de manding fatisfaftion—and that when Mr. Pinckney our minister at London, demand cti an explanation of the intention of the Britiih court by the order of the 6th of November, they declared that no condem nations were to take place in virtue of it, which would not have been legal if the order had not been iflued. A construc tion wa6 put upon that order by the minif tj7» which denies the principles on which the condemnation in the Wdt Indies had been founded, and Which of course, dis avows the trani'a&ions of .which we com pfein. We may therefore fairly suppose, that the Court of Admiralty in the Weft-In d'es > have contradicted the orders and in tentions of the Britifli Ministry."* We have not heard what effect these condem nations of our vessels, have had ,on the fintifh Court—lf we fliould ftateto them, the injuries we have fuflained, which we ought to do, as they have been committed in a remote part of their dominions appa rently contrary to the design of the court. There is the strongest teafon to believe, that we shall obtain redress, because by their own conftrudtion, of the order of the 6th of November, they have dis proved of the principle, by which the in juries have been committed, and of course, they are bound by their own conftru&ion, to make us that fatisfa&ion, which we demand. Mr. S. laid if we concluded a negoci ation, without giving offence, it was pro bable we should obtain the influence of be Bnt.fh fubjefts in our favor. If, when 110 , cr ' Ca " merchants in London, dis covered the order of the 6th of Novem ber, they were alarmed, and immediately demanded an explanation of the court, lh'» (hews that there is a powerful inte m that in favour.of a con-- merciai connection w.ia this :—lf -re dd nothing to wound their pride, this iuflii ence will be exerted to preserve the con nexion. The tautual inteix-ft, and Wel fare of both countries, may be fairly tak en into consideration, in adjusting tne dis pute. But if we adopt a menacing- met lure, offenfive to the nation ; we ft. all ] o f e the influence of our friends, in accompliib ing an accomodation. While such is the state of our affaire, we ought to try a fair negotiation on equal and liberal teu'i, 3j unembarrassed by any menace or infuit| and there <<an be no doubt, but that the measure will be attended with fucceis. B " t '/ 9" e . at Blitain wi:l not negociate and do juflice to this Country, Mr. S. pledged himfelf, to fiipport the mofi enerl getic measures to affcrt our rights, and maintain our national dignity. When war had become unavoidable, and that time might happen,he would meet it with firni nefs and fortitude—but while it was pofll ble to preserve peace, he conceived it to be a duty, he owed his country, to do all in his power to preserve it. (To be Continued.) Prom the American Daily Atbxr&jer. Mejfrr. Dunlap & daypoole, ! 1 the liberty bf troubling V ou to publtfh the following extra&j from the President's Speech to both houses of Congress, at the opening of the prefeut session, on the 3 d of December.; and to recommend the fenti'ments therein conti nued to the particular attention of all your readers, being as applicable 'in the present situation of our affaire- as at any former period. After having taken a view of the situa tion of the United States, in relation to the powers pt war, he pro'oceeds as fol lows. ' " I cannot recommend to your notice " meafuresfor the fulfilment of our.duties " to the rejl of the world, without again " pressing upon you the necefllty of plac in£ oqrfelves in a condition of complete " defence and of exa&ing from them, the " fulfilment of their duties towards us. " The United States ought not to indulge " a persuasion, that, contrary to the or " derof human events, they will forever " keep at a distance those painful appeals to aims, with which the history of eve •' ry nation abounds. There is a rank due " to the United States among nations, " which will be withheld, if not abfo " lutely loft, by the lepucation of weak " ness. If we desire to avoid ir.fult, we " must be able to repel it ; if we desire to secure peace, one of the molt power " ful instruments of our rising profpetity, it must be known that we are at all times " ready for war." He then refers to certain documents (hewing the amount and kinds of arms and militaiy flores on hand, and recommend» a further provilion, (as also a different or ganization of ( the militia) in order that no thing might be left to the uncertainty of procuring a warlike apparatus, iu the mo ment of public danger. After which he o rves, " N° r ca n such arrangements, " with such ohje&B, he expoftd to the " eenfnre 01 jealotify of the warmed friends "of republican governments. They are /incapable of abuse in the hands of the " militia, who ought to pofles a pride in " being the depositary of the force of the Republic, and may be trained to a de gree of energy, equal to every military " exigency of the United States." His concluding advice is worthy of him » an{ J ought not to be Overlooked by Congress. "Permit me, gentlemen, to bring to yoirr remembrance the nvigrii " tude of your task. Without an t.r.pre judiced c the welfare of the go " vernment (nay be hazarded ; without harmony, a.s far as confifls with freedohi J kntiment, its dignity may be loft. But as thejegiflative proceedings of the ' United Stntes will never, I trust, be reproached for the want of temper 01 cf caudour : so fliall not the public hap " P'" c ' s from t ne. want of my i.renuous and warmed co-operation." If the foregoing advice was fully com plied with by Congress,, I think I could venture to predid that we would have no occasion to engage in a rur.ious war.ln ad ition to the adt for fortifying the ports and harbours and procuring warlike ft ores, it is fmcerely wished that provision might be mad? Lr fck-ftipg a refpedable lorce the mihtia-jj-provide the necefiarv W '"s «>«' 'Wis; .and hcvt the rji lo th: JZxccut'.v e. I by no means defpalr of the ability of country to dtfcod itfdf against a for-