Gazette of the United States & evening advertiser. (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1793-1794, April 17, 1794, Image 2

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    fcid legiflatwrc, Kcnley Johns was appoint
«d by the governor oi laid state, tp fill
th« vacancy occasioned by the rdignation
aforefaid.
"Whereupon the committee submit the
following resolution.
" Refvlved, That Kenfey Johns, ap
pointed by the governor of the (late of
Delaware, as a Senator of the United
States, for said state, is not entitled to a
feat in the Senate of the United States ;
a feflion of the legislature of the said state
having intervened, between the resigna
tion ot the said George Read and the ap
pointment of the said Kenfey Johns."
On the question to agree to this report
It paifedin the affirmative—Yeas 20 —
Nays 7.
The yeas and nays being required by
one-fifth of the Senators present—
Tliofe who voted in the affirmative, are,
Mcrflrs. Bradford, Bradley, Brown, Bun',
Butler, Cabot, Edwards, EUfwo,rth, Fre
linghuyfen, Gunn, Hawkins, Jaekfon,
King, Langdon, Livermoie, Martin, Mit
chell, Monroe, Robinfcn and Taylor.
Those who voted in the negative, are,
MefTrS. Foster, Izard, Morris, Potts, Ru
therfurd, Strong and Vining.
Resolved, That an attested copy of the
resolution of the Senate on the appoint
ment of Kenfey Johns, 'Esq. to be a Sena
tor of the United States, be transmitted,
by the President of the Senate, to the
executive of the state of Delaware.
A meflage in writing, was received
from the President of the United States by
Mr. Dandt/dge his Secretary.
United States, 28th March, 1794.
Gentlemen of the Senate, and of
the House of Representatives,
In the execution of the resolution of
Congress, bearing date the 26th of March
J 794, and imposing an embargo, I have
requested the governors of the several states
to call forth the force of their militia, if
it Ihould be neceflary, for the detention
of veflels. This power is conceived to be
incidental to an embargo.
It also deftrves the attention of Con
gress, how far the clearances from one
diftrift to another, under the law as it
now stands, may give rife to evafioiis of
the embargo. As one security, the Col
lectors have been inftru&ed to refufe to
receive the surrender of coasting licerifes
for the purpose of taking out regilters,
and to require bond from regiflered ves
sels, bound from one diftrift to another,
for the delivery of the cargo within the
United States.
It is not understood, that the resolu
tion applies to fifiiing vessels ; although
their occupations lie generally in parts be
yond the United States. But without
further reflridlions there is an opportunity
of their privileges being used as'means of
eluding the embargo.
A.ll armed vessels, poffeffmg public com
ir.uTious from any foreign power (letters
of marque excepted) are conlidered as
not liable to the embargo.
T htfe circum/lances are tranfihitted to
Congress for their coniideration.
G. WASHINGTON.
On motion,
Ordered, That the message from the
President of the United States of this day,
be referred to Mr. Burr, Mr. Morris and
Mr. Langdon, to confidcr and report
thereon to the Senate.
The Senate proceeded to the considera
tion of the amendments reported by the
committee, to whom was referred the bill,
entitled, "an act to provide for placing
buoys on certain rocks off the harbor of
New-London, and in Providence river,"
and having adopted the fame, and agreed
that the bill be amended accordingly.
Ordered, That this bill pass to the third
reading.
The bill, sent from the House of Re
prefer.tatives for concurrence, entitled
"an ad transferring, for a limited time'
the junfdiftion of suits and offences, from
the dillrift to the circuit court of New-
Hampshire, and assigning certain duties,
in refpeft to invalid pensions, to the at
torney of the said diftrjet," was read the
second time.
Ordered, That this bill pafsto the third
reading.
l,^ r "i7 inin l S n0 , t:fied the Scnate > that
he jhould on Monday next, move for leave
to bnng in a bill, to alter the times of
holding the circuit courts of the United
, States, in the diftrift of Delaware
Mr. EHfworth from tl le committee to
whom was referred the bill, to make pro-
J' d u W f nd " r P han children
of Robert Forfyth, who was killed in the
service of the United States, reported an
amendment, vVliiili was adopted, and it
was agreed that t'ye Lill thould be amend
ed accordingly.
Ordered, That thie bUi-pafs to the third
reading.
A meiTage from the House of Repre
fen tat Ives by Mr. Lambert, in the ab
sence of Mr. Beckley their clerk, detain
ed by ficknefa.
" Mr. Prefulent—Tile Speaker of the
House of Reprefeutatives having signed
two enrolled biils, I am dire&ed to bring
them to the Senate for the signature of the
Vice-Prendent"—
And he withdrew.
The Vice-President ligned tbe enrolled
bill, entitled, " an adl to authorize the
President of the United States in certain
cases to alter the place for holding a fefli
on of Congress also the enrolled bill,
entitled, " an ast for the relief of Stephen
Paranque," and they were delivered to
the committee to be laid before the Presi
dent of the United States for bis approba
tion.
Agreeable to the order of the day the
Senate resumed the motion m»de the 25th
inft. to take into consideration the state of
the nation, and after debate
Oi€ered, That the confide ration there
of be postponed.
A message from the House of Repre->
fentatives by Mr. Lambert-*-,
" Mr. President—The House of Re
presentatives recede from their disagree
ment to the amendment infilled on by the
Senate, to the bill, entitled, "an ad to
provide for the ere&ing and repairing of
arsenals and magazines, and for other pur
poses."
And he withdrew.
The Senate adjourned until 11 o'clock
on Monday morning.
Congress of the United States.
House of Representatives
Thursday, April 14.
Mr.Swift's obfervationjupon therefolution
introduced by Mr. Clark, to prohibit
the importation of the manufactures
of Great Britain and Ireland, till fatis
faChon should be made for the fpolia*
tions on our commerce—for the ne
groes carried away contrary to the trea
ty of peace—and till the wefteru polls
be given up.
Mr. SWIFT commenced bis observa
tions by remarking that it was extremely
painful to consume ths time of the com
mittee in difcufling a measure, when it
was apparent that there was a decided
majority against the opinion which he en
tertained. But the resolution on the ta
ble deeply affe&ed the interest of his
country, and would probably be produc
tive of the greatest injury—he therefore
deemed it proper for him to offer his sen
timents on the fubjeft.
He said if we turned our attention to
a period not very remote, we should find
our country flouriftiing in the highest prof
penty and felicity—but the profpeft had
lately been changed. We have been at
tacked on all fides, and our commerce
nearly destroyed. In the Weft Indies we
have not only fuffered spoliations on our
trade, but our citizens have been expofecj
to the mod aggravated insults and 'aLufe
—all wished to obtain redress for these
injuries—the difference of opinion respect
ed mode : It was therefore extremely un*
fair to charge the gentlemen who oppose j
this measure with tamenefs under the in
sults and injuries offered to their country,
because they deemed this mode to be in
efficient, when they declared their readi
ness to pursue those measures which they
conceived were most efTeftual to obtain
,a«ion for the injuries we had sustain
ed. i
The gentlemen who advocate the reso
lution on the table, contend, that It is
calculated to prevent a war—to preserve
P Tu~" bf ' m fat ' Bfa<ftion for our injuries
and bring Great Britain to her senses. If
inch would be the effect of the mfcafure,
wou,d o ppose it. But what
reaion have we to believe that such will be
the effect it will produce ? The only prin
ciple by which the measure can
so . lm Portant and interesting to
.. eat Bntain, is our commercial connefe
tion—thal rather than facnf.ce it, they
wll comply w ,th our terms. Bat car. it
tant to'th T T Commerce is f " impor
will n ' ?t tQ de P rlve tl 'cm of it
nece fianfy produce this effect. The
contrary W a s dcmoiiftrated in the late war
w tc tei-minated in our revolution. The
nation were able to exiit not only
without our commerce, but at the. fame
tjine, to carry on a war againit us, and a
gainst France, Holland* and Spain, in
which theyobtaincd victories over the fleets
<».f those nations; All this they were a
bled to do wjhout our commeiuc—and
they cannot now he said to be lo depend
ent on lis that they cannot live without
us. It cannot therefore be said that this
measure mult necessarily produce the ef
fects which are contemplated.
Mn S. observed, that there were con
cltifive reasons to believe that the resolu
tion would not produce such effects. It
mult certainly be considered as containing
a menace—a threat—and as dilating
terms to Great Britain. All acknowledg
ed that nation to be haughty, insolent,
and imperious, in the highest degree. Will
not their pride and importance be wound
ed at an attempt to impose upon them
the conditions by which our commercial
connection is to be continued ? Will they
not consider the national dignity to be in
sulted ? Will it not excite a resentment
and indignation that will preclude all pos
sibility of accommodation ? The senti
ments of the Britilh nation in these re.
fpedts are by no means to be juftified—
but if we intend a negociation, we ought
to pursue it in such a manner as will pro
bably produce success, and not address a
proud nation in that menacing tone, which
will defeat the object we wish to obtain.
It happens that some gentlemen have
made Angular calculations upon the suc
cess of this measure. They suppose that
if Congress paf3 an ast prescribing the
terms of accommodation and transmit it
to our Minifterrefident at London, that
Great Britain will be alarmed and fright
ened at the profpeft of the loss of our
commerce—that they will immediately
comply with our terms and make us the
reparation we demand. An ast of Con
gress is to govern one of {he most proud,
infolei)t> and powerful nations on the
globe. If we are not proud and insolent,
we at least have a claim to a liberal (hare
of vanity anil felf-confidence. This would
be an excellent instrument to govern the
British nation—but we have reason to
think, that they will laugh at the ide%
iniiead of being frightened.
* Mr. S. then remarked,- that we ought
to pursue a different mode—that by the
laws of nations, unaccompa
nied by any menacing measures was the
proper step, and there was the faireft prof
pe(S of success. He considered the con-
troverfy and difputc subsisting between
Great Britain, and the Unjttci States to
be in a situation peculiarly proper for, ne
gociation, and that there was the faireft
bafi» for explanation and acccommoda
tion. He said that no complaint had
been made on oui part to the court of
Great Britain, dating our injuries and de
manding fatisfaftion—and that when Mr.
Pinckney our minister at London, demand
cti an explanation of the intention of the
Britiih court by the order of the 6th of
November, they declared that no condem
nations were to take place in virtue of it,
which would not have been legal if the
order had not been iflued. A construc
tion wa6 put upon that order by the minif
tj7» which denies the principles on which
the condemnation in the Wdt Indies had
been founded, and Which of course, dis
avows the trani'a&ions of .which we com
pfein.
We may therefore fairly suppose, that
the Court of Admiralty in the Weft-In
d'es > have contradicted the orders and in
tentions of the Britifli Ministry."* We
have not heard what effect these condem
nations of our vessels, have had ,on the
fintifh Court—lf we fliould ftateto them,
the injuries we have fuflained, which we
ought to do, as they have been committed
in a remote part of their dominions appa
rently contrary to the design of the court.
There is the strongest teafon to believe,
that we shall obtain redress, because by
their own conftrudtion, of the order of
the 6th of November, they have dis
proved of the principle, by which the in
juries have been committed, and of course,
they are bound by their own conftru&ion,
to make us that fatisfa&ion, which we
demand.
Mr. S. laid if we concluded a negoci
ation, without giving offence, it was pro
bable we should obtain the influence of
be Bnt.fh fubjefts in our favor. If, when
110 , cr ' Ca " merchants in London, dis
covered the order of the 6th of Novem
ber, they were alarmed, and immediately
demanded an explanation of the court,
lh'» (hews that there is a powerful inte
m that in favour.of a con--
merciai connection w.ia this :—lf -re dd
nothing to wound their pride, this iuflii
ence will be exerted to preserve the con
nexion. The tautual inteix-ft, and Wel
fare of both countries, may be fairly tak
en into consideration, in adjusting tne dis
pute. But if we adopt a menacing- met
lure, offenfive to the nation ; we ft. all ] o f e
the influence of our friends, in accompliib
ing an accomodation. While such is the
state of our affaire, we ought to try a
fair negotiation on equal and liberal teu'i, 3j
unembarrassed by any menace or infuit|
and there <<an be no doubt, but that the
measure will be attended with fucceis.
B " t '/ 9" e . at Blitain wi:l not negociate
and do juflice to this Country, Mr. S.
pledged himfelf, to fiipport the mofi enerl
getic measures to affcrt our rights, and
maintain our national dignity. When war
had become unavoidable, and that time
might happen,he would meet it with firni
nefs and fortitude—but while it was pofll
ble to preserve peace, he conceived it to be
a duty, he owed his country, to do all in
his power to preserve it.
(To be Continued.)
Prom the American Daily Atbxr&jer.
Mejfrr. Dunlap & daypoole, !
1 the liberty bf troubling V ou
to publtfh the following extra&j from the
President's Speech to both houses of
Congress, at the opening of the prefeut
session, on the 3 d of December.; and to
recommend the fenti'ments therein conti
nued to the particular attention of all
your readers, being as applicable 'in the
present situation of our affaire- as at any
former period.
After having taken a view of the situa
tion of the United States, in relation to
the powers pt war, he pro'oceeds as fol
lows. '
" I cannot recommend to your notice
" meafuresfor the fulfilment of our.duties
" to the rejl of the world, without again
" pressing upon you the necefllty of plac
in£ oqrfelves in a condition of complete
" defence and of exa&ing from them, the
" fulfilment of their duties towards us.
" The United States ought not to indulge
" a persuasion, that, contrary to the or
" derof human events, they will forever
" keep at a distance those painful appeals
to aims, with which the history of eve
•' ry nation abounds. There is a rank due
" to the United States among nations,
" which will be withheld, if not abfo
" lutely loft, by the lepucation of weak
" ness. If we desire to avoid ir.fult, we
" must be able to repel it ; if we desire
to secure peace, one of the molt power
" ful instruments of our rising profpetity,
it must be known that we are at all times
" ready for war."
He then refers to certain documents
(hewing the amount and kinds of arms and
militaiy flores on hand, and recommend»
a further provilion, (as also a different or
ganization of ( the militia) in order that no
thing might be left to the uncertainty of
procuring a warlike apparatus, iu the mo
ment of public danger. After which he
o rves, " N° r ca n such arrangements,
" with such ohje&B, he expoftd to the
" eenfnre 01 jealotify of the warmed friends
"of republican governments. They are
/incapable of abuse in the hands of the
" militia, who ought to pofles a pride in
" being the depositary of the force of the
Republic, and may be trained to a de
gree of energy, equal to every military
" exigency of the United States."
His concluding advice is worthy of him
» an{ J ought not to be Overlooked by
Congress. "Permit me, gentlemen, to
bring to yoirr remembrance the nvigrii
" tude of your task. Without an t.r.pre
judiced c the welfare of the go
" vernment (nay be hazarded ; without
harmony, a.s far as confifls with freedohi
J kntiment, its dignity may be loft.
But as thejegiflative proceedings of the
' United Stntes will never, I trust, be
reproached for the want of temper 01 cf
caudour : so fliall not the public hap
" P'" c ' s from t ne. want of my
i.renuous and warmed co-operation."
If the foregoing advice was fully com
plied with by Congress,, I think I could
venture to predid that we would have no
occasion to engage in a rur.ious war.ln ad
ition to the adt for fortifying the ports
and harbours and procuring warlike ft ores,
it is fmcerely wished that provision might
be mad? Lr fck-ftipg a refpedable lorce
the mihtia-jj-provide the necefiarv
W '"s «>«' 'Wis; .and hcvt the rji lo th:
JZxccut'.v e.
I by no means defpalr of the ability of
country to dtfcod itfdf against a for-