der them mere refpe&ah'.e in the cyis of e
the people of England ? did it encourage t
the hopes of those who wished the t'fta i
blilhment of government upon the prim
ciple of equal rights ? did it render the
people of Ireland mure rejpettablc in the
eyes of the people of thj United States ?
To these qiielticins it was unnecefTary to
give an anivver. The people of lieland
reaped the usual fruits of- lubmilfion—in
fult and impositions.
There was another consideration ftrong
lv in favor of the policy of the proposed
measure : Applications have already
made from different paits of the United
States by the immediate lufferers from
' the British depredations, for an indemni
fication of their lodes. These applica
tions will probably be increased, repeated,
and continued ; t he agricultural and other
interests of the United States will proba
bly never consent to equalize this burthen.
The claim of the fufferers upon the gov
ernment, will gain additional weight, un
less this fund lhould be offered to them
for their indemnification. This is the ob
vious, the natural, and the rightful fund
for their indemnification, and he thought
it was at least the duty of the government
-so hold it as a pledge for their security.—
If this measure lhould not now be adopt
ed, the refufal will lay a foundation for
further parties in the UmtedStates; which
may ultimately have a fen'ous effect upon
the government.
An objection of a very delicate and in
fluential nature, has been made to the
proposed measure, which required some
cOnfirieratian. That it would affect the
ch:: rafter and credit of the government.
He had viewed this objection with the
m.ift deliberate and felt the
whole force of its impoling delicacy ; but
was at length, perfectly fatisfied that it
was unfounded. This objection relates
rather to the right, than the polity of the
United States to adopt the measure. If
the United States polt'efs the right of re
prisal upon an honest and found interpre
tation of the laws'of nations; if the con
duit of Great Britain towards the Uni
ted States be fufficient to juftify the exer
cise of the right—he beleived the policy
of exercising the right could never tarnish
the American character nor lefTen the cre
dit of American citizens hereafter. The
world of nati.'ns as well as individuals tfill
easily fee, that it was a measure Of com
puifion not of choice; that alt-hough the
United States believed, they regretted the
necessity ; that they were not the authors'
o'~the original wrongs; that they "had borne
them with the greatest patience; that they
had used their endeavors to prevent the
commission of them ; and tlrat when these
wrongs were commmittcd and repeated,
the United Stares pofTeffed no other means
of redress.
Under these circumstances, from the
exercise of a substantial right, he did not
believe there could flow any consequential
wrong.
The motive would be looked at, and it
would furnifha compleate exoneration from
blame, whilst the original aggressors would
become justly responsible for all the confe
cucnc'a.
Mr. G. said he could not fit down with
out making some remarks upon the fruits
of the conduit heretofore observed by the
U. S. The most pacific system has here
tofore marked the character of the govern
ment—all America looked upon the late
proclamation of neutrality, as a competent
guarantee for peace. He had 110 doubt
but that it was dictated by the purest re
gard for peaee. But what have been
the fruits of it ? He did not mean to con
demn the conduct of the executive. Per
haps it was suggested by the then existing
state of things. He only intended to
(how that it had not met with the return
it merited, and which was reasonably ex
pected from it.
It has not producedpeace.—A regard for
peace has been construed into a fear of
•wqr. A resistance of the feelings of the
people for the cause of France, has been a
palatable food for British arrogance and
preemption. Submifiion to agreflibn has
invited new aggressions; appeals for justice
have been deemed testimonies of debility ;
till at length the U. S. after having been
ft ripped of their citizens and property are
upon the eve of a war, becmife they have
not exerted their rights at an earlier period.
If this conduit lhould have been hereto
fore wife and pacific,'experience has taught
us that it is no longer so ; nothing can be
expected from the justice, the honor, or
the moderation of a court, which haspror
' V 55
eikitfelf equally a ftraflger to tKem all—
but before such a tribunal ajquiefeence 1
; will beget injuries,, injuries will beget in
uhs, and insults will beget contempt, de
gradation and war.
(£/" hi th: two preceeflmg Gazelles, <
publications of these remaris have peen inad
vertently headed as olfrjuiions on the naval
armament bill.
Thursday, April 10.
Mr. Clark's propoftiion for Jlvppi'ig ,e
commercial inlercourfe between the Uni
ted States and Great Britain under con
sideration of the Committee of the whole
—Mr. Sherburne in the chair.
Mr. Sedgwick said he was sorry to rife
unprepared as he was —as he had yefter
d?y occupied as great a portion of the
time of the committee as perhaps he was
entitled to. He had hoped some other
gentleman would have rifeii who having
better arranged his ideas than myfelf, had
a preferable claim to the attention of the
committee; unprepared as he was, he
could not permit a question so important
as. that under consideration to pass with
out entering against it his solemn protest
—a question involving the dearelt inte
rests of our country, and threatening to
exchange the unexampled proiperity it
had for some years enjoyed, for all the
horrors of war.
He said he the more regretted the part
he was obliged to take 011 this eccafion be
cause he feared he lhould in his v*;te di
vide from many gentlemen whom he much
refpefted ; but as his opinion had been
formed on mature delitfferation, neither
his honor, his conscience or the duty he
owed to his country would permit him to
be fifctit. If the evils he forefaW lhould
result from the measure under coi.fidcra
tion, he wilhed it might be known that
no part of them could with justice be im
puted to him as their author. If there
fore, he should be so unfortunate as to '
stand single,. and alone, h*would not fail
to oppose as far as he could, the measure
before the committee.
That injuries unprovoked and inexcuf
ablc had been infii&cd by Great Britain
on this country, was acknowledged by all.
No man ftflt stronger indignation than
himfelf at the insults which had been of
fered to our country —and the wrongs
which had been done to our citizens—no
man was lei's disposed tamely to bear the
haughty and unprovoked aggreftions of
any foreign nation—no man would go
further to procure redress for our wound
ed honor- and indemnification for our in
jured citizens—lf after seeking repara
tion in the way dictated by prudence and
and humanity, happily prescribed by the
modern usages of civilized nations, and
commanded hy the principle of religion.
If fair negociation lhould be tried, and
justice not obtained, he would then seek
redress by the means which God and na
ture had given us.
He remembered well the miseries and
vices of war—a war in which he had taken
a part. It was a war of honor and inte
relt ; he well remembered its cirumllances
and effects. He had lived to fee the
wastes of that. war repaired—to fee a
state of order and security—to fee his
country progrefling in all the means of
happiness—No man who loved his coun
try and rejoiced in its prosperity, would
consent but from inevitable nfceflity to fee
it again plunged in the horrors of war.
Although all combined in opinion that
our injuries were great—that they must
be redrelfed, yet no one had suggested
that war should precede negociation ; re
fpeiting this there was happily but one
opinion ; on every fide of the house it
was acknowledged a duty indifpenfible in
our present situation to state our com
plaints of injuries to the authors of them,
and to demand redress. We were only
divided as to the manner of our applica
tion, and the circumftnnces under which'
our demand should be made.
He had already on another occasion ta
ken the liberty to declare his opinion of
the line of conduit which was dictated by
our present situation ; that we should ma
nifeft that we were averse from war ; .but
should it become inevitable, we would en
counter it with that undaunted: fpii it
which became freemen, insulted in their
honor and injured in their rights. He
had the most perfect confidence in the
bravery of our citizens. At the fame
time that he knew they would never sur
render their rights, he was sensible that
they would avoid if poflible an urinccef
fary and wanton effufion of blood.
9 \. ' r- % » '
Gentlemen bed disclaimed t.n iBUr. t:cn
to adopt any any mezlures tending to war;
they had said this meafiire had no ten
dency to iuch an event. I his allertion
he could not believe, because.this measure
contained a threat of inconvenience ; and
every threat of inconvenience; was a cause
of irritation, and every irritation between
nations who had already differences to de
cide undoubtedly tended to widen the
breach and of course to produce war.
If gentlemen were iincere in their de
clarations, that all differences between
America and Gieat Britain Ihould be
terminated by peaceable negociation and
he would not call their fmcerity in ques
tion. If Great Britain was proud,
haughty and insolent as the had been re-i
peatedly denominated, was it probable,
he alked, that (he would be more inclined
to do us justice, by inlilliqg her pride and
insolence against us ?
Mr. S. said that the late 'violences by
which the property of our citizens had been
plundered, was the immediate and avowed
cause of the prcLnt measure. That as yet no
reprefentatiryi of these injuries—no demand
for compensation had b en made—That such
representation and demand ihou'd precede
hostility was conceded by ail. It only, then,
remained to be considered in what terms and
manner such claim ihould be exhibited ? In
terms, he said, doubtless firm and decided,
hut if it was intended to produce the desired
cffeil, of peace, and to prevent .hostility the
language ihould be decent and ccnc.liaiory.
He called on gentlemen to ihew an instance
in modern times, where a nation complain
ing of injuries but desirous of peace, had ac
companied their demands of juft.ee with
threats of inconvenience ! The opposite prac
tice was universally eitabliihed and on the
known principles of human nature. He ap
pealed to the feelings of every honorable
man in the committee, whether demands for
justice and reparation for injuries were en
forced by threats ! Whether repugnance to
a compliance with fach demands was not
created by ftich means ? If every man felt
the operation of this principle, iiow much
more powerful would it be on the minds of
the Governors of a naoon, lined proud and
insolent ?
He said he would charge no man with an
intention to involve this country in all the
horrors, and defoiatiug scenes of war. He
could not hpvvever help declaring, that war
or amicable negociation evidently mull decide
the controverlies between America and Great
Britain, and that was his mind determined
on the former, he Ihould recommend rhofe
nicafures which gentlemen had brought for
ward to the confederation of the houfc, as
the molt operative means of rendering the I
, event certain, and of baniihing every prof
pett of accommodation. To leize on Bri
tilh property, to confifcate qr lcquefter Bn
tifh debts, to annihilate as far as in our pow
er her commerce; to itarve her manufac
tures, and to humbie her pride—these were
infallible means of defeating negotiation, and
of uniting as one man, that natuon-againft us
in all the views ci" her adminiftraiion.
It had been laid, that a principal benefit
to be expected from the inllicu.ion of repub
lican government was, that cool and temper
ate reflection wouid direct the conduit of
nations. How far our conduit on this occa
lion had verified such an expectation, he
wiihed gentlemen to reflect. He had hiiti
felf fondly hoped in the government of this
country, to have leen thelc principles exem
plified, and all intemperance 6£..'cxpr>:lhon,
and all the heat of paiiion baniihed. It had
been said, that a statesman ihould be all intel
lect ; never i'urely was a time or country
which more required, than the pjefent time
and this country, the exoiciie of cool tem
per, to the exclusion of passion, to conduift
with fafety the political machine thro' sur
rounding dangers.
He well remembered a former non-impor
tation agreement, he remembered too its ef
fects—they were such as might have- been
expedted—they were such as to convince
every cool and conhderate man that the mea
sure itlelf was impolitic and unwise. It im
mediately raised the price of all articles of
importation to an exorbitant and extravagant,
height. Hence it was immediately beneficial
to importers and fhcpktepers, and hence it
may be easy to understand why this rrui lore
was said to be so popular in Philadelphia and
other great towns. But as the reprel'enta-'
tives of the whole people of America, the
Legislature ought to reflect that in pro
portion as this measure would operate bene
fit to the dealers in imported commodities,
it would become burdenfbme and opprefiive
to those who are best entitled to our regard,
? the fubfiantial yeomanry of the Country, on
whom we mult principally depend for sup
port in the arduous conflict which we had
too much realon to apprehend. If we must
eventually support our claims by arms the
more property we could import before the
commencement of war, the more beneficial
would it be. In that cafe the m oft wife and
prudent policy would be that, which would
give the greatest extent to our cretiit; and
on the contrary, the mod unwise and wretch
ed, that which would tend to deprive our
people of the ordinary means of supplies.
If this system (liould prevail',were we to
receive Britiih produ&ions through other J
.. '» * x
I
.couetriea? Tin's «vou!d be injuring ocY
frivti without aifedUng Great Britain.
'Was there aay otfcr country which could
give us,the -ame supplies We wanted?
There certainly was none. Where we to
depend on ouffelves alone, the inconveni
ence would, be great, if cot .intolerable.
What he further aihed, would become of
our produce in the event contemplated ?
Without entering int* a minute detail, he
said, he would pronounce that
a great part of it would perish or. our
hands.
It was he said, doubtful how far at any
time the proposed system might go to dif- '
tress Great Britain ; but at this time it
would alToril facility to her in recruiting
her fleets and armies; were manufacturers
and laborers thrown out of employment,
and thereby deprived of bread, they would
be alike stimulated by want and despair,
to fight the battles,of their country against
those who had reduced them to neceflity.
In Ihort, he saw nothing which fnouid
stimulate the legislature to adopt this tnea
fure, but passion without, and resentment
within the walls. He saw nothing in the
system itfelt, as it refpe&ed Crent Bri
tain, but vain, and ineffectual irritation,
nothing in relation to our own country,
but defeat, wretchednefa and want.
(To be continued.)
Foreign Intelligence.
LONDON, Janu.-ry 17.
Amounts from every quarter confirm the
rep. •fa or a French fquajron having been
tor tome time in the Chi.me!, iufulting tire
Britiih flag, and laying her merchantmen un
der contribution.
DUBLIN, January 12.
Extract of a letter from Plymouth Dock,
January 14.
" This day the Pilotte cutter, Lieutenant
Gunter, with the armed tenders the Brothers
and Britania, arrived here from Ram-Head j
they had convoyed so far a fleet of merchant
men from SciHy bound to London ; the arm
ed velleia beiniv ordered to this port, the mer
chant ships, contrary to the advice of the
naval officers, continued their csuri'e unpro
tected, and were laken three hours after their
separation, by fix French frigates.
" The French Tquadror. was chafed off
Startpoint by two line of battle (hips, but el
caped ; during the chafe they were met by the
HinJ frigate, wf.® defended herfcif
men of war, belonging to lord Howe's fleet,
hove in fight ; orj the appearance of whith,
the French crowded all their fail for Cher
bourg witff their prizes, which conG/led of
fi'tten proififiv>n {hips, from Waterford, a
Welt-Inuiaflaan, and a South Sea vessel."
From the London Gazette.
Whitehall, January 15.
This morning fir Sydney Smith and
Major Muncrief-arrived at the cSice of
the right hon, Henry Dundas, his ma
jesty's principal Secretary of State for the
Home Depart men t, with dil'patches from
Vice-Admiral lord Hood hnd Major-Ge
neral David Dnr.das, of wiiich the fol
lowing is a copy.
Vifl&ry, 11'ieres Bay, Dec. 20.
Its is my duty to acquaint you, that I
have been obliged to evacuate Toulon,
and to retire from the harbor to this an
chorage.
It became unavoidably neceflary that
the retreat should not be deferred beyond
that night, as the enemy commanded the
town and Ihips by their (hot and Ihells. I
therefoVe, agreeable to the Governor's
plan, directed the boats of the fleet to af
fenible by eleven o'clock, near Fort la
Malgtie, and am happy to fay the whole
of the troops were brought oft to the
number of near 8000, without the loss of
a ; and in the execution of this ser
vice I have infinite pleasure in acknow
ledging my very great obligajions to capt.
Elphinftone for his unremitting zeal and
exertion, who saw the lafl man off; and
it is a ver.y comfortable fatisfadlion to me
that leveral thoulands of the meritorious
inhabitants of Toulon were flickered in
his majeltv's ships.
I propofc fending the Vice-Admiral
Hotham and Colby, with feme otherlhips,
to Leghorn, or Porto Ferrara, to com
plete their wine and provisions, which ran
very wort, having many mouths to feed,
and to resraift with the rett to block up
the potts of Toulon and Marseilles. Cir-'
onmftjWK'es which had taken' place made
the ret rest absolutely necelTar 1 to be ef
fc'fted as in.m as pofiible, and prevented
the execution of a fettled arrangement for
deiroying Hie French llypa and arfens!
I ordered * '-ie V'.ilcr.n ; to be prim