tai i, whether there were any intermediate (tages between a state of peace and a (late of war ; or in which ftatc the depreda- | tions of Great Britain (hould technically b« classed : but one thing was certain and material: that the United States had sus tained fubjlantial wrongs which required a fubjlantial remedy. Gentlemen who h»ve regarded names and disregarded fubltan ces, have also been extremely alarmed at of a discrimination of conduit by States towards foreign nations. A gentleman (Mr. Boudinot) observed yesterday, that the United States had sus tained injuries from France and Spain as well as Great Britain, and alked why there (hould be any diicrimination in their favor. Mr. Giles said he was extremely hurt, that the conduct of France (hould be so unne cefiarily and unopportunely arraigned in that House. He submitted it to the gen tlemen to fay, if the United States (hould be compelled' to enter into the war, which was at this moment not an improbable e event; whether it would be wife to irri tate the only nation in the world who could afford them any substantial affilt ance. He said that this conduit was the less juftifiable from the recollection that the conduit of France, was the result of neceflity, and that there was every reason to conclude, that the conduit of that nation would be explained in a fatisfactory man ner. But a confederation mentioned by a gentleman (Mr. Smith, M.) yesterday, was a conclusive answer. The United States owe to Fiance a pecuniary obliga tion, as well as one of a morefacred nature. This is at all times fufficient for their in demnification. With refpeit to Spain, if the gentleman would (hew the injury sus tained and point fund for indemnifi cation, Mr. Giles declared he would not hesitate a moment to apply it to that ob jeit. \ •Vui But will the gentleman conclude, that because one nation has injured us in a de gree, against which we have no redress ; that therefore we shall not indemnify our selves from a nation which has injured us in the extreme, and against which we have the moit ample redress ! He believed the gentleman's coolness, his wisdom and his deliberation could not possibly lezd him to such a result. With respect to discrimination in the conduct of States towards foreign nations, grew out of the character of KeTpiidnct of other nations towards the IMm States. To keep France out of the comparison, let this indifcrlminate conduct, fp much applauded, be applied to Great Britain . and Holland :—Great Britain destroys our trade, plunders our property, and to her injuries! adds insults and contempt— Holland engaged in the fame cause, fofters our trade, and refpedts us as a nation. Under these circumstances do gentlemen contend that an indiscriminate conduct is due to Great Britain and to Holland} Or do they mean to carry this delicate in discriminate conduct so far as to refufe to themselves all redress from one nation ; because they would wilh to deal out the fame conduct to all others, whether they had offended or not ? He said that discri mination was damped in the front of the conduct of foreign nations towards us; and to make an indiscriminate return would be the worst and most unjust of all discriminations. He hoped gentlemen would pardon him, but he could not help thinking that they had carried their ideas upon this fubjeft to the most fanciful ab surdities. A gentleman (Mr. Smith, S.C.) yesterday remarked, that of late the con dition of war had been much ameliorated as it regards the rights of property, and he thought the amelioration ought to be extended rather than abridged. Mr. Giles declared that he heartily joined him in his wifties, that the condition of war would ere long be ameliorated both as it regards property and persons.. He hoped that mankind would soon learn more wisdom than to butcher each other for the amuse ment or security of the privileged orders of the world. From that source he be lieved all wars arose, and until the cause was banilhed f-om the earth, he feared the fatal effects resulting from it would continue to exist. He declared that he ihould view the banishment of the privile ged orders from the world, as the surest harbinger of the approach of the milleni um. But this is not the happy period of the world—For although the United States are free from this pest of the hu man species in their internal organization ; yet the evils, they at this moment experi euce, arift from their external intercourse I with that part of the world which is less fortunate. The attack made on the Unit ed States at this it.onierit, is an attack up upon property, if thert fjiould be a war between the United States and Great Bri tain ;it will be a war of property. Un less there should be a species of madness in the nation not to be calculated upo'n, they cannot think of invaiion and lubjugation. It is known that the United States cannot make an attack upon Grest Britain ; and territory' and con Que ft with them are no objects. Hence the war will be confined to depredations upon property. This is the moll dishonorable species of warfare, and therefore the more to be regretted. There is this obvious diftinftion however between the United States and Great Bri tain. With Great Britain, at leajl with the privileged orders, it is matter of choice —with the Ut/!ted States it is matter of compuliion—the United States despise this mode of warfare—they covet not the property of any nation upon earth, but felf-prefervatiori demands it. T hey are under the strong hand of a powerful nation, despising their rights, and regardless of justice. In this state of things there is but little hope of strengthening the sacred ties of property —For in the example of Great Britain, her late conduct, can farnifh no consolation for these theoretic {pecula tions; and however the United might be inclined to practice upon them, yet the Briiifh depredations will forbid them—for submission will be an invitation to new acts of aggrefiion—he mod ardently wish ed the state of things were otherwise, but exposed to these inconveniences, the mod effectual means ought to be adopted for their refiltancc. (To be continued.) Tuesday, April 8. The Speaker laid before the house, a re port from the Secretary of the Treasury, on the representation of the legislature of the state of Kentucky, refpefting the adjustment of a claim for the expense of sundry expe ditions against the Indians. The committee appointed to bring in a bill to fortify the city of Annapolis, are Mr. Murray, Mr. Jeremiah Smith, and Mr. Wil liams. On motion made' and seconded to agree to the following resolution: Resolved, That a committee be appointed to examine and report on the praChcabdii/ of obtaining a statement of the principles, on which the accounts of the individual states with the United States have been fettled, and a statement of the several credits allowed in the said settlement. Negatived—Yeas 59 — Nays 56. Yeas —MefTrs. Bailey, Blount, C'nriftie, Claiborne, Dawfon, Gilbert, Gillefpie, Glen, Gordon, Greenup, Grove, Hancock, Harri fon, Heath, Irvine, Latimer, Locke, Macon, Madilon, M'Dowell, M.:banc, Moore, Neville New, N.cholas, Page, Parker, Rutherford, Scott, Smilie, Sprigg, Treadweil, Van Allen, Van Cortlandt, Van Gaafbeck, Walker, Watts, Williams, and Winiton. Nays—Messrs. Ames, Armltrong, Bald win, Beatty, S. Bourne, B. Bourn, Cadwa lader, Clark, Cobb, Coffin, Coit, Ccles, Day ton, Dearborn, Dent, Dexter, Fiadley, Fitzfi mons, Forreft, Folter, Giles, Gil.nan, Good hue, Gregg, Griffin, Hartley, Heifter, Hill houfe, Holten, Hunter, Kittera, Learned, Lee, Lyman, Malbone, Montgomery, Muhlenberg, Murray, Niles, Pickens, Sedgwick, Sher bourne, J. Smith, I. Smith, S. Smith, W. Smith, Swift, Thatcher, Tracy, Trumbull, Venable, P. Wadfworth, J. Wadfworth, Ward, Wingate, and Winn. A committee was appointed to feleft such of the confidential communications made by the President on the 24th February lalt, as are proper to be made public. Wednesday, April 9. In committee of the whole on the motion of zd instant, to prohibit all commercial in tercourse between the the United States and the fubjeifts of Great Britain or Ireland, so lame fliall refpeft articles of the grovmi or manufac ture of Great Britain or Ireland, after some debate, progress was reported. Mr. Heath reported a bill to amend the ast intituled, " An acfl to enable the officers and soldiers of the Virginia line on continental establishment, to obtain titles to certain lands lying northwest of the river Ohio, between the little Miami and Sciota. L. — From the SkdJLEM GAZETTE. Mr. Cushing, T AM „ r .f rt- . . „ f'«r I AM a high foil of liberty—and sin cerely wifli the guillotine may be the portion of every one who does not think as 1 do. I am a true friend to the freedom of the press —and think the Printers ought to put tfa • freely every thing offered them on the right fide of public queltions—and to be turned out of their employment if they publish on the wrong fide. lam considerably older than you are, Mr. Cutting, and am there fare wiser by the experience ofcage; and besides, I have more monev, and have for- 1 merly been a member of the' House, and mult therefore be allowed to know more about politics than you, or even than men of equal age and property with myfelf, who have been conan£d to the riarrofy waiks of private life. These things being considered, it will plainly appear, that I ought to keep an eye over the Editors of newspapers ; for if these fourcesof information become impure, those who drink of their streams willbe poifonecl — and if men of my importance don't give leflfons to the Primers, who will ? The Prin ters, Mr. Cufhing, have it in their power to do more good than any class of people what ever—if they would not contradict each o ther, they would have none to contradidl them ; and so they might make all their rea ders think alike, ail alike—and in the course of time, I hive no doubt, to even look Alike —and if you get them all to think, a